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1i: J.-'-

TRANSACTIONS

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY

OF JAPAN.

VOL. XXX.

TOKYO :
RIKKYO GAKUIX PRKSS.

1902.

PREFACE.

Of books or pamphlets on the subject of political
parties in Japan there are few to be found. In the
compilation of this paper the following works have
been consulted,

Ihe Kenseito-sho-shi,

which appeared originally in the columns of the
** Jimmin " in 1900,

The Meiji Nem-pyo,

m }& ^ ^

The Teikoku Gi-Kwai Shi,

The Go-do Gen-ko-roku,

Okuma Haku Seki-jitsu-dan,

and the columns of the '' Japan Mail/'

My best thanks are due to R. Masujima Esq. for
his kindness in reading through my manuscript and
to J. C. Hall Esq., C.I.S.O., H. M. Consul at Kobe,
for valuable suggestions.

A. H. L.
September, iyo2.

273494

JAPANESE CALENDARS

Ernest W. Clement, M.A.

(READ APRIL i6, i<^o2.)

The Japanese have plenty of time. This is true in more
senses than one. In the first place, tliey are not in a hurry, but
take things very leisurely and calmly. It may be exaggeration to
state that they reverse the Occidental advice, and never do to-day
wliat can be put off till to-morrow : but at least they take plenty
of time for doing things. They have two interesting proverbs
relating to this subject : " If in a hurry, go around " {Isogiiba
mtm^re)* ; and ** Hurrying ruins the matter " {Seite wa koto wo
shisonzuru), the latter of which is a good equivalent of our proverb,
" Haste makes waste." With an old-fashioned Japanese, an
appointment for 9 o'clock may be met at any convenient time
before 10 o'clock, because it is troublesome to take note of minutes,
and it is, therefore, considered to be 9 o'clock, in round numbers,
until it is 10 o'clock. Or, if he misses one train, " s/tika/a ga naV
("way there is not," or "there's no use"), and he waits patiently
for the next train, even though it be half a day. It is thus evident
thit in old Japan there was no use for our proverb, " Time is
money," and especially because money-making was despised, and

• See Note N.

2 Clement : yapanese Calendars,

the merchant was the lowest of the four classes of sociely (soldier,
farmer, artiisan, merchant). And if it is true that " procrastination
is the thief of time," he must have filched cycles or centuries in
old Japan ! But Mr. E. H. House has suggested that the old
practice of the Japanese indicated that they believed punctuality to
be the thief of time !

This propensity to neglect the minutes in reckoning probably
grew out of the fact that in Old Japan the common interval of time
was equivalent to two hours. The day was divided as follows : —

Kokonotsu-dokt (ninth hour), ii p.m. -i a.m. ami ii a.m.-i p.m.
Yatsu-doki (eighth hour), 1-3 a. m. and p. m.

Nanatm-doki (seventh hour>, 3-5 „ „ „

Mutsu-doki (sixth hour), 5-7 „ „ „

lisutsiidoki (fifth hour), 7-9 „

Yotsu-doki (ioMYXhhoMT)^ 9-1 1 „

f« ft

As half an hour of that kind was equal to one hour of our kind, it
is not strange, perhaps, that it is now difficult for some to reckon
minute-ly !

With reference to this old-fashioned way of marking the
hours, we quote further words of explanation from Chamberlain's
" Things Japanese " (page 470) : —

*' Why, it will be asked, did they count the hours backwards ?
A case of Japanese topsy-turvy dom, we suppose. But then, why,
as there were six hours, not count from six to one, instead of
beginning at so arbitrary a number as nine ? The reason is this: —
three preliminary strokes were always struck, in order lo warn
people that the hour was about to be sounded. Hence, if the
numbers one, two and three had been used to denote any of the
actual hours, confusion might have arisen between them and the
preliminary strokes, — a confusion analogous to that w'hich, in oUj.

Clemeni : Japanese Calendars, 3

-own still imperfect method of striking the hour, leaves us in doubt
whether the single stroke we hear be half-past twelve, one o'clock,
half-past one, or any other of the numerous half-hours."*

We may add that this style of computation is based upon
multiples of "nine" (1x9 = 9, 2x9=18, 3x9 = 27,4x9=36,
5x9=45, 6x9 = 54), and in each case the "tail" figure of the
product was chosen as the name of the hour (9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4).

In the second place, the Japanese have plenty of time,
because they have several different ways of reckoning the days,
months, years and other periods. They have both solar and lunar
time ; Japanese, Chinese and Occidental time ; two national
calendars and several special periods ; so that they have literally
"a time for every thing," and, in some cases, they are very
particular to do a certain thing " on time." Of the two Japanese
calendars, one reckons from the mythological founding of the
Japanese Empire by Jinmu Tenno in 660 B. C, and is known as
kigen (history- beginning) ; and the other f is the special period
called " Meiji " (Enlightened Rule), which began after the acces-
sion of the present Emperor, Mutsuhito. Thus, to illustrate, I
happen to have before me an old issue of the Kokumin Shimbun, a
daily newspaper of Tokyo, and find the following dates : — " Meiji,
35th year; Kigen, 2,562; Occidental calendar, 1902; Chinese
•calendar Kocho, 27th year. 2nd month [February], 7ih day,
P'riday. Old calendar Ka-no-to-Ushi,J 12th month, 29th day,
Ka-no-to-Tori.J Sun rises, 6 : 39 a:m. Sun sets, 5:12 p.m. Moon
rises, 5:17 a.m. Moon sets, 4 : 04 p.m. High tide, 4 : 33 a.m. and
4 : 56 p.m."

* The old dial had only one hand, and was stationary, while the face
.moved. f See Note G. J See table of zodiac later.

4 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

And then, as if to emphasize the contrasts between the old
and the new in this mixture, is added the notice of the following
time-saving device ; *' Telephone, Shimbashi, Special No. 70
(Editorial) ; Shimbashi No. 2,850 (Office)."

In the old style of reckoning, the years were named according
to the twelve signs of the Chinese zodiac, taken in conjunction
with the ten "colestial stems " ijikkan), obtained by dividing into
two parts each of the five elements (wood, fire, earth, metal, water).
These elements are known in Japanese as ki^ hiy tsuchi, ka (for
kane^y and mizu ; and the subdivisions are called e {ox ye) and to,
of which the former is said to represent the active element and the
latter the passive element. Rein's explanation is as follows:*
" They [the Japanese] distinguish accordingly (with special
Chinese signs) ki-no-ye, wood in general, and ki-no-to, worked
wood ; hi-no-ye, natural fire (of the sun, volcanoes), and hi-no-to,
domestic fire ; tsuchi-no-ye, raw earth, and tsuchi-no-to, manu-
factured earth ; ka-no-ye, native metal, and ka-no-to, worked
metal ; midzu-no-ye, running water, and midzu-no-to, stagnant
water." Thus the name of the old calendar year {Ka-no-To —
Ushi)y just mentioned, means " Wrought metal — Ox ; " and the
name of that day, Ka-no-To — Tori, means ** Wrought metal —
Cock." This will all be made clear by reference to the following
table :t

* Rein's *' Japan," p. 435. See also Note K.

■j" The cuiTcnt year (1902) is the 38th year of the present cycle, which
began in 1864.

Clemenl: Japanese Calendars.

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Clement : Japanese Calendars.

The lunar year was divided into twelve months of alternately 29-
and 30 days each, and thus contained only 354 or 355 days ; but
this discrepancy from the solar year was made up by adding *' to the
2iid, 5th, 8th, I ith, 13th, 1 6th and 19th year of every lunar cycle an
intercalary month of varying length. This bore in Japan the name
of uro'isuki [uru'Zukil and followed the second month of the year,
which was then * reckoned twice over, as \uru\ uro-nigatsu, i.e.,
supernumerary second month."**}- An intercalated year contained
383 to 385 days. The months were named numerically, as-
follows :

. First Moon, (Shogatsu — True Moon).

. Second Moon.

. Third Moon.

. Fourth Moon.

. Fifth Moon

. Sixth Moon.

. Seventh Moon.

. Eighth Moon.

. Ninth Moon.

. Tenth Moon.

. Eleventh Moon.

Junigatsu Twelfth Moon.

All of the months had also poetical appellations, as follows: —

1. Mutsuki (Social J month). Or Umulsuki (Birth month).
Or Taro'Zuki (Eldest-son month).

2. Kisaragi (Putting on new clothes).

Ichigatsu.

Nigatsu.

Sangatsu.

Shigatsu.

Gogatsu.

Rokugatsu.

Shichigatsu.

Hachigatsu.

Kugatsu.

Jugatsu.

Juichigatsu.

• Rein's ** Japan," page 434. Sec also Note O.

f But thfs extra month was not confined to nigatsu (February).

X From mutsumu^ to be friendly.

Clenieni : Japanese Calendars. 7

3. Yayoi (Great growth).

4. Uzuki (Hare month). Or Mugi-aki (Wheat harvest).

5. Saisuki (Early moon).

6. Minazuki (Water-less month). Period of drought.

7. Fumizuki (Rice-blooming month). Or (Comf)osition
month).

8. ^<i/sw^/(I.eafy month). Or Tsukimizuki (Moon- viewing

month). *

9. Nagatsuki (Long moon), Or Kikuzuki (Chrysanthemum

month).

10. Kannazuki (God-less month). t Or Koharu (Little

Spring).

1 1. Shimoisuki (Frost month). Or Vogeisu (Sunny month).

12. Shiwasu (Finishing up month). Or Goktsgcisu (Last
moon).

The four seasons of spring, summer, autumn, and winter were
recognized ; and there were also 24 i)eriods of 14 or 15 days each,
which, to a great extent, indicated the weather, and which the
farmer carefully followed in planning his labors. These were as
follows, beginning in February, about the time of the beginning of
the New Year (o.c.) : —

1. Risshun (Rise of Spring). ) p^u-^_„

2. Usui (R^in Water). ) reoruar).

• Or lua-agari-zuki (Month when rice comes up). Or Momiji-zuki (Red
leaves month).

t The Shinto gods {kami),, except Ebisu (god of wcaltli,) who is deaf and
dose not hear the summons, were all supposed to leave the other pai*ts ot the
country and to assemble in " annual conference " in their ancestral home of
Izumto. And as the gods had thus neglected their usual business of watching
over the people, it was not considered of any use to ofTer prayers or sacrifices,
and that month was called kami-naki-lsttki^ or kamina-ziiki^ or kanna-zuki.

Clement .-^ Japanese Calendars,

3. Keichil^u (Awakening of Insects).

4. Shumbun (Vernal Equinox).

5. Seimei (Clear and Bright).

6. Koku-u (Cereal Rain).

7. Hikkd (Rise of Summer).

8. »S'^J/7/a« (Little Filling).

9. Bbshn (Grain in Ear)

10. G^5^/ (Summer Solstice).

11. Shbsho (Little Heat).

12. Taisho (Great Heat).

13. Risshii (Rise of Autumn).

14. .S^os//^; (Limit of Heat).

15. Hakuro (White Dew).

16. Shubun (Autumnal Equinox).

1 7. Kanro (Cold Dew).

18. Soko (Frost Fall).

f 9. Riiib (Rise of Winter).

20. Shbselsu (Little Snow)

2 1 . Taisetsu (Great Snow).

22. 7^7 (Winter Solstice).

21. Shbkan (Little Cold).

24. Daikan (Great Cold).

March.

[ April.
\ May.

une.

!• August.
[ September.

}

I
1

October.

November.

December.

anuarv.

The peasantry also observed rather scrupulously other special
times, which Chamberlain thus explains :* — *' For instance, they
sow their rice on the eighty-eighth day {Hachi-ju-hacht-ya^) from
the beginning of spring (Risshun)y and they plant it out in Nyubai,
the period fixed for the early summer rains. The two hundred
and tenth and two hundred and twentieth days (Pii-hyaku-ibka and
Ni'hyakti-hatsuka) from the beginning of spring, and what is called
Hassaku, that, is the first day of the eighth moon, Old Calendar, are
looked on as days of special importance to the crops, which are
certain to be injured if there is a storm, because the rice is then in

• '* Things Japanese."

t literally "88th night."

Clement : Japanese Calendars, 9

flower. They fall early in September, just in the middle of the
typhoon season. St. Swithin's Day has its Japanese counterpart in
the Ki-nO'E Ne, mentioned above as the first day of the sexagesi-
mal cycle, which comes around once in every two months ap-
proximately. If it rains then, it will rain for that whole cycle, that
is, for sixty days on end.* Again, if it rains on the first day of a
certain period called Hassen^\ of which there are six in eveiy year,
it will rain for the next eight days. These periods, being movable,
may come at any season. Quite a number of festivals, pilgrimages
to temples, and other functions depend on the signs of the zodiac.
Thus, the mayu-dama, a sort of Christmas tree decorated with
cakes in honor of the silk- worm, makes its appearance on whatever
-date in January may happen to be the First day of the Hare
'{Haisu-U)" Then Tokyo people visit the shrine of Myogi
[Myoken .?].

The Hassen, mentioned abDve, come as follows during the
year 1 902 : —

1. January 29 o. c. XII, 20.

2. March 30 o. c. II, 2 1.

3. May 29 o. c. IV, 22.

4. July 28 o. c. VI, 24.

5. September 26 o. c. VIII, 25.

6. November 25 o. c. X, 26.

There were also 72 " seasons," (shichijiini-kii) ; but what they
•were I have not learned.

In old Japan the week was entirely unknown ; and it was not
till the present era [Meiji], that the ichi-roku.X or holidays on the

♦ If it rains during the first nine days of kan (cold season), it is an omen
of a rainless summer.

t A period of twelve days, " unlucky for marriage matters."
{ The ist, 6th, nth, i6th, 21st, 26th, [31st], days.

lo Clement : Japanese Calendars.

** ones" and "sixes" of each month, were introduced. But that
was speedily abandoned for the week system, with Sunday as an
official holiday, and with names adapted from the Occidental
names, as follows : —

Nichiyobi (Sun-day) = Sunday.

Getsuyobi (Moon-day) = Monday.

Kwayobi (Mars-day) = Tuesday.

Suiyobi ( Mercury -day) = Wednesday.

Mokuyobi (Jupiter-day) = Thursday.

Kinyobi (Venus-day) = Friday.

Doyobi (Saturn-day) = Saturday.

And Prof. Chamberlain tells of the adoption of even the Saturday
half holiday : — ** Sunday being in vulgar |)arlance Donlaku [a
corruption of the Dutch Zontag\ Saturday is called (in equally
vulgar parlance) Handon^ that is "half Sunday."

There is, moreover, another division of the month more or
less common even at the present day. By it, each month is
divided into three periods, called y////, of about ten days, known as
jdjun, chujun^ gyun (upper, middle and lower decide).

The days of each month were named, not only in numerical
order, but also according to the sexagesimal table described above
in connection with the names of the years in *'a cycle of Cathay."
And the latter names were perhaps more important tlian the
numerical ones, because, according to these special names, a day
was judged to be either lucky or unlucky for particular events.
** Every day has its degree of luck for removal [from one place to
another], and, indeed, according to another system, for actions of
any kind; for a day is presided over in succession by one of six
stars which may make it lucky throughout or only at night, or in.

Clement : Japanese Calendars, 1 1

the forenoon or the afternoon, or exactly at noon, or absolutely
unlucky. There are also special days on which marriages should
take place, prayers are granted by the gods, stores should be open-
ed, and sign-boards put up."* Dr. Griffis informs us in the ** The
Mikado s Empire," that ** many people of the lower classes would
not wash their heads or hair on * the day of the horse,' lest their
hair become red." On the other hand, this " horse day " is sacred
to Inari Sama, the rice-god, who employs foxeS as his messengers ;
and "the day of the rat" is sacred to Daikoku, the god of wealth.
who, in pictures, is always accompanied by that rodent.
Carpenters also have their lucky and unlucky days, as we learned
at the time when the recitation-building of the Duncan Baptist
Academy, Tokyo, was going up. The roof raising had been
originally planned for March 14-16, [1901], but was unavoidably
delayed. As it was expected to cover three days, which should be
consecutive, and not broken into by the 17th, Sunday, the next
possible dates were March 18-20. But as March 18 (Monday) was
" tiger day," and considered inauspicious, the time was fixed for
March 19-21, the days, respectively, of the "hare," the dragon"
and the "serpent." The original dates would liave been
auspicious, because they were the days of tlie " dog," the "boar"
and the "rat." As for wedding days, Rev. N. Tamura says if —
"We think it is verv unfortunate to be married on the 16th of
January, 20th of February, 4th of March, i8th of April, 6th of
May, 7th of June, loth of July, nth of August, 9th of September,
3rd of October, 25th of November, or 30th of December, also on
the grandfather's or grandmother's death day." These dates are

• From Inouyc's "Sketches of Tokyo Life. *
t "A Japanese IJride," pp. 32, 33.

1 2 Clement : yapanese Calctidars.

probably applicable to only the old calendar. " Seeds will not
germinate if planted on certain days'' (Griffis).*

The hours were named, not only according to the plan men-
tioned above, but also according to the heavenly menagerie, in the
following way : —

1. Hour of the Rat, 1 1 p.m. — i a.m.

2. „ „ Ox, 1-3 a.m.

3- »» i» Tiger 3-5 a.m.

4. ,, ,, Hare, 57 a.m.

5. „ „ Dragon, 7-9 a.m.

6. „ ,, Serpent, 9- 11 a.m.

7. ,, „ Horse, 11 a.m. — i p.m.

8. ,, ,, Goat, 1-3 p.m.

9. „ „ Monkey, 3-5 p.m.

10. ,. ,, Cock, 5-7 p.m.

11. „ „ Dog, 7-9 p.m.

1 2. „ „ Boar, 9-1 1 p.m.

It will be noticed that each period is two hours (Occidental) long ;
but it was also divided, as were likewise the numerical " hours "
mentioned above, into jbkoku and gekoku (upper and lower kokii)y
each of which was thus equivalent to exactly one hour of sixty
minutes.* The " hour of the ox," by-the-way, being the time of
sound sleep, was sacred to women crossed in love for taking
vengeance upon a straw image of the recreant lover at the shrine of
Fud6."J " After 5 p.m. many people will not put on new clothes
or sandals '" (Griflfii)).

• Sec Notes I) and F. ■(• Sec Note ().

J See Griffis's "Honda the Samurai," pp. 256-266, or *'The Mikado's
.Empire," page 474. Also sec Note I.

alls'

LtQf

prob
gcrn

tion<
folio-

It wil
but it
menti
each •
minu*
sounc
venge
Fudo.
or sail

• (
:Empirc

Clement : yapanesc Calendars. i j

Following a Chinese model, from which the Japanese calendar
was, of course, derived, we may construct a " time table; " but we
must bear in mind that some of the terms are comparatively
modem, and are derived from Occidental sources.

TIME TABLE.

60 seconds {byo) make i minute {/un),

15 minutes ,, i quarter (^o^«).

8 quarters „ 1 hour {iokt\ji),

96 quarters or 12 hours „ i day {nichiy hi.jiisu).

10 days ,, I decade {jun),

29 or 30 days ,, i moon {tsuki.gelsu.gwaisu,)'

12 or 13 moons ,, i year (/osAi\ nen),

60 years ,, i cycle (b'/zo).

The gO'sekktdf or five festivals, also were, and are, carefully
observed, although their dates have been changed to fit the new
solar calendar. They fell on the first* (or, as some say, seventh)
day of the first month, the third day of the third month, the fifth
day of the fifth month, the seventh day of the seventh month, and
the ninth day of the ninth month. They have various names, of
which the most general are those made from the names of the
months, such as SMga/su no Sekku (First Moon's Festival), etc., etc.
But these names are not so commonly used as more specific ones,
which describe more or less particularly the nature of the festival.
For instance, the festival of the Third Month is well-known as
ydfjii no Sekku (the Girls' Festival), or Hinamatsuri (Dolls'
Festival) ; that of the fifth month is the famous lango no Sekku
(or the Boys' Festival), or Nohori no Sekku (Flag Festival) ; that of

• Originally so established in the reign of the Emperor Uda (88S-897 A.D.

< lament : Japanese Calendars.

»:s- w^\\^u^h uuMUh is commonly called TanabcUa no Sekku (Festival
>! \ V N.M \*CK**) : while that of the ninth month is called Ch6y6
»vx» S^kkii 0**^'^*^" Summer Festival), or Kiku no Sekhi (Chrysan-
ih%Muutu IVsiiviil). Moreover, the Girls' Festival is also called
.IA»w.» HO Sckku (Peach Festival), and the Boys* Festival is called
\v,»,^« no SMu (Sweet Flag Festival).*

Tl 10 re is now, of course, considerable confusion between the
old anil the new calendars, of which the latter is ofBcial, but the
l\»iuu*r is popular and still observed in country districts. And this
ti infusion naturally leads to some curious anachronisms. For
iuHtiinre, the 7th day of the ist month (o.c.) was known as Nana-
Jtusii (Seven Herbs), because the people were wont to go out into
the fields and gather seven kinds of greensf to boil and eat on
tliiit day, to preserve from diseases during the year: but January 7
is loo cold and early for such expedidons and such vegetables.
In some cases, the old day is retained, no matter whether it fits
the new calendar or not. But, " for the most part, the old (/a/e has
been retained, notwithstanding the change thus caused in the actual
(/ay." In fact, often during a year " the dme is out of joint." And
there are not a few people who are quite willing to keep both
calendars and thus get twice as many holidays !

Hut, as this general topic is well-nigh inexhaustible, and
•* time flies " " like an arrow " {ya no goioshi) here as elsewhere,
we may as well stop at this point, and append, as an illustration,
the official calendar for the current year with necessary explanations.

• For a full treatment of the floral calendar, see Mr. Conder's elaborate
|)a|icr in Vol. XVII, Part II.. pp. 1-96, of the Transactions of this Society;
alHO Vol. XIX. Pt. 3. page 548.

f Parsley, shepherd's purse, cudweed, chickwced. hcnbit. horse-tail, radish.

Clemen/ : Japanese Calendars, 1 5

Short True Calendar of Meiji 35th Year.

2,562nd year from the date of the ascension of the Emperor
Jimmu.

35th year of Meiji.
Common year — 365 days.

[National Holidaysj.*

ShihGhai January, i

(ienji-sai January, 3

Komei Tenno Sai January, 30

Kigen-setsu February, 1 1

Shunki Korei Sai March, 21

Jimmu Tenno Sai April, 3

Shuki Korei Sai September, 24

Kanname Sai October, 1 7

Tencho-setsu November, 3

Niinamc Sai November, 23

Size of Months.

[New

calendar].

[Year]

[Old calendar].

I. Large.

2. Common.

Wrought metal — Ox.

II. Large.

12. Small

3. V

4. Small.

Sea

water—

■Tiger.

I. „

2. „

5. n

6. „

3. .»

4. »

7. „

8. Large.

S. Small.

6. Large

9. Small.

10. „

7. »

8. »

II. »

12. „

9. »
II. Large.

10. „

• See Note B.

1 6 Clement : Japanese Caleudars,

Lunar Eclipse in Tokyo — Total.

On April 23 at 2-0-2 a.m. the moon begins to grow dark
from the upper left side ; and at 3-10-2 a.m. it is dark on the
lower right side. At 3-52-8 a.m. it is very dark. At 4-55-4 a.m.
it begins to grow light on the left side ; and it sets at 5-3-4 a.m.
with sixty-two hundredths of its surface still dark.

Table of Sundays.

January 5, 12, 19, 26. February 2, 9, 16, 23.

March 2, 9, 16, 23, 30. April 6, 13, 20, 27.

May 4, II, 18, 25. June i, 8, 15, 22, 29.

July 6, 13, 20, 27. August 3, 10, 17, 24, 31.

September 7, 14, 21, 28. October 5, 12, 19, 26.

November 2, 9, 16, 23, 30. December 7, 14, 21, 2^.

Seven Luminaries.

Sun, Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, Saturn.

Natural Wood — Rat Days.*

Feb. 10, Apr. 11, June 10, Aug, 9, Oct. 8, Dec. 7.

Wrought Earth — Serpent DAYs.f

Feb. 15, Apr. 16, June 15, Aug. 14, Oct. 13, Dec. 12.

Natural Metal — Monkey Days. J

Feb. 6, Apr. 7, June 6, Aug. 5, Oct. 4, Dec. 3.

• Sacred to Daikoku, god of wealth, as jircviously stateil.
t Sacred to Benten, goddess of love and sea-goddess.

J Sacred to Koshin, representeil by the three (blind, deaf and dumb),
monkeys.

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• "" o

Clement : yapanesc Calendars.

-2

_si

^-5

s,i

-2

-4

si.

_si

•A

S^s

i.i

ill

- ■*

L.- 2

fel

sit

-4

II'

.5 .

44 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

The following explanation of these tables may be useful. In
the upper table which is arranged according to the sexagesimal
cycle, each square contains the name of the year period, the number
of the year in that period, the zoological name of the year, and
finally the number of years to be used in computation as reckoned
from last year. For instance, the upper left hand corner square
refers to the 6th year of Kwansei [1794], which was Tiger Year
and 107 years before the 34th year of Meiji [1901]. Then the
second table gives the amount of the addition to be made to
bring up the reckoning to the present Let us try the tables in
the cas3 of a person born Feb. 21,1860 [the ist year of Manen].
Searching in the upper table for Manen, we obtain the figure 4 1 ;
and, looking at the lower table, we find that one born in February
must add one full year to bring it up to January of the current
year. Therefore, according to these tables, we are informed that
the above mentioned person would be 42 years old in January of
this year. That, however, is according to the inclusive method of
reckoning the months ; although the years do not seem to have been
reckoned in that way. Of course, by the exact Occidental method
of reckoning, he would not be 42 full years old till Feb. 21, 1902.

This subject of age brings up many interesting points. In the
first place, it is pretty generally known, that in Japan the birthday
of the " individual was not considered of sufficient importance to be
celebrated; and that ages were computed from New Year's Day,
which thus become a kind of national birthday. And, as Japanese
reckoning was inclusive, a child bom on the last day of a year
would be considered two years old on the first day of the next
year, because he had lived in both of those years. Therefore, in
case of inquiring a person's age, it would be very important to

Clement : fafHinese Calendars, 45

know whether the reply gave " Japanese years " or full years/*
Ignorance or forgetfulness of this distinction has often led to
mistakes, and quite serious ones in the case of historical records,
chronicles and genealogical tables. The inclusive reckoning must
also be carefully noted in such exprcssiom as " ten days ago,"
"ten days later," "jor ten days," etc.. which may mean what
Occidentals would express by "eleven days." We may state
right here, what has undoubtedly occurred to the reader before
this, that Japanese reckonings are quite indefinite according to
the Occidental point of view, and present difficulties in the way
of mathematical accuracy.

There are also superstition about ages. Some persons, for
instance, "are averse to a marriage between those whose ages
differ by three or nine years. A man's nativity also influences
the direction in which he should remove ; and his age may
permit his removal one year and absolutely forbid it the next. "
There are also critical years in a person's life, such as the 7th,
25th, 42nd and 6 1st years for a man and the 7th, 8th, 33rd,
42nd and 6ist years for a woman. " A child born in its father's
forty-first year will be the cause of his death unless abandoned."*
We have heard a similar story to the effect that a child born
(or begotten ?) in the father's forty-third year is supposed to be
possessed of a devil. When such a child is about one month
old, it is, therefore, exposed for about three hours in some sacred
place. Some member or friend of the family then goes to get
it, and bringing it to the parents, says : " This is a child whom
I have found and whom you would better take and bring up."
Thus, having fooled the devil, the parents receive their own child

• Inouye's " Sketches of Tokyo Life."

46 Clement : yapanese Calendars,

back. In one such case, the babe was neglected and exposed
too long, so that he has not yet fully recovered from the illness
which followed. He is a graduate of the Duncan Baptist Acade-
my, Tokyo.

Note A.

We are under great obligations, in the preparation of this
paper, to Mr. Y. Morise for translations ; to Mr. I. Morikubo
for explanations ; to Mr. Ken Saito, of the Imperial Museum, and
to Mr. H. Yamada, for drawings.

Note B.

Some of these national holidays are explained under the
month in which they occur ; but a few words are added here
in farther explanation. Kigen-selsu, for instance, was originally a
festival in honor of the ascension of Jimmu, the first Emperor,
to the throne, and was thus the anniversary of the establishment
of the Old Empire ; but it is now observed also as the celebration
of the promulgation of the constitution (Feb. ii, 1889), and is
thus the anniversary of the establishment of the New Empire.
The Jimmu Tenno Sai of April 3 is the so-called anniversary
of the death of that Emperor. The Kanname Festival in Septem-
ber celebrates the offering of first-fruits to the ancestral deities,
and the Niiname Festival in October celebrates the tasting of
those first-fruits by the Emperor. The Spring and Autumn
Festivals, in March and September, are adaptations of the Budd-
hist equinoctial festivals of the dead, and are especially observed
for tlie worship of the Imperial ancestors.

Clement : Japanese Calendars. 47

Note C.

This has been called " New Year's Eve " as well as the last
night of winter. It will be noticed that, in this case, the last
night of the old year [o. c] is three nights further on ; but
once in two or three years both winter and the old year go
out at the same time. Setsubun is the time when in every house
beans are scattered around to scare away the devils, and the
following formula is also supposed to be effective :

Oni wa solo Fuku wa uchi : *
" Out with the devils, In with good fortune."

This is also the occasion when " each person present eats
one more [bean] than the number of the years of his age." The
food eaten then is known as azukimeshi, and it consists of red
beans mixed with rice. This was also eaten in olden times on
the 1st, 15th and 28th of each month, which were the "three
days " {sanjilsu) then regularly observed as holidays. For a
fuller description of Setsubun see Heam's " Glimpses of Unfamiliar
Japan," Vol. II., pp. 498-503 : and for interesting notes on the
New Year's Festival see pp. 493-498 of the some volume.

Note D.

We append also some miscellaneous items bearing on the
various branches of our subject. We learn, for instance, from
*' Tosa Nikki " the following :

It was the yearly custom in ancient times to bring horses

to the capital, for the sovereign's use, from the various places

where they were reared to suit his purpose. The time seems

* But in shipping and express companies it is unlucky to repeat the upper
stanza, because o-ni may mean " honorable freight " or " baggage " !

48 Clement : jfapanese Calendars.

to have been the 7th day of the 1st month and the 15th day
of the eighth month. White horses, as befitting one ot " divine
origin," were the only kind in request at this period.

Other items are on the authority of Dr. W. E. Griffis. In
pouring out oil for the lamp during kar^ (the coldest part of
winter, late January or early February), if by accident even a
single drop of oil is spilled on the flour, some damage will be
done by fire to the house. This, however, may be averted by
sprinkling a few drops of water on the head of the spiller of the
oil. Kanshoku is the name of " about the 105th day after the
winter solstice, so-called from the universal custom in China
of abstaining from cooked food on that day " (Brinkley).

On New Year's Day, merchants shut the* stores of their
store-houses, lest good-fortune depart. People never sweep the
floor on that day, lest good luck be also swept away, [And the
writer of this paper was once warned that he must not take
medicine or consult a doctor on New Year's Day, because such
acts would portend a year of illness].

At New Year's Day, pater-familias does not like any one ta
utter the sound shi (death) or any word containing it. This is a
difficult matter in a household, since the syllable sin has over
a dozen different meanings, and occurs in several hundred Japanese
words, some of them very common. Thus let us suppose a family
of husband, wife, child and servant, numbering four (shi), A
visitor calls, and happens to use the words Shtba (a city district in
Tokyo), shi (teacher, poem, four, to do, etc.) The host, at first
merely angry with the visitor who so forcibly uses the sinister

* When kan (cold) or sfio (heat) comes later than its calendar date, it is
called zankan or zansho^ '• left-over cold " or *• heat."

Clement : yapanese Calendars. 49

words, is incensed when the latter happens to remark that his
host's household consists of four, and wishes him gone. Moodily
reflecting on his visitor's remark, he resolves to dismiss his servant
and so make his household three. But the shrewd servant, named
Fnku, remonstrates with his master for sending away /uku (bless-
ing, luck) from his house. The master is soothed.

New Year's Day was called sangen (three beginnings), because
it was the beginning of a year, a month and a day. From Inouye's
** Sketches of Tokyo Life" we learn that aged persons provide
against failing memory by passing through seven different shrine-
gates on the spring or autumn equinox. An incantation against
noxious insects, written with an infusion of India ink in liquorice
water on the eighth day of the founh moon, Buddha's birth-day,
will prevent their entrance at every doorway or window where it is
p)osted.

The 1 6th of January and the i6th of July were and are
special holidays for servants and apprentices. The i6th of the
6th month — called Kajoy and the ist of the icth month — called
Genjo — were also festivals. At the time of the winter-solstice
doctors would worship the Chinese Ksculapius. ** The foot-wear
left outside on the night of the winter equinox should be thrown
away ; he who wears them will shorten his own life. If you cut a
bamboo on a moonlight night, you will find a snake in the hollow
of it between the third and fourth joints." " During an eclipse of
the sun or moon, people carefully cover the wells, as they suppose
that poison &lls from the sky during the period of the obscuration."
"If on the night of the second day of the First Month one dreams
of the iakara-hutie (treasure-ship), he shall become a rich man. "
*' The child of three years keeps his heart till he is sixty." " Any

50 Clement : Japanese Calenaars.

thing is useful after three years." " A sixth day camellia " refers to
any thing that is too late, because the flower should be brought on
the fifth day. The first ** dog day*' and the third ** dog-day" in
July are days for eating special cakes. ** The Third Dog-day is
considered by the peasantry a turning point in the life of the
crops. Eels are eaten on any day of the Bull [Doyo no UshP^ that
may occur during this period of greatest heat."* The 17th of
each month is a regular holiday for Tokyo barbers. There is a
proverb that " the gossip of men even [lasts only] 75 days."

The first days of the ist, 6th and 8th months were celebrated
by the Tokugawa government. In olden times there were certain
fixed days for holding the markets, " a fact permanently recorded
in the names given to some of the market sites, as for example,
the towns of Yokkaichi and Itsukaichi (fourth day market and
fifth day market)." We find also Futsuka-ichi, Mikka-machi,
Muika-machi, Nanuka-ichi, Y5ka-ichiba and Toka-ichiba.

Other "specially appointed festive occasions" were the
following: "entertainments in April (third month of the old
calendar), when wine cups were floated down stream ; or in February
(first month of the old calendar) when young pines, growing on
the hills or in the fields, were pulled up by the roots ; or in the
fall, to view the changing tints of the maples." And to the go-
sekku were originally added the festival of the " late moonlight "
(13th day of the 9th month) and the festival of the **last chrysan-
themums."

The guards of the gates of the Shogun's castle in Yedo were
divided into bands which took turns as follows : — At the Chujaku
Gate each of the six bands was to be on duty for a day and night,

• See Chamberlain's *' Things Japanese " under " Festivals."

Clement : Japanese Calemlars, 5 1

by turn : the first band on rat and horse days ; the second, on ox
and sheep [goat] days ; the third, on tiger and monkey days; the
fourth, on hare and bird [cock] days ; the fifth, on dragon and dog
days ; and the sixth, on snake [serpent] and hog [boar] days. " At
the Naka Gate, **each of the five bands was to be on duty for a
day and night, by turns, once on every fi\'^ days." The Ote-San
Gate was guarded by only four bands, each of which " was to be
on duty for a day and night, by turn : the first band, or the Koga-
gumi, on rat, dragon and monkey days ; the second band, or the
Negoro-gumit on ox, snake and bird days ; the third band, or the
Jga-gumi, on horse, dog and tiger days ; and the fourth band, or
the Kita-goki-gumij on hare, hog and sheep days, "f

" The hog [boar] day of the loth month," " the 3rd day of the
I st month" and "any special festive day" might be used for a
performance of the No Dance.

In reckoning the hours, a distincdon was sometimes made
between the morning and the evening as follows : akc-muisu (6 a.m.)
and kure-mutsu (6 p.m.).

Nijuroku-ya-machi (twenty-sixth evening waiting) is the name
applied to " the custom of sitting up on the night of the 26th of
the 7th month (0.5.), to witness the rise of the moon, supposed to
be efficacious for securing longevity " (Brinkley's Dictionary).

Misoka (thirtieth day) was specially set apart for the payment
of the bills of the month ; and the name was loosely applied to
the twenty-ninth day, just as it is now loosely applied to the thirty-
first day : in other words the name came to mean the last day of
each month. The last day of each year is called Omisoka (Great
Thirtieth Day).

t From " The 36 Gates of the Shogun's Castle in Yedo."

52 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

"It was customary to wear a wadded garment [waia-ire) from
the ninth day of the ninth month,* and socks from the tenth day,
but September, the ninth month of the new calendar, being warm,
the old practice no longer obtains." On the festival of the ninth
day of the ninth month, people, with a view to lengthening their
life and averting calamity, drank sake flavored with the flowers of
the chrysanthemum {kiku), and consequendy called kiku-zake.
Chestnuts, someUmes mixed up with boiled rice, were eaten on the
same day; butjthe ninth month of the present calendar can boast
neither chestnuts nor chrysanthemums, so this custom is departed.
On the thirteenth day of the same month, people in general and
poets in particular, made a point of admiring the moon, the former
presenting oflerings of rice-cakes {dango), and the latter composing
verses in her honor. This practice is said to have commenced
about 1,000 years ago, in the reign of Uda Tenno.'^f

** The twentieth day of the tenth month of the old calendar
was that chosen by merchants and shopkeepers for a merry-making,
under the patronage of Ebisu, the God of wealth and guardian of
markets. At one end of the room in which they met to spend the
evening, there was hung a picture of Ebisu, with a huge perch
under his arm, and a fishing-rod in his hand, and to this was offered
the fevorite fish tat- — a kind of perch, sake, and round cakes of
7nochu As the feast proceeded, one would seize on any article
that lay handy — such as a cup or a bowl — hold it aloft, and
demand a fancy price for it, say 100 or 1,000 dollars. Another
would grasp at the offer, and the mock bargain would be complet-
ed amidst the clapping of hands, the transaction being taken as a

• See also Vol. XIII., Ft. i, pp. 6,7 of the Transactions of this Society,
t From " The Japanese Months."

Clanent : Japanese Calendars. 5 3

fore-shadowing of success in the making of r6ri bargains in the
future."*

"The 15th of November is a day of some importance to the
little folks. The heads of children are generally shaved, until they
are about three years old, according to Japanese reckoning, which
counts a part of a year as a whole year. But after this, beginning
from the fifteenth of November, a tuft of hair is allowed to grow on
the top of the head. From the same day, a boy of five years old
is allowed to wear trousers {hakanui) on state occasions, and a girl
of seven may put on the broad sash or girdle {nbi), which is so
important an article of feminine attire. An entertainment in the
evening celebrates the attainment of any of the foregoing privileges,
known respectively as kamioki, hakamagi 2.x\A obitoki. Infants born
during the preceding twelve months are taken on this day to a
Shinto shrine, where the mother performs an act of worship."*

Another such ceremony is known as gembukuy at the age of
1 5, when a youth " donned for the first time a man's clothes and
changed his name."

" On each of the two Bird daysf that come in November, there
is held in Tokyo a fair called Ton-no-Ichi (Bird Fair), visitors to
which are generally seen returning with a bamboo rake in their
hand. This rake, called kumade (Bear's Paw), is ornamented with
imitation account books, and with paper figures of the Gods of
Fortune, the tortoise, the crane and other emblems of success or
prosperity ; and the rake itself, being an instrument used for
drawing things together, sets forth the grasping and gathering
together of things that are prized in this life. The keepers *of
restaurants and houses of entertainment purchase and display a

• "The Japanese Months." f ^ock Days.

54 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

larger kind of rake than other people. The fair is held at Otori-
jinsha, in Shitaya, Tokyo, and one or two other places."*

This part of the subject is still further illustrated by the
following extract from Mrs. Flora Best Harris's " Log of a Japanese
Journey," which is a translation of Tsurayuki's " Tosa Nikki ": —

" Happening to notice how long my nails had grown on
shipboard, I counted the days and discovered that it is the day of
the Rat.f As it is not the proper time, I have not cut them.

" Remembering that the day of the Rat in the first month is
a holiday at the capital [Kyoto], I felt anxious to celebrate it, but
in default of a pine-tree, could not do as I desired.

" A certain woman tried to compose a stanza on the occasion,
but being on shipboard, the theme proved a difficult one, so that
the lines have little merit.

• " The Japanese Months."

"I" " The * day of the Rat * in the first month was a holiday which the
people celebrated by procuring young pines which they planted with much
rejoicing as emblems of long and happy life. As Tsurayuki found the day an
inappropriate one for cutting his nails, the reader may be glad to know that
cutting the finger-nails was jxjrfectly proper on the day of the Ox, and that the
day of the Tiger could be devoted to cutting the toe-nails.'*

In this connection we append the following paragraph from the chapter of
** Vulgar Errors" in Sir Thomas Browne's "Religio Medici": — The set and
statary time of paring of nails and cutting of hair is thought by many a point
of, consideration ; which is perhaps but the continuation of an andent supersti-
tion. For piaculous it was unto the Romans to pare their nails upon the
Nundinae, observed every ninth day ; and was also feared by others in certain
days of the week, according to that of Ausonius, ** Ungues Mercurio^ harbatn
Jove, Cy pride crines" and was one part of the wickedness that filled up the
measure of Manasses, when 'tis delivered that *' he observed times " (II Chron.

33 ' 6).

• See Vol. XIII, Pt. i, pp. 15, 16 of T. A. S. J.; and Vol. VIII, Ft. 4. pp.
442, 445, 446, 447.

Clement : Japanese Calendars. 5 5

" * Whether this day can really be

The day of the Rat is a puzzle. — Ah me !

Were a fish-wife but here, she might drag from the water

A sea-pine to cheer us with festival glee/ "

Japanese children would welcome certain festival days on
account of special feasts on such occasions, as, for instance, in
addition to those already mentioned, the following are found :
boiledj'red beans and rice {azuki-meshi) on days sacred to Inari
Sama ; " rice-flour cakes wrapped in the leaves of a species of oak
called kashrwa " at the Boys' Festival ; and sake on almost all
occasions, "with a spray of peach blossom inserted in the bottle"
at the Girls' Festival. And mochi (the rice-flour cake mentioned
above) is the special food of the New Year's season, as well as of
many other festal occasions.

" To dream of riches with a picture of Daikoku purchased at
a temple under the head, on the day of the Rat, ^^ ^ ^, is certain
to bring an accession of fortune within a year."

The Occidental "sweet sixteen" may be found in the
Japanese musume nihachi (a girl twice eight :) but there is also a
proverb that **even a devil is pretty at eighteen," and another of
**even a dragon at twenty."

The indefiniteness of Japanese time-reckoning and the dilatori-
ness of the people are further illustrated by the practical meaning of
such phrases as tadaima (just now), sugu ni (directly), Jiki ni (im-
mediately), hayaku (early), etc., which must not be taken literally!*

Another almanac which I saw gave the following dates for
sowing grain in 1902: Early rice, March 21 ; Middling rice,
April 6; millet, April 21 ; buckwheat, June 22 ; wheat, Aug. 24.

* See also poem on page 69.

56 Clement : Japanese Calemiars,

Note E.

Brinklcy's Dictionary gives the following explanation of
do : — '' Ktnoe (¥), tree; kinoto (Zj), herb; hinoe {K)^ fire; hinoto
(T), charcoal fire ; tsuchinoc (ft), earth ; isuchinoto (C), earthen
ware; kcuioc (Sf), coin; kanoio (^*), hardware; mizunoe (3i), sea
water; mizunoio (51), stream." Others distinguish "upper" and
** lower ;" or " male " and ** female ;" or " elder brother " and
" younger brother ;" or " great " and " small."

The following explanation is from Ix)ureiro's " Anglo-Chinese
Calendar ": —

iCr'-«£^-r= growing tree. ir/-;/o-^=hewn timber.

/6-«<?-^= lightning. Hi-no-to = burning incense.

Tsuchi-no-e = hills. Tsuchi-no-to = earthenware.

Ka-no-e = ore. Ka-no-to = ketdes.

Jlftzu-no-e =sa\i water. Afizu-no-/o= spring water.

NOTK F.

The almanac which was chiefly used in the preparation ol
this paper contained a loose slip giving general directions for
ascertaining the lucky and the unlucky days, dates, directions, etc.,
t\e,, for telling one's fortune. We began to work it out, but soon
found that, in order to make the subject at all intelligible, it could
not be briefly dismissed, but required more investigation than we
had time to undertake. In fact, Japanese divination is an immense
subject by itself.*

• Sec Vol. XII, Pt. 4, pj). 471, 472 of the Transactions of this Society.

Cletueni : Japanese Calendars.

:>/

Note G.

We append for reference the following : —

LIST OF VKAR PP:RI0DS.*

"SmvaB.

(ThriHtian
Kra.

.IniNinese
Name. Kra.

OhrUtiaii
Kra.

Taikwa

1305

645

Tenan ]

[517

857

Hakuchi

I3IO

650

Jogwan ]

[519

859

(Blank) 131 5

•I33I 655.671

Gwangio ]

1537

877

Sujaku

1332

672

Ninna j

^545

885

Hakuho

1332

672

Kwampei ]

^549

889

Shucho

1346

686

Shotai 1

(558

898

(Blank) 1347

-1360 6S7-7OO

Engi ]

(561

901

Daiho [Taiho]

1361

701

Enchu ]

^583

923

Keiun

1364

704

Johei ]

[591

931

Wado

1368

708

Tengio 1

[598

938

Reiki

1375

715

Tenriaku . 1

[607

947

Yoro

1377

717

Tentoku :

[617

957

Jinki

1384

724

Owa ]

[621

961

'lembio

1389

729

Koho ]

[624

964

Tembio shOho

1409

749

Anna 1

[628

968

Tembio hoji

I417

757

Tenroku 1

1630

970

Tembi6 jingo

1425

765

Ten-en 1

633

973

Jingo keiun

1427

767

Jogen 1

[636

976

Hoki

1430

770

Tengen 1

1638

978

Teno

I44I

781

Eikwan i

1643

983

Enriaku

1442

782

Kwanna i

1645

985

Daido

1466

806

Eien i

[647

987

Konin

1470

810

Eiso 1

[649

989

Tenchc")

1484

824

Shoriaku i

[650

990

Jowa

1494

834

Chotoku ]

(655

995

Kaj6

1508

848

Choho 1

1659

999

Ninju

I5II

851

KwankO i

[664

1004

Saiko

I514

854

Chowa ]

[672

1012

♦ From official sources.

t From 660 B. C\

Clement : Japanese Calendars.

Naiue.

Japanese ChriHtian
Km. lirft.

Name.

JapaneKe CI
Kra.

^riatiaD-
Em.

Kwannin

1677 I

017

Koji

1802 I

142

Ji-an

1681 1

021

Tenyo

1804 I

144

Manju

1684 J

024

Kiu-an

1805 1

145

Chogen

1688 1

[O28

Nimbio

181I ]

151

Choriaku

1697 1

^037

Kiuju

1814 1

[I54

Chokiti

1700 1

[O4O

Hogen

1816 1

156

Kwantoku

1704 1

044

Heiji

1819 1

[I59

Eijo

1706 ]

1046

Eiriaku

1820 ]

[i6a

Tengi

I7I3 1

^053

Oho

1821 1

[161

Kohei

I718 1

[O58

Chokwan

1823 ]

[i6^

Jiriaku

1725 ]

[065

Eiman

1825 ]

L165

Enkiu

1729 1

[O69

Ninan

1826 ]

[i66-

Joho

1734 1

[O74

Ka-6

1829 ]

[169

Joriaku

1737 1

[O77

j6-an

183I ]

1171

Eih6

I74I 1

[O81

Angen

1835 1

ri75

Otoku

1744 1

1084

Jisho

1837 1

[177

Kwanji

1747 1

[O87

Yowa

184I ]

[181

Kaho

1754

[O94

Ju-ei

1842 ]

[182

Eicho

1756 ]

[096

Genriaku

1844 1

[1 84

Jotoku

1757

1097

Bunji

1845 ^

1185

Kowa

1759 ^

[O99

Kenkiu

1850

1190

Choji

1764

[IO4

Shoji

1859

1 199

Kajo

1766

1 106

Kennin

1861

1 201

Tennin

1768

[IO8

Genkiu

1864

1204

Tenei

1770 1

[IIO

Kenei

1866

1206

Eikiu

1773

III3

J6gen

1867

1207

Genei

1778

III8

Kenriaku

187I

121 1

H5an

1780

[1 20

Kempo

1873

1215

Tenji

1784

1124

Jokiu

1879

I2IC^

Daiji

1786

[126

Jo-6

1882

1222

Tenjo

1791 1

[131

Gennin

1884

1224

Chojo

1792

1132

Karoku

J.885

1225

Hoen

1795

fi35

Antei

1887

1227

Eiji

I 801

[141

Kwangi

1889

1229

Clement : Japanese Calendars,

J«

Name.

Jo-ei 1

paneae
[892

ChrlfftUn
En.

1232

Name.

Gentoku

Kra.
1989 1

hrUtUn
Kra.

'329

Tempuku i

1893

1233

Shokio f Genko]

1992 ]

^ZZ^

Bunriaku i

1894

1234

Kemmu

1994 1

I 334

Katei i

[895

1235

Rekio

1998 1

«338*

Riakunin i

[898

1238

Koei

2002 1

1342*

En-6 ]

[899

1239

Jowa

2CO5 ]

1345*

Ninji ]

[900

1240

Kwano

2010 1

[350*

Kwangen i

[903

1243

Bunna

2012 1

'352*

Hoji ]

[907

1247

Embiin

2016 1

1356*

Kencho ]

[909

1249

Koan

2021 1

1 361*

Kogen 1

[916

1256

Joji

2022 1

[362*

Shdka ]

1917

1257

Oan

2028 1

[368*

Shogen i

1919

1259

Eiwa

2035 1

'375*

6un5 ]

[920

1260

Koreki

2039 ]

'379*

Kocho 1

[921

1261

Eitoku

2041 1

'381*

Bunei i

[924

1264

Shitoku

2044 1

'384*

Kenji ]

^935

1275

Kakei

2047 1

1387*

K6an i

'938

1278

Koo

2049 1

[389*

Sh6-6 1

[948

(288

Engen

1996 J

'336t

Kmin 1

^953

1293

Kokoku

1999 J

'34ot

Shoan i

'959

1299

Shohei

2006 1

'346t

Kengen i

[962

1302

Kentoku

2030 ]

'37ot

Kagen j

[963

1303

Bunchu

2032 ]

'372t

Tokuji ]

[966

1306

lenju

2035 1

'375t

Enkio ]

[968

1308

Kowa

2041 ]

'38it

Och6 ]

1971

1311

Genchu

2044 1

'384t

Sh5wa 1

[972

1312

Meltoku

2050 ]

[390

Buinp6 ]

[977

'317

O-ei

2054 1

1394

Gen-6 i

[979

1319

Shocho

2088 ]

[428

Genko i

[981

1321

EikiO

2089 ]

[429

Shochu J

[984

1324

Kakitsu

2IOI ]

1441

Kariaku ]

[986

1326

Bunan

2104 1

[444

• Northern Dynas

•ty.

•\ Southern Dynasty.

-<)0

Clemenl : yapanese Calendars,

Nnine.

Hotokii
KStokii
Kosho
Choroku
Kwansho
Bunsho
"Onin
Bunimei
ChokO
Entoku
Mei-o
Bunki
Eisho
Dai-ei
Koroku
Tembun
Koji
Eirokii
Genki
Tensho
Bunroku
Keicho
Genna
KXvanei
Shoho
Kei-an
Jo-o
Meireki
Manji
Kwambun
Empo

npnne.sn Christian
Km. Fm.

2109

1449

2II2 ]

r452

2II5

'455

2II7

1457

2120 ]

1460

2126

[466

2127 ]

1467

2129 ]

[469

2147 1

1487

2149 J

[489

2152 1

1492

2161 ]

[501

2164 ]

[504

2181 1

1521

2188 ]

[528

2192 ]

'532

2215 ]

^555

2218 ]

t558

2230 ]

[570

2233 J

^573

2252 1

[592

2256 1

[596

2275 1

615

2284 \

[624

2304 ]

[644

2308 ]

[648

2312 ]

:652

2315 ]

1655

2318 J

[658

2321 1

661

2333 1

[673

Name.

Tenna

Japanese C
Kra.

2341 1

hristian
Rrm.

[681

Jokio

2344 1

[684

Genrokii

2348 ]

[688

H6-ei

2364 1

[704

Shotoku

2371 1

[711

Kioho

2376 ]

[716

Gembun

2396 ]

[736

Kwampo

2401 ]

[741

Enkio

2404 1

t744

Kwannen

2408 1

[748

H6reki

24II ]

[751

Meiwa

2424 1

[764

Anei

2432 1

1772

Temmei

2441 1

[781

Kwansei

2449 1

1789

Kiowa

2461 1

[801

Bunkwa

2464 1

[804

Bunsei

2478 1

818

Tempo

2490 1

830

Kokwa

2504 ]

[844

Ka-ei

2508 1

[848

Ansei

2514 )

1854

Manen

2520 1

[860

Bunki u

2521 ]

[861

Genji

2524 ]

1864

Kei-6

2525 ^

[865

Meiji

2528 1

1868

The names of these periods
are made by the various combi-
nations of 68 Chinese words of
good omen.

It should be borne in mind that these year-periods \neng6\
-do not, unless accidentally, correspond with the reigns of the

Clement : Japanese Calendars, 6 r

Emperors, become "a new one was chosen whenever it was
deemed necessary to commemorate an auspicious or ward off a
malign event." But hereafter the era will correspond with the
reign of an Emperor. The names of some of these eras are cjuite
^unous, like the Elizabethan or the Victorian Era in English history.
As the first era was a time of j^eat reforms, it is known as the
Taikwa Reformation ; the Engi Era, in the tenth century, is
celebrated for important legislation : the (renroku Era, in the
seventeenth century, was "a period of great activity in various-
arts ;" and the Tempo Era, of recent clays, was " the last brilliant
period of feudalism before its fall." This name was also given to
the large 8 rin piece coined in that era. The Wado Era, in the
fourteenth century, was so named on account of the discovery
of copper ; and the second era, Hakuchi, commemorates a '* white
pheasant/' presented to the Emperor !

A few more illustrations of minor importance are the
following*: — Taiho Statutes, Tenkeif Rebellions, Hogen Insur-
rection, Heiji Insurrection, Shokiu [Jokiu] War, Genko War,
Kenbu [Kemmu] Statutes, GemiHi-no'Emhu (the battle-ending Era
of Genwa), Keicho-kingifi (gold and silver of the Keicho Era),
"the peace of the Ky6ho Era," the Meireki conflagration, Kwansei
Peace, Ansei jail, etc.

There are, moreover, other expressions which more closely
resemble such common Occidental phrases as the Victorian Era,
the Elizabethan Era, the Age of Pericles, except that in the
impersonal Orient such expressions are named more often from
places.. In Japanese history, for instance, it is very common to-

* ''Oflicial History of the Empire of Jai>an."
t Or Tengio.

62 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

read of the Nara Epoch, the Heian Epoch, the Muromachi Period,
the Kamakura Period, the Yedo Era, the Tokyo Period [Modem
Japan]. Personal names are applied, however, in such cases as
the Hojo Era, the Ashikaga Period, the . Tokugawa Era, the
Fujiwara Period.

The terms " ancient," " mediaeval " and " modern " may be
applied to Japanese history ; but those periods do not correspond
chronologically with similar periods in Occidental history. There-
fore, it seems better not to employ them, for fear of misleading
people ; at least, careful explanations should be made of their
meaning.

Note H.

The official Japanese almanac contains, of course, the regular
dates for the celebration of the annual, or semi-annual, festivals at
various local shrines throughout the Empire. We ought, perhaps,
to have supplied explanatory notes in connection with those ; but
we found that this task would require more time and labor than
we could afford. Therefore, we can only refer the reader to
Murray's " Hand-Book for Japan," in which a great deal of
interesting information can be obtained about the most important
shrines in the various localities.

.Note I.

There are said to be poems about the zoological hours ; but
we have found only one example*: —

• Said to have been written by the famous patriot, Kusunoki : certainly
the metre is too irregular for a good poet !

Clement : Japanese Calendars, 63

Hito to nareba

Ne ni fushi tora ni

Oki-idete

Hito shiranu ma ni

Suru zo gakumon.
This may be freely and prosaically translated as follows : —
** If you would be a man, go to bed at the rat-hour, get up at the
tiger-hour, and study while no one knows it : that is the way
of learning."

Note K.
The following items about the superstitions of seasons have
been obtained from a booklet by Mr. Hachihama on " Supersti-
tious Japan " {Meishin no Nippon^ : — If one swallows seven grains
of red beans {azuki) and one go of sake before the hour of the ox
on the first day' of the year, he will be free froni sickness and
calamity throughout the year ; if be drinks toso ' [spiced sake] at
the hour of the tiger of the same day, he will be untouched by
malaria through the year; if he washes his armpits with his own
urine at the hour of the tiger of the same day, he will be free from
offensive smell in those parts. On the 7th day of the ist month
if a male swallows seven, and a female fourteen, red beans, they
will be free from sickness all their lives ; if one takes a hot bath
on the same day, he will escape calamity. If one bathes at the
hour c^'the dog on the tenth day [of the same month], his teeth
will become hard. If one bathes on the 2nd day of the 2nd
month in hot water into which Aida has been put, though he grows
old, he will have no wrinkles ; if one washes his hair on the first
Jd-no^ day of that month, all his illnesses will be cured ; and, as
fish are poisonous on the 9th day, and the ha-no-e-iora day, of that

64 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

month, they should not be eaten. If one bathes at sunset of the
6th day of the 3rd month, or at the hour of the monkey of the
7th day, or on the 1 7th day, he will escape calamity, and, more-
over, will become talented ; to eat salty food on the i8th day is
a way to increase the reproductive powers and harden the teeth.
If one bathes in the evening twilight of the 4th day of the 4th
month, he will avoid litigation ; if one bathes on 7th day, he wil!
become wealthy ; and in order not to injure the human energy,,
during this month it is well not to eat pheasant, eel, chicken and
garlic. On the 5th day of the 5th month, if one eats fruit, he will
fall sick, and if, in drying duckweed, it smokes, it >vill drive
away mosquitoes; moreover, as the 5th, 6th and 7th days of that
month are days of ''nine poisons," men and women should
refrain from intercourse, and if any violate this rule, their lives
will be in danger for three years. If one bathes on the ist day
of the 6th month, he will escape sickness and calamity ; but if
one bathes on the 6th day, he will lose his business ; and, if one
pulls out white hairs on the 1 9th day, they will not grow out for a
long time. On the 7th day of the 7th month, if one, taking sweet
flag, and putting it in sake, takes such medicine, he will not get
drunk during the year ; if one bathes on the 1 7th day, he will not
get gray hairs. If one bathes on the 3rd, 7th and last days of the
8th month, he will escape calamity, become clever and receive
blessings from heaven : during this month ginger, fowls, pheasant,
eggs, celery, raw fruit and raw honey must not be eaten ; and if any
one violates this rule, he will become sick and destroy his vitality.
On the 9th day of the 9th month, if one makes sake with chrysan-
themum blossoms, he will drive away the head-ache, and, if one
swallows hiba in sake^ he will not get gray hairs : if one eats ginger

Clement : ya/xinese Calendars, 65

this month, he will become blind, and, if one eats melon, he will
become dyspeptic. Bathing with hilhi hot water on the ist day
of the loth month will drive away sickness; bathing on the 14th
day will bring long life ; moreover, this month wild boar, onion
and potato must not be eaten. In the nth month, lobster, turtle
and such shell-fish must not be eaten. Bathing on the ist, 2nd,
13th and 15th days of the 12th month, will drive away misfortune;
and in the evening of the 30th, if one, offering in the kitchen a
light and miki^ worships the small-pox god, the children of that
house will have small pox very lightly.

Note L.

There is also a division of the night into watches, kd [E], five
in number, as follows : —

Shokd (First Watch) — Fifth Hour (7-9 p.m.)
Ntko (Second Watch) — Fourth Hour (9-1 1 p.m.)
Sahko (Third Watch) — Ninth Hour (11 p.m.-i a.m.)
Shiko (Fourth Watch) — Eighth Hour (1-3 a.m.)
Goko (Fifdi Watch) — Seventh Hour (3-5 a.m.)

Note IVI.

In conclusion, although tliis subject oi the old calendar is a
very interesting one to the student of ancient customs, super-
stitions and folk-lore, yet we must acknowledge the force of the
objections raised in the following clipping from the Japan Mail: —

In a note entitled "Get Ri^ of the Old Calendar Super-
stitions," the Kybiku Gakujutsukai calls attention to the uselessness
of perpetuating childish notions connected with the old calendar.
One is surprised, says the organ we are quoting, to find newspapers

66 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

which advocate progress devoting so much valuable space to
representations of the tiger this year. It is time that such things
were consigned to obhvion. If the newspapers would refuse to
lend themselves to the perpetuation of silly superstitions, their
readers would soon grow ashamed of them. But instead of leading
in this matter the press follows the lead of the unenlightened. If
the old calendar and all that associates itself with it could be put
out of the thoughts of the masses, a great obstacle to progress
would be removed. Opening one of the almanacks published for
the convenience of old-fashioned thinkers, we find notices of
divination, fortune-telling, face-reading, &c. We are told how to
find out what days are lucky and when those indecent festivals
called inshi maisuri take place — in fact these publications are made
the medium of perpetuating every conceivable harmful superstition
and abomination. Hence it is we write, "Abolish the old
calendar and all its belongings," says the Kyoiku GakujiUsuhai,

Note N.

There seems to be a great diversity of opinion about this
proverb, as the following clippings show ; and other good authorities
would read it '' isogeba maivari'*: —

In an interesting paper read by Professor Clement before the
Asiatic Society on the subject of " Japanese Calendars," the learned
author adduced two proverbs to show that the Japanese "take
things very leisurely and calmly." One of these was isogeba
maivarCy which Mr. Clement translated "if in a hurry, go round/'
the suggestion apparently being that it is better to go round than
to be in a hurry. Certainly the form isogeha numvirc is sometimes
used, but we have always understood that the correct form is

Clement : yapancse Calendars. 67

tsogeba maivaru, which is the nearest Japanese equivalent for " the
more haste, the worse speed/' Ota Dokwan paraphrased the
proverb clearly when he said isogazu iva nurczaramaji wo (if I hadn't
been in a hurry, I should n't have got wet). What the proverb
inculcates, in our opinion, is, not that time has little value or that
punctuality is unimportant, but that haste and flurry are fatal to
successful accomplishment. Undoubtedly it is a point of Japanese
etiquette on no account to seem in a hurry. Just as the character-
istic of a manly person was never to betray emotion {kido airaku
wo omoleye arawazu), so the rule of the gentleman was always to
be calm and cool. But does that involve indifference to the value
of time, or, to speak more correctly, does it indicate that the
Japanese of former days was more prodigal of his time than, let us
say, the English gentleman of modern ideas, who regards it as the
essence of vulgarity to be flurried or to show haste in society ? It
can not be denied that the men of old Japan conducted themselves
on all occasions in a calm, leisurely manner, but we should be
disposed to say that what they sought to avoid was the absence
of baffling passion or perturbing haste rather than to make a
parade of carelessness about hours and minutes. Nothing is more
conceivable than that the pursuit of such a purpose should
degenerate into procrastination and want of celerity, but the
question here is the motive of the habit, not its abuses. —

yapan Mail.
A proverb. In another column we publish a very interesting
paper on " time " in Japan which has been kindly placed at our
disposal by Prof. E. W. Clement, and which, we understand,
formed a portion of a lecture delivered by him at a recent meeting
of the Asiatic Society of Japan. As will be seen, Mr. Clement

68 Clement : yapanese Calendars*

quotes a well known saying amongst us, isoge/himazi^re, in support
apparently of his idea that we Japanese are, on the whole, innocent
of the value of time. We venture to think that this usually well-
informed author in this instance misapplies the proverb, which,
freely translated, means, if in a hurry, do not make a short cut
because of the possible presence of hidden dangers and unexf>ected
hindrances, and which refers rather to the manner of attaining an
object than to the question of time. It is, of course, based on the
idea of time, but then in that sense its object is to emphasize the
ultimate sdving of time and therefore does not support Mr.
Cleraetit's notion that we are proverbial time-wasters. As for the
regrettable habit of unpunctuality which still obtains largely among
our people, especially on occasions of meetings and entertainments
— and it is certainly not a characteristic that deserves to be
defended — we may say thai the custom has its origin in the idea
that it is small and undignified to be eager to be before others and
not in the notion that there is always plenty of time. We hope,
however, that Mr. Clement will not try to contradict us here^ by
pointing to the scenes often observable at public entertainments
now-a-days when scrambles are made at the free lunch table.
Such scenes arc thoroughly disgraceful and we denounce them
without hesitation and without qualification — indeed the habit of
unpunctuality originally arose as a protest against such scenes.
By the way, we notice that the Japan Mail is of opinion that Mr.
Clement misquotes the proverb in question, its correct wording,
according to that journal, being isogeba mairaru and not isogcl>a
mauHire. Now the verb maivaru means " it turns round, it re-
volves," whereas maitwc signifies " go around, take a circuitous
course," and so on. Thus it will be seen that the Maifs form

Clement : Japanese Calendars. 69

makes no sense and we think Mr. Clement is quite correct in his
quotation so far as its wording goes. — Japan Times.

We observe that the Japan Times denies the correctness of
our quotation in the matter of the familiar proverb, isogeba mau^aru.
Our contemporary alleges that the form isogeba mawaru " makes
no sense," and that isogeba maware is correct Well, this is a
point concerning which we can not pretend to emulate the confi-
dence of the Japan Times, What wc wrote in our issue of the
22nd was "certainly the form isogeba mazvare is sometimes used
but we have always understood that the correct form is isogeba
mawaru** As to the latter form " making no sense, " we not only
&il to follow the Japan 'Times argument, but we have the direct
authority of erudite Japanese for saying that isogeba matuaru is the
correct proverbial form and that it does make excellent sense,

whereas isogeba nunvare can not properly be called a proverbial
form. — Japan MaU,

THE LAND OF APPROXIMATE TIME.

Here's to the Land of Approximate Time !

Where nerves are a factor unknown,
Where acting as balm are manners calm,

And seeds of sweet patience are sown.

Where it is very ill-bred to go straight to the point,

Where one bargains at leisure all day,
Where with method unique **at once " means a week,

In the cool, easy Japanese way.

Where every clock runs as it hapixjns to please.

And they never agree on their strikes ;
Where even the sun often joins in the fun,

And rises whenever he likes.

Then here's to the Land of Approximate Time,

The Land of the leisurely Bow,

Where the overcharged West may learn how to rest,

The Land of Inconsequent Now !

Jingles from yapan.

70 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

Note O.

Since the meeting at which this paper was read, I have had
the privilege of an interview with a Japanese who has made the
various calendars a special study. He is Prof. N. Sakuma, of the
Higher Normal School, Tokyo. He has a collection of almanacs
running back without a break for 192 years, and, with a few
breaks here and there, for 41 moie years. His oldest almanac is
that of 1670. He has also a large collection of works, official and
unofficial, bearing upon all subjects connected with the lunar
calendar. While his vocation is teaching English, his avocation,
or his recreation, seems to be along astronomical lines. During
the year 1900, he made out the calendars, both solar and lunar,
for 1902 and 1903. He has also compiled lists and references
of all solar eclipses from the earliest records in native annals to the
present time. At my request, he has kindly furnished additional
notes, which are appended from page 71.

An English " globe-trotter '* declares, probably with injustice, that Japan
" has weather, but no climate," and that the weather is most uncommonly
bad. He quotes a foreign resident as saying, " I have lived ten years in Japan,
of which nine and three-quarters have been wet," and concludes his unfavor-
able comments by " dropping into poetry.**

Dirty days hath September,
April, June and November ;
From February unto May
The rain it raineth every day ;
All the rest have thirty-one.
Without one l^lessed gleam of sun.
And if any of 'em had two-and-thirty.
They'd be just as wet and twice as dirty.

Clement: Japanese Calendars, 71

By request of Prof. Clement, I propose to offer sundry re-
marks about the Japanese Calendar by way of supplement to his
paper on that subject read by him before the members of the
Asiatic Society.

At the outset, I have to mention that it is foreign to my
present purpose to enter into the technique of the construction
of the JapKinese Calendar, though it is my own hobby, since the
necessary computations involved in it are of too intricate a nature
to make them a subject of popular treatment.

Now, by the Japanese Calendar I mean the one exclusively
used in our country prior to the adoption of the Gregorian
calendar toward the close of the 5th year of Meiji (1872 A. D.).
Although it finds its place in the almanacs published year after
year by the Government since that time, scarcely any use of it, if
at all, has ever been made in government transactions ; and
besides, its use among the urban communities at large has
gradually been superseded by the Gregorian reckoning. The
village communities, however, still stick to its use \vith something
like religious zeal, so that the calendar in question may not
inappropriately be called the " Farmers' Calendar."

It is worth mentioning in this place that the Japanese
Calendar is not lunar in the sense that the Jewish or the Moham-
medan calendar is lunar, for the former takes into consideration
the successive positions of the sun in the zodiac in the course of
the year, — in fact, the method of intercalating months depends on
that very fact, — while the latter do not take them into account.
Thus, strictly speaking, the Japanese Calendar is luna-solar in its
character, whereas the Jewish and Mohammedan calendars are
purely lunar.

72 Clemeni : Japanese Calendar s*

The earliest mention in the native annals of the art of making
calendars occurs in the loth year of the reign of Suiko Tenno
[Empress] (602 A. D.). It is there stated that the art just referred
to was introduced from Kudara in Corea. But what its special
character was, and what calendar was its outcome, or rather its
groundwork, the annals do not tell us ; so that the whole thing is
lost in obscurity.

Coming to later times, there is evidence on record that the
Chinese Genkareki, that is, Genka calendar, was first adopted in
the 6th year of the reign of Jito Tenno (692 A. D.), and that it
continued in use, for the space of five years, till the end of the
loth year of her reign (696 A. D.), when its error is said to have
amounted to 53 kokii [/. e., I2h. 43ni.] less than true time.

[This calendar was devised by a Chinese by the name of
Kashoten in the time of the So Dynasty, and was first used in
China in the 22nd year of Genka (445 A. D.).]

In view of making the above loss good and of adjusting time
more accurately, a different Chinese calendar called Gihoreki,
otherwise known as Rintokureki, was next adopted in the year
immediately following, that is, in the ist year of the reign of
Mommu Tenn5 (697 A. D.). It was in use, for the space of
sixty-seven years, till the end of the 7th year of Tempyohoji
(763 A. D.), when it was again found that the error amounted to
14 koku [/'. e., 3h. 22m.] less than true time.

[This calendar was planned by a Chinese called Kijumpu in
the time of the To Dynasty ; it was first used in China in the 2nd
year of Rintoku [665 A. D.).]

Again, to adjust time with a view to correctness, another
Chinese calendar widely known as Taiyenreki was immediately

Clement : yapanese Calendars. 73

adopted in the ensuing year, that is, in the 8th year of Tempyohoji
(764 A. D.). It was in use, for the period of ninety-four years,
till the I St year of Tenan (857 A. D.), when its error amounted to
1 7 koku [/. ^., 4h. 8m.] in excess of true time.

[This calendar was formed by a Chinese priest called Ichigyo
during the To Dynasty, and was first used in China in the 1 7th
year of Kaigen (729 A. D.).]

In the year following, that is, the 2nd year of Tenan (858
A. D.), still another Chinese calendar called Gokireki was adopted
in order the better to regulate the seasons. It was used for four
years till the close of the 3rd year of Jokwan (861 A. D.), and
then was abandoned, for its error, amounting to 10 koku [1*. <?., 2h.
24ra.] less than true time, became manifest in so short a period.

[This calendar was projected by a Chinese called Kwakuken-
shi during the To Dynasty, and was first used in China in the ist
year of H66 (762 A. D.).]

Since the above calendar fell far short of expectation, it was
supplanted in the next year, that is, the 4 th year of Jokwan
(862 A. D.), by that well-known Chinese calendar called Semmei-
reki, which was supposed to be tolerably accurate. It was in use
for the space of eight hundred and twenty-three years, till the ist
year of Jokyo (1684 A. D.), when its error, amounting to one day
and ninety-five koku [1.-^., id. 22h. 48m.] less than true time, was
discovered.

[This calendar was designed by a Chinese called Joko in the
time of the To Dynasty, and was first used in China in the 2nd
year of ChOkei (822 A. D.).]

The different calendars above enumerated were all that were
borrowed wholesale from China, the allowance for the difference

■T ^M ^ _

74 Clement: Japanese Calendars,

of longitude being out of the question.

Now dawned a new era upon the history of the Japanese
Calendar. The time was now ripe for our savants to construct an
independent calendar on new data, both by observation of the
heavenly bodies and by instituting rigorous comparison of some
of the chief Chinese calendars. Among others, a man of the name
of Yasui Santetsu Minamoto-no-Shunkai stands prominent in this
connection. He was at once a skilful mathematician and an
adept at the intricate game o^ go. It was he who, by command
of the authorities, first set about constructing a new calendar based
on the principles of his own elaboration. As a result of his labour,
he produced the so-called Jokyoreki. By imperial decree it \yas
put to use on and from the ist day of the nth moon of the ist
year of Joky 6 (1684 A. D.), whence the name. This is em-
phatically the first reformation of the genuine Japanese Calendar.

The Jokyo calendar continued in practice till the 4th year
of Horeki (1754 A. D.), for seventy-one years, when it was
superseded by another calendar called Horeki -koshureki, where
koshu means the cyclic' characters for that particular year. It was
framed by Shibukawa K5k6 and others by the direction of the
government It came into use on the nth moon of the 4th
year of Horeki.

The Horeki-koshu calendar continued to be used till the 9th
year of Kwansei (1797 A. D.), for forty-four years, when it was in.
turn supplanted by still another calendar styled Kwanseireki. It
was prepared chiefly by Shibukawa Keiyu by the instruction of
the government. It came into operation in the nth moon of the
9th year of Kwansei.

The Kwansei calendar continued in use till the 13th year of

Clement: Japanese Calendars, 75

Tempo (1842 A. D.), for forty-six years, when it was finally
replacad by the last lunar calendar under the old regime. It was
called TempO-jininreki, where jinin means the cyclic characters
for that special year. This also was prepared chiefly by Shibu-
kawa Keiyti under government auspices, and was put into opera-
tion in the nth moon of the 13th year of Tempo.

The Tempo-jinin calendar continued in practice till about the
close of the 5th year of Meiji (1872 A. D.), for thirty-one years,
when it was suppressed by reason of the adoption of the Gregorian
calendar. On the occasion of this radical change, twenty-seven
days were docked from the old calendar, and as a consequence
the 3rd day of the 12th moon of the year was called and reckoned
as the 1st day of January of the year next, that is, the 6th year
of Meiji (1873 A. D.).

A general discontent was shown by the populace at this novel
change in their almanac, and " Give us back the days we have
lost" was their unanimous outcry, just as it is said to have been in
England when she adopted the New Style in place of the Old.
Besides, some scurrilous language was used by the more bigoted
in giving vent to their indignation, and such an expression as
*' Naee ha misoka ni Isuki ga deru^* ['* For 'tis no wonder that the
moon should rise on the last day of the month,"] which was
employed to wind up some vulgar songs made in laughing to
scorn the late innovation.

The Gregorian calendar first appeared in printed form in the
almanac for the 7th year of Meiji (1874 A. D.), the year made
memorable by the feasibility of the observation of the transit of
Venus at Tokyo and other places in the Empire. This almanac
also contained the old or lunar calendar as computed from the

76 Clement: Japanese Calendars^

British Nauikal Ahnanac for that year, and all the succeeding
almanacs up to the present time have embodied both the Gregorian
and the lunar calendars. Now, two kinds of almanacs have been
yearly issued by the goverment from about this period ; namely,
the Honreki (the standard) and the Ryakureki (the abridged).
The former contains additional information on astronomy, such as
the sun's declination at the Tokyo Imperial Observatory for each

•

day of the year; on the high tide at Reiganjima, Tokyo, with its
time-constants for certain other localities : its later issues also
contain yearly averages, etc., bearing on meteorology, taken at
different meteorological stations scattered over the Empire. In
preparing the Honreki, besides the British Nautical Almanac y the
French Connaissance des Temps, the German Berliner Astrono-
mi'ches Yahrhuch, and the American Ephemeris and Nautical
Almanac are laid under contribution.

To return to the old calendar, its yearly issues in printed
form date from the 6th year of Genna (1620 A. D.), and are
extant. These contain from the very first issue the predictions
of solar and lunar eclipses, but those of the earlier ones proved far
from being correct, on account of the very crude mode adopted in
handling the problem. In the almanac for the 14th year of
KyohS (1729 A. D.), the entry of the Nijushi-setsu (/'. ^., the
twenty-four solar terms), with the time of the beginning of each
setsu in terms of koku taken as parts of the JUnishi (i, e., the twelve
terrestrial branches) occurs for the first time. Thus, the almanac
in question says that Shumhun begins on the 23rd day of the 2nd
moon at -the 8th koku of the dog hour, which means that the sun
enters Aries at that instant* The almanac also gives the time of
the sun's rising and setting and the lengths of day and night, in

Clement : yapafiese Calendars. 77

terms o^ koku taken as parts of one day, on the day ot the com-
mencement of each Selsu, In the almanac for the ist year of
Kokwa (1844 A. D.), the indication of time by means of the
twelve terrestrial branches was finally dispensed with, and the
number showing the strokes of the bell was for the first time
introduced In the almanac for the 7th yeiu- of Meiji (1874
A, D.), the European division of time into twenty -four hours, of
hours into minutes, of minutes into seconds, was for the first time
introduced.

Now, the yikkan (1. e., the ten heavenly branches) and the
yunishi{i. e.y the twelve terrestrial branches), which go to make up
the sexagenary cycle, are both of ihem clearly of Chinese origin,
and their first use in our country in fixing dates is cc>eval with the
advent of the Chinese calendar itself A discussion on their
antiquity in China may be seen in Mr. Chalmers' contribution to
Dr. Legge's Chinese Classics.

The method of distributing the lunar months of 29 and 30
days in a given lunar year, as actually employed before the
adoption of the Gregorian calendar, is too tedious to be explained
in this place. It is now the work of a minute ; for by taking the
figures for the new moon on page XII for each month in the
British Nautical Almanac, adding to them 9 hours, the * standard
time' for Japan, and converting the sum into civil time by a well-
known rule, we shall obtain the time of the new moon for our
country. It will then turn out that the interval of two successive
new moons is either 29 or 30 days, and by carrying the process
fer enough, the distribution of the long and short months in a
given lunar year will at once be known. It is evident that
the Nautical Almanac for two consecutive years is recjuired in

78 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

determining the length of each month of a lunar year, since a
lunar year stretches over two solar years.

The method of intercalating a lunar month can generally be
explained thus : that month is made intercalary where there is an
absence of the commencement of a chukL Now, out of the
Nijushi'Selsu (/'. e,. the twenty-four solar terms) taken in order,
beginning with Risshuny all the even ones are known as chuki ;
namely, Usuiy Shumbun, Kokuu, Shomany Ges/it, Taishby Shosho,
Shubun, Soko, Shosetsu^ T(lji\ and Taikan ; the rest, that is, the
odd ones, are called kiselsu. Generally speaking, the commence-
ment of two solar terms is found in one lunar month. Thus, in
the almanac for the 12th year of Meiji (1879 -^- ^O' S^imei zxid
Kokuu respectively begin on the 14th and the 29th of the 3rd
moon, corresponding to the 5th and 20th of April. The next
moon of the year is intercalary, for it contains the commencement
of but one solar term that is not chukL In feet, the only solar
term that has its beginning in it is Rikka, which is a kiselsu^ and
it begins on the i6th of the intercalary 3rd moon, corresponding
to the 6th of May. Again, in the 13th year of Meiji (1880 A.D.),
only one solar term has its commencement in the 5th moon ; that
is, Geshi begins on the 14th of the moon, corresponding to the
2 1 St of June. It is, however, a cfiuki, so that the moon in
question is not intercalary. Now, seven intercalary months are
generally found in the space of nineteen years, as will be seen in
the following table : —

Clement : yapanese Calendars.

Total
No. of
Days.

lO
»0

to
to

<^*- to
lO to

••o

CO CO

Inter-
calary
Moon.

Ew Year's
Day.

»- M CO-^U-ivO tN.00 a^
O^ONO^Q^Q^O^CNQ^Q^
CAOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

»i4

•i4 M

•

(S4

•— >

t— k

•— »

;xh

•— »

'y^

t— k

•— »

(z^ (l<

»— »

"i^

ki«

r«-

»4

Ov 00

••

•i«

"•

"■

"•

"5*

#>■

•V

•k

•^

•V CK

«^

•

•^

v«.

#•

•»

•i

«h

•«

\r%

tN.

c«

^ CO

c«

C«

3"Ss.

**•

»o

\r%

u-»

-*♦■

""J-

•^*-

to -^

\f\

»i^

\r\

\r%

to to

CO CO

Inter.
caJary
Moon.

tf:

IN.

C» CO

»>.

tN.

I'*

»>.

tN.

r>»

00 00

00 00 00

•2 X

•

!*5

•

■

•

• •

Ix*

•— >

»iM

li.

►— >

t— k

•-H

•— »

b \u

»o

»i4

tN.

00 00

•■

■*

»4

■■

•m4

•

•V

»•

•V

•^

».

»i

#>■

.^ .«

»>.

C»

»4

to VO

Total
No. of
Days.

to
to

'I-

<;?

<2-

to T^

to to

<3-

CO CO

li >»c

^.§8

"d*

^ s:s

c«

r>»

ro ^

•fc.

\r%

\ri

\r\

»o

VO VO

00 00 oo

00 00

•

■•

•

»4

•

*i«

"•

• •

»4

Si s

\f\

ITi

'I-

oo 00

tN.

"■

»4

■*

c»

•3

•g

•^
•K

•
•it

•

•■
••

•%

-:«:

•H

• — %

o
'3

t><

'*'

*«

»4

CO ^

8o Clement : Japanese Calendars,

From the above table we see that, when there is an intercalary
moon in a lunar year, its New Year's Day always happens in
January, with this exception, that it might occur in the second
February, when New Year's Day occurs in February for four
consecutive solar years. The length of an ordinary lunar year is
either 354 or 355 days, but it may rarely be 353 days, as it was
with the 1st year of Kyoyen (1744 A.D.). The length of a lunar
year containing an intercalary month is either 383 or 384 days.

The celebration of what is known as Sakutantoji had often to
do with the length of a lunar month. Now by Sakutantoji is
meant the coming on of the winter solstice on the ist day of the
nth moon. According to " Shoku-Nihongi," the event was first
celebrated in the 3rd year of Yenryaku (784 A.D.), as such a
coincidence actually occurred. Subsequent to that year, the
^tf>6///a«/J5/V happened in the 22nd year of Yenryaku (803 A. D.),
the 13th year of Konin (822 A.D.), the 8th year of Showa (841
A.D.), the 2nd year of Jokwan (860 A.D.), when it was artificially
brought about in the following manner. In that year the winter
solstice fell on the 2nd day of the nth moon, and the preceding
loth moon was an intercalary one of 29 days. But by adding an
extra day to this moon at the expense of the ist day of the nth
moon, thus making it a moon of 30 days, the 2nd day of the nth
moon was in consequence reckoned as the ist day of the same
moon. Thus, by this adjustment, the winter solstice was in this
instance made to fall on the ist day of the nth moon. The feet
is detailed in one of the classical annals called " Sandai-jitsuroku. "
Such a practice was not uncommon in subscc^uent periods. From
Jokwan till the present year, the Sakutanlbji has happened about
forty-five times, either naturally or by adjustment, the last one

Clement: y apanage Caleruiarsi^ Si

before the adoption of the Gregorian calendar being in the 3rd
year of Meiji (1870 A. D.), but scarcely any notice has of recent
years been taken of the event to which so much importance was
attached in times of old. It might be well to mention in this
connection that one occurred in the 33rd year of Meiji (1900
A. D.), it being thus far the first and last since the advent of the
Gr^;orian reckoning in our country.

Now, space forbids me to dwell on the nature and usages of
such days as Higan, HangeshOy Shanic/u, Doyb, etc For the
elucidation of such matters the reader is referred to a work called
yunhvanreki, from the pen of Koizumi Shotaku. I shall, how-
ever, mention the way they are inserted in the current almanacs.
Higan is placed on the 3rd day before the beginning of Shumbun
and Shulmn respectively (that is, it happens on the 3rd day before
the Vernal Ecjuinox, and again on the 3rd day before the
Autumnal Equinox). Thus, when Shumbun happens on the 21st
day of March, as it actually did last spring, Higan occurs on the
18th.

Hangesho is placed on the 1 oth day after Geshi (that is, the
Summer Solstice), when the latter begins before 1 2 o'clock noon
on the day of its occurrence; but Hangesho is placed on the i ith
day after Geshi, when the latter begins after 12 o'clock ncxjn on
the day of its commencement Thus, in the 33rd year of Meiji
(1900 A.D.), Geshi began (that is, the sun entered Cancer) at
6h. 39m. A. M. on the 22nd day of June, so that Hangesho
happened on the 2nd day of July. Hut in the current year, (ieshi
will begin at 6h. 15m. P. M. 22nd June, so that Hangesho will
happen on the 3rd day of July.

Shanichi is placed on the nearest day of tsuchinoye either

82 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

before or after the commencement of Shumbun and SfMun
respectively. It sometimes happens that the nearest days of
isuchinoye occur on the same number of days both before and after
the beginning of either Shumbun or Shiibun, In that case the
time of its commencement is necessarily taken into account
When it begins in the morning, the nearest day of isuchinoye
before its beginning is taken up ; when it begins in the afternoon,
that after its beginning is made available. Thus, in the 14th year
of Meiji (188 1 A.D.), the vernal equinox commenced at 8h. 32m.
39 s. P.M. on the 20th day of March, and the i6th and the 25th
days of the month were the days of isuchinoye nearest to the
equinox. As the latter began in the afternoon, the 25th of the
month was made Shanichi, The same thing happened last spring,
as will be evident from a glance at the proper page of the current
almanac.

Doyo is now calculated from the sun's longitude. When it
reaches 297°, 27°, 117°, and 207°, those respective instants are
the beginnings of the Doyo of January, April, July, and October.

N. Sakuma.

N. B.

In the study of this subject of time reckonings in Japan,
Bramsen's " Chrc>nc>logical Tables" are, of course, invaluable; but
they are, unfortunately, not easily accessible.

E. W. C.

*«.

.'•■*Si

■ . .J ■

■■''X'.

■■■'^&.
■ i-r

■I /.-.

■ . 4. .;

\\ *i t •
■I J

I 1 Ul

A CHINESE REFUGEE OF
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

Ernest W. Clement, M.A.

In a paper read before this Society on April 8, 1896, upon
the subject, "Chinese Refugees of the Seventeenth Century in
Mito," the writer referred in notes * to other Chinese refugees who
found refuge about that time in various localities of Japan. One
of these was called Tai Ryu [R28il, or Tai Man K6 CKtt^], who
was both a priest and a physician. In that paper allusion was
made to the fact that a stone monument had been erected to his
memory, by pupils of his, at Kawagoye, near Tokyo.

In January of this year [1902], after instituting more
particular inquiries about this matter, and ascertaining that the
monument was in the precincts of the temple known as Ileirinji,
between T6ky6 and Kawagoye, we started out in company with
a Japanese friend to find the place. It tiirneil out to be in
Nobitome Village, Niikura County, of the Province of Musashi,
and the Saitama Prefecture. The temple is situated on a little
knoll called Kimpo2an,t about half a mile off the main road to
Kawagoye, and about 6 ri from Tokyo.

• T. A. S. J., Vol XXIV. pp. 27, 28, 38. t See Note A.

84 Clement : A Chinese Refuged,

We found here, not only the aforesaid monument, but also
many relics, of Tai Man Ko. It is true that the monument was
first erected at Kawagoye ; but it did not then, and does not now,
mark the place of his burial ; it is only an honorary monument,
a cenotapJh, and the place of interment is not definitely known.
The monument is of wood, black lacquered, and about 5 feet high
and 4 feet wide ; the inscription thereon is to the following
purport* : —

Epitaph on the Monument of the Independent Zen Teacher.
By Kogentai [K^ffi], disciple.

The teacher was bom at Ninwa [t ft], Koshu [fti >HJ, China.
His fether was an official and known as a man of good deeds.
His mother was a Ching [Mil. Seven children were born to
them ; and the last was the teacher. His birth took place on the
19th day of the 2nd month of the— year of Manreki [A. D.

i595(?)]-

The child was bright by nature and had an excellent mem-
ory ; so that he could repeat whatever he had once glanced at
in a book. Though he was sent to school when very young, he
had very little inclination to write compositions, (a task which
constituted the chief pursuit of students in those days).

When he was grown up, he wandered about from one place
to another, searching for beautiful mountains and clear streams
and other sublime scenery worthy of admiration. When he was
3D years old, he had not yet written a verse. One day a friend
of his urged him to compose a poem. Then, to the astonishment
and admiration of all present, he spoke out, off hand, a fine

• Translated by Prof. Y. Chiba, of Duncan Academy, Tokyo.

Clement : A Chinese Refugee 85

rhyme. After this he was always ready to write poetry whenever
a subject was suggested to him. His productions came out
spontaneously and showed perfect originality.

Previous to this an important political change had taken
place in his own country, that is to say, the Ming dynasty had
been overthrown by the Shing. He could scarcely bear to enjoy
life under the latter government, thinking that it was an awful
thing and a disgrace to serve two masters: and this caused him
a heartfelt desire to leave that country and come over to our
country. As a boat was leaving for Japan, he seized the oppor-
tunity and came to Nagasaki. This was on the 2nd day of the
3rd month in the 3nd year of Showo [A. D. 1645].

In this city he met Fusho [#.fB], a Buddhist priest of wide
learning, who had been invited from China as a religious teacher.
The teacher [Tai Man Ko] was not a little impressed by the priest
and listened with unusual interest to his teaching. At last he was
converted from Confucianism to Buddhism. He changed his
name to Eki [A ] and sumamed himself Dokuriisu Tenka Ichikan-

He was a man of unfettered disposition ; he was an extensive
reader, especially of religious books, and soon became known to
the world. He entered a monastery and was there made a scribe.
During the 1st year of Manji [1658], he came with the priest to
the capital. The reputation of his learning and virtue became
known among the high officials and noblemen, so that some tried
to secure him for a teacher.

During the 2nd year of Manji [1659] he was obliged to return
to Nagasaki on account of illness. Having recovered from this
sickness, he began a pilgrimage all over the c(juntry. Wherever

86 , Clemeni : A Chinese Re/ui^ee,

he went, he gave medicine and drove away diseases. The people
called him " divine."

He excelled in penmanship. His style of writing exactly
corresponded with the ancient standards in penmanship : and his
ideographs made a wonderful impression upon those who looked
at them. To get a piece of paper containing his writing, or even
a single character, was considered the same as to obtain a precious
jewel or treasure.

A few years later, his teacher Fusho died ; and he came over
to the capital again. Soon afterward, he was made the priest of
Kirapoji, which was called Heirin, a Buddhist temple ten ri out
of the city. This temple had been established by Nobutsuna
Minamoto, the Lord of Izu. When he came to this temple, he
opened up the country, drew water from the Tama River for the
convenience of the people, and added elegant buildings. He
went around the neighboring country, teaching the people and
comforting them.

He had not forgotten his own country, and would often write
out, with indignation, treatises denouncing the great crime of the
Shing dynasty, and sympathizing with his own people, who were
ovenvhelmed by the terrible calamity which had befallen them.
May we not call him one faithful to his own country and a true
disciple of Buddha ?

He died in the 12th year of Kwambun [1672J at the age
of 77.

Clement : A Chinese Refugee, 87

Note A.

Kimpozan Heirinji [ftHlIl^ttc?], also called Voshinin
[fll<&IS], which is located about 8 chb east of the Nobitome Road,
belongs to the Zen Sect. This temple was opened in the ist
yearofK6w6 [1389] by the great priest, Sekihitsu Zenkyu.
The temple was originally built in Iwatsuki Village, between
Omiya and Kasukabe, but it was moved to this place in the
3rd year of Kwambun [1663]. There are four buildings con-
nected with the temple. One of them is called Taikeido [K88^],
which contains an image of Kwannon,* i foot and 2 or 3 inches
tall, dressed in white, which was worshipped by Tai Man K6, and
a wooden statue of the latter. There is also a wooden tablet with
the following inscription : Min {no) Dokuritsu Eki Zen'ihi Kwakui,'\
which seems to have been only an honorary apf)ellation.

* This had been stolen just a little while before our visit.

Clitnenl : A CArnesr Refugee.

Note B.

I have recently been so fortunate as to run across a small
photograph of Mitsukuni (Giko), the 3rd Tokugawa Prince of
Mito, who was the patron of learning and gave sevefal Chinese
refugees a shelter in his clan. For inibrmation concerning this
Japanese Maecenas, see papers on "The Tokugawa Princes of
Mito" (Vol. XVIII, Part I), " The Mito Civil War " (Vol. XIX,
Rirt i). " Chinese Refugees of the Seventeenth Century in Mito "
(Vol, XXIV), and " Inslnictions of a Mito Prince to His Re-
tainers" (Vol. XXVII). The above-mentioned photograph is
here reproduced :—

Mitsukuni [Giko]

BOOK I.

IN PRIVATE LIFE,

FATHER AND GRANDFATHER.

When four years old father lost his mother, and when
nine his father died. He knew little of them. Grand-
fathers name was Kageyu, and grandmother was the
daughter of someone named Someya. I do not know
their native place 'but both died in the village Shimotsuma,
in the province of Hitachi.

Our name Arai came from the Minamoto* family of the
province Kodzuke, and Someya from the Fujiwara family
of Sagami province. I do not know why they went to
Hitachi. There are those who profess to know, but as
father died without telling me I do not believe them.
He told me that grandfather lost his estates and was
concealed by his farmers for a while.

His eyes were large, his beard heavy, and his appearance
stern. His hair dkl not turn grey before he died. He
always ate, so father's old nurse told him, with chopsticks
which he took from a highly ornamented lacquer box,
and after eating he put the chopsticks back and carefully

* The Minamoto family was in 3 branches — Seiwa Genji, Chini-no-
Genji and Kai-no-Genji.

go Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki.

put the box away. In some battle he had taken a <Tood
head, and when he showed it to the general the latter
said, — ** You must be tired," and passed him his own tray
and dinner, giving him the chopsticks. But father heard
the story when so young that he did not remember the
name of the general, nor what battle it was.

One other story father told of him, — When an old
comrade said to him, ** You are contemptuous," grand-
father replied, " Contempt cannot be endured. You spoke
in jest but jests invite contempt."

After grandfather's death father's adopted brother gave
him to a wealthy man whose place was not like grand-
father's but was full of servants, guns, bows and spears.
This man loved father well, but, when 13 years old, father
quarrelled with a comrade and was asked, ** what good is
there in arguing with one who does n6t know his place
as a dependent ?" Father did not understand and, as there
was no one else, asked his old nurse. She told him not
to mind, but as he persisted at last she cried and said : —
" Your father once had an establishment like this but
though he remembered regretfully the past he died in
peace. This man, with his wealth, might adopt any one's
son, but he has taken you and loves you better than his
own child, for you are the son of his lord. Obey him
like a father."

When father heard this he hated his adopted brother,
borrowed some pence from the priest his teacher, did up
his clothes and wrapped them in paper, stuck his pence
into his girdle, put on his sword and went away. After
going a few miles he met the postmen from Mito who
asked him to join them and told him so young a lad was
in danger from thieves if he went alone to Kdo. For

KnoX' : — - hitobiography of Aral llakuseki. g i

a while he refused to answer their questions, but as they
were very kind, and put him on the horse when he was
tired, at last he told them about himself. So they cared
for him in Kdo and found him employment. Twenty years
after father returned to Shimotsuma to observe the twenty-
fifth anniversary of his father's death. Of father's brothers
three were dead, and the survivor told him that the second
brother had deeply mourned him and made unaviling
search for him in Edo.

Soon this remaining brother died also, aiid father had
no further friends in Shimotsuma.

Father's youth was passed in the period soon after the
wars, when men were chivalrous and righteous, very dif-
ferent from now. He wandered about until he was thirty
years old and then found employment with the Kodu,
Minamoto Tsuchiya.*

Three foot soldiers who were accused of murder and
confined in the arrow-room above the gate were put in
his charge. He accepted this position on condition that
the swords of the men were returned ; and when this was
done he said. *' If you escape, cut off my head and take
it with you. I cannot fight three men. My sword is
useless.'* So he wrapped it in a long strip of cloth and
put it aside. He slept and ate with them for ten days,
when they were acquitted. But they were dismissed the
service as they had suffered in reputation. When leaving
they said to father." It was shameful that three of us
were put in charge of one man and we purposed to show

* Kobu — was an honorary litlc and was equivalent to — Minister in
charge of Embankments. Arai always calls his lord by this title. He was
a heUamoio daimyo of 21.000 kokuy and his estates were in Kururi in
Kururi in Kadzusa, across the bay from Tokyo.

92 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki,

our strength. Ikit when you put your sword aside we
felt our shame would be increased should we kill aii un
armed man ; nor could we commit suicide without art
antagonist. Then we planned to take our revenge after
our release, but our swords were restored to us and we
can still enter the society of samurai Your kindness
has taken way our wrath and we shall not forget your
sympathy.

Soon after, father was promoted and given permanent
position in the Kobu*s household. Gradually he rose to
be censor. *

From this on I write of my own remembrance.

Father's life followed a strict and uninterrupted routine.
He awoke at the tiger hour (four a.m.), bathed in cold
water and dressed his own hair. In very cold weather
mother wished him to use warm \vater but he would
not as It would make the servants trouble. When he was
past seventy fire was kept in the foot warmer at night,
for mother suffered from the cold, and, as water could be
heated there without trouble to anyone, he used hot water.
' Father and mother were Buddhists and after their bath
put on their special garments and worshipped the Buddhas.
On their parent's anniversaries they prepared the rice
without help from the servants. When they awakened
before dawn they sat up in bed and silently awaited the
day. When it was light enough to see they arose.

Father's road lay to the north but he always went
out of the south gate and turned to the east. Returning
he went to the west and entered by the north gate. His

* " Grandfather died in 1609, and grandmother in 1604. Father v^'as
horn in 1 602, and went to Kdo in 1613.''

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 93

sandals had iron knobs and he walked with resounding
stq3S giving notice of his approach. All knew his tread
and hushed crying children at the sound. *

The Kobu went year by year to his estates in Modagdri>
province of Kadzusa, spending the time from the eighth
to the twelfth month there. On his return he would
ask father for the news and be told, ** There is none."
After some years he said, ** How is this ! Among so
many samurai surely something has happened these years
past!" But father replied, ** Great matters we communicate
to you at once, trifles we arrange and tlicre is notliing
to tell." TlKireafter, when the Kobu returned, he called
fatlier and told him the happenings in Kadzusa to which
father listened and retired.

In the autumn of 1645, the Kobu was put in charge at
Siiruga> and in his stead father went to Kadzusa. The fol-
lowing spring, he u'as summoned in haste to Suruga to look
after the young samurai who climbed the bamboo fence at
night, and went out for their amusement, not heeding the
rebuke of the officials. Father wished to prevent the scan-
dal of piunishments for such offences, so he set up four or
five guard houses with two foot-soldiers in each and himself
went the rounds all night. This wholly put a stop to the
offence.

In 1647, the Kobu was put in charge of the fire dei>art-
ment in Nikko, and in 1649, of the Osaka castle. Father
went with him to keep the young sanmrai in order en route.
So he did not sleep at all at night, but dozed on horseback
ift the day time or when the company halted. He suffered

* Not to lie down after awaking, to walk with resounding stejjs and
Cttrn to the "east on leaving his gate was to fT>llow the classical examples.

94 K^wx :— Autobiography of Aral HakusekL

so from night blindness that when he returned to Mishima
he could not see the lanterns. His real object was the
protection of the Kobu against the vengeance of a young
samurai^ who had committed a flagrant crime and had fled.
The Kobu was determined to take him, but could not, and
put his aged mother in prison, thinking he would come for
her relief But he did not come and the woman died in
prison. So the samurai disguised himself that he might
kill the Kobu. Father knew all this, and feared the journey
might afford advantage to the criminal.

A boy named Ashizawa had been left an orphan at an
early age. He was given office and honourably employed
by the Kobu. When Ashizawa was twenty years old the
Kobu one day called father. The Kobu was seated with
his sword by his side and his countenance ehanged. He
said, " Come close to me." Father thought there was
need for his sword and started to get it, but the Kobu said,
*' Come as you are. I shall kill Ashizawa myself. Stay
and see." Father stood in silence and soon the Kobu said
again, ** What is your opinion?" And Father replied i-7-
'* Ashizawa acknowledges that your kindness to an orphan
deserves an extraordinary return. He is naturally strong
but is still very young, often does wrong and has given
cause for your wrath. But, are not men of a different
mould useless when mature ? Thinking of all this my
answer was slow and I beg pardon." At this the Kobu
. was lost in thought and father too stood in silence. Tlie
moquitoes gathered on their faces until the Kobu spoke
again, when six or seven fell gorged and father carefully
picked them up and put them in a paper. At last the
Kobu said," You may go now and rest."

Ashizawa had been given to drink and rioting, but, as

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 95

father and father's friend Seki urged him now, he reformed.
After a few years he was given his father's office, and when
the Kobu was dead, father said, '* See that you do not
forget the past !" for he had taken to drink again.

Jn the Kobu's household was a man named Kato, who
was about sixty years old when I was twenty. He had two
famous swords — **dish cutter" and "monkey leader." I have
seen the first, it was narrow and three feet long, but not
the other. That he had from a monkey leader. When
Kat5 was sixteen years old he killed one of his samurai^
cutting quite across his body and clean through a dish.
But after father retired from office he told me the facts
as a secret.

" One can*t believe all that men say, that sword I gave
you when young is the true dish-cutter. Katd's apartment
adjoined mine anci one day I heard him from the second
story quarrelling in a loud voice with one of his young
samurai who was cleaning fish below. What a miserable
row, I thought, and just then Kato nished down stairs,
and I picked up my sword and went to see. He had
struck the samurai but had been too weak to injure him,
and he had turned on Kato with his knife. So I cut down
the man from the shoulder, my sword going quite acro.ss
liis body and through the dish. As he fell, I said to Kato,
* Now stick him !' wiped the blood from my blade and
went home. So when others came rushing in they called
Kato's sword " the dish-cutter."

" My sword had belonged to a man named Goto, and he
had it from his elder brother who had cut a man's head
in two with it. Half the head he kept in proof of the
sword's qualities. From Goto it came to me. Have a

96 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

care for it ! '* I have kept it for cerenK>niaI occasions and
for service and call it lion."

I have also a sword which once belonged to the grand-
son of Okabe, Lord Tambu. Once when going out into
the forest with a young companion they met a wild boar.
The companion ran and climbed a tree, but his lord waited
with his back to a tree. When the boar charged him
with its tusks he cut it across the mouth and the brute bit
the sword and ran with it in its mouth and struck against a
tree,-destroying the ornaments of the sword and killing it-
self. This boy did many such deeds, and father begged
the sword from him and gave it to me. But father added
** I never talk of the quality of my sword, for when men
talk of their swords they soon come to testing them in

fight."

A certain old man constantly swore by the gods and the
Buddhas, and father cautioned me, " Men who lie, swear
as a proof of truth. This old man is not a liar, but is care-
less in his talk, and has acquired this habit. Beware of it !"

Father had a friend, five or six years his junior, named
Seki, who became imbecile when more than .seventy years
old, and father thought, " How pitiable one is when his
powers fail with age ; and there is no help for it unless
preparation is made in youth. Old men do and say wrong
things from forgetful ness. Old and young have a certain
routine, if they attempt more they may do it or may not.
So from my youth I have undertaken few duties, but those
I have done with my strength and have not left them to
others. I have a place for everything, so I can find it in
the dark, just as we learn the parts of our bodies and use
them involuntarily. And there is profit in asking old men
of their youth ; for that they do not forget and answer well

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, gy

if asked; but we should not speak of the new and wonderful
things we hear. I forget names heard only once, and tinies
and places escape me soon. Nothing is thought of it if a
youth forgets, but if it is an old man they say, He is im-
becile. So I take special care not to forget. Seki was
honest and skillful, but be was careless in speech and act.
So he has become imbecile.'*

As I remember father he was very grey, his face was
square, and his forehead high. His eyes were large, and
his beard heavy. He was short, large-boned, strongly built.
He showed no sign of emotion in his face, he did not laugh
loudly nor scold in an angry voice. His words were few
and his movements dignified. I never saw him surprised,
amazed or lacking in self control. For example, he thought
small moxa useless and would have five or seven large ones
applied at once, showing no sign of suffering.

When off duty, he cleaned his room, hung up some
ancient painting, arranged a few flowers of the season and
sat silent all day or painted pictures. He did not care for
colored pictures.

When well he did not have servants wait on him at
meals. He ate two bowls of rice and a variety of other
things that he might not hurt himself eating too much of
any one. He did not pick and choose but ate what was
set before him whether he fancied it or not, weighing the
several dishes in his hands to determine their quantity. He
did not order his meals, though he insisted upon having the
fresh food of the four seasons as soon as it was in the
market, and ate it with the family. He was easily affected
by wine, and merely took the cup in his hand at the cere-
monies. Tea he much liked.

At home, he wore carefully washed clothes, nothing soiled

98 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki.

even in bed. When he went out, his dress was new and
fine, but not extravagant or beyond his rank for, like the
famous men of old, he wished no criticisms after death.
He associated things with their owners and thought char-
acter revealed by possessions, and that it was a shame to
forget one's things.

His ordinary fan was of an ancient pattern with white
ribs, and its paper splashed with silver and gold, but at
times he used a fan ornamented with pictures, and was care-
ful to get pictures by famous artists. Still more was he
particular as to the ornaments of his swords and armour.

When past seventy his left elbow troubled him and he
wished to retire, but the Kobu would not consent. So
father wore only one sword, a short one a foot long and
an inch wide, with its scabbard wound with silk, and his
servant followed bearing his long sword. That \vas extra-
ordinary, but the Kobu permitted it. * Father thought a
sword for use, and not to be worn when it could not be
handled, and so wore only his short one. That he kept
until death, and then gave it to his adopted son in Oshu.
Its ornaments were iron, its scabbard had black lacquer
waves ornamented with ebony. When he took the tonsure
he put it away in a leathern bag.

Some years after his death the late head of the Kotoku
temple told me that when father was past eighty a drunken
fellow came to the temple flourishing his sword, and no one
faced him until the old man came out, caught him by the
arm, tripped him, threw his sword into the drain, and went
back into the temple. Then the young priests came out

* Extraordinary, because the swords of Daimyo were thus carried by
servants.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hahiseki, 99

and guarded the fellow where he lay, until sobered, and
finally sent him home. The priest thought father's deed
should not be mentioned, lest people think it a mere display
of vanity on the part of an old man. But persons of dis-
crimination will see the reason for his act.

When I was seventeen or eighteen, I dropped a green
colored cord with a hook at its end used for securing
criminals. " What is that he asked," " When I was a
censor I had such a cord for years, for fear my servants
might not have one in time of need. When I gave up
office I used it to tie the cat. That is the cord you have.
A samurai should take care. Each one has things to do
and other things not to do. That is not for you, and you
are too old to be heedless.

STORIES OF THE PAST: FATHER'S RE-
TIREMENT AND DEATH.

Father told me this story of Takadaki Kichibei, of
Harima a samurai of Shizawa. He was very fond of fish-
ing and one day left his swords with his servant and waded
into the water with his net. He went into the boundaries
of a neighboring daimyoy and was taken by two guards and
bound up with his net. With tears of blood he begged off,
but keenly felt his disgrace as the story got around. He
had much desired that which is not for samurai, and so was
led into these misfortunes.

On the New Year's day following he went to the great
gate of the neighboring daimyo, and there, in the crowd, cut

lOO Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

down one of the best samurai and fled leaving a card with
this writing, — '* I cut him down to cover my shame." They
searched the neighborhood but could not find him. Next
day he cut down another samurai, left his card and dis-
appeared, and again, on the seventh day repeated his
exploit. They could not find him. Once to do such a
deed is easy, to do it three times showed his strength and
audacity.

I used to tell tliis story while I was employed by the
Kofiu ; and once, wlien in Kadzusa my attention was at-
tracted by a man standing among the farmers. He kept
looking at me and averting his face as he caught my eye.
He did not seem an ordinary man, and I went to his side
and asked who he might be ? At first lie said,—''* I am
of this place," and averted his face. But as I insisted at
last he said, ** I am the Takadaki whom you once knew.
This was the home of my ancestors, and hither I fled and
was taken in for my family's sake. When I heard that
Arai was here I came to see if it was indeed you, and was
overcome with shame as I recalled the past."

Father told me anotlier stor>\ of an Echizen man named
Kurv4xi who had disap|K*ared. Years after, fatlier was
crossing the 1 lakonc pass, going to I iarima in the west on
business. Just beyond I lata he s;\w a coolie with a bundle
ixf w^.Kxl» and fussing him a little hoard a call. He looked
back auil s*\w that the c*.K^lic had Uiid down his wood, taken
iho cloth tVvMU his face, and was coming toward him. " So,"
iv* toll the slv^n* in t'athcrV words. " I turned back and he
said, * You do not ronKuibcr me ? I am Kurobci. Why
arc vou sv> foolish a< to come here alone ? ' Then as I
Kv^kv\{ at him I so^Mticd to remember him. but as in a dneom.
so Ullon was he, * \ low did vo;i oonw to this ? ' I asked

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haktiseki, loi

and told him of myself. So he said, * As you have leisure,
and I wish to talk with you come to my house. It is near.'

As we went togctlier he said, * I have an aged father, and
as I could not support him otherwise took to his work.
When I saw you I could not restrain my desire for a talk
of the old times, though I was ashamed to call. But father
is very old fashioned and will not see strangers, so I must
explain to him. Wait here a little.*

So he left me and went into a wretched hut, but soon
came again, and took me in. There was an old man of
eighty making a fire. * I have nothing for guests ' he said,
' but must not be shamefaced before my son's friend. You
shall have such as we have, and pray spend the night.' So
lie gave me rice mixed with wheat and some bulbs. I^ter
on he said, * I interrupt your talk,' bade us good night and
went into another room.

We sat by the fire, feeding it with faggots, until after
midnight and then he went into his father's room and
brought out two bamboo sticks. From them he took his
swords fine in make and beautiful in ornament. He wept
and said, ' As a samurai I could not support my father,
and he had no one else. I sold all but my swords. These
I shall keep while my strength lasts. As you see, my
father is not long for this world. If I can support him to
the end I shall be happy. Afterwards you may meet mc
again.'

The next morning he prepared food for his father and
me, went with me a distance on my way, and took his
leave I never heard of him again.

Father was unmarried when he entered the Kobu's ser-
vice. He adopted a boy named Ichiya Masanobu, the son
of a dear friend. Ichiya became a retainer of the Kobu's

1 02 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki,

second son and went with him to Dshu. When father
retired, Ichiya supported him until I was able to do so.
I^ater, Ichiya gave his possessions to his eldest son and
became a priest. He died soon after 1 obtained my position,
and his eldest son soon followed him. Then his second
son died, and now his property is in the hands of his
son's son.

Father was well past forty when he married mother.
Their first two children were girls, and both died before
they were three. The third was also a girl and died when
nineteen, and my younger sister died at eighteen. Father
was fifty .seven, and mother forty two, when I was born.

I do not know certainly of my mother's parents. I knew
her sisters, elder and younger. When I was old enough
to understand, I earnestly asked after my grand parents but
she replied, ' Nothing should be concealed from a son, but
I'll not tell you. Often have men of rank been born of
humble mothers and it will not disgrace you to be ignorant
of your mother's family. But this much I will say, all
know of my father and my grandfather. The latter was
distinguished in Nobunaga's history; and my mother's
grandfather distinguished himself in the Korean expedition.'
My mother told me this in detail, weeping bitterly.

Mother was in the service of the Lady of Gcishu,* and
went with her to Oshu when she became a nun. There
mother met and married father.

She wrote a fine hand, composed good verses, and read
many books. She taught all this to my sisters. She was
a skillful player of ''go'' and chess, and taught me to play.
She had the finger tips for the " koto'' She thought

* The wife of the lord of Geishu.

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haknscki. 103

women should weave cloth and make clothes ; and she
made father's and mine. I have some of her making still.
The proverb says, " like marry like," and so it was with
my parents. They were alike in words and actions.

When father shaved his head, mother did the same. She
was sixty three when she died. The Kobu had died when
father was seventy five. He was very ill at the time but
recovered after he had been given up. He would not
resume his office. The Kobu's heir pensioned father and
praised him highly for his faithful service for so many
years. Father and mother shaved their heads, and took a
small dwelling in the temple H5-on, Asakusa.

The next winter, Yorinao's distant cousin, a Minister
of Kobu's and an intimate friend of father s consulted him
about deposing Yorinao and making his young son heir.
Father vainly tried to dissuade his friend, as the attempt
was premature. The scheme failed and I too lost my posi-
tion as I belonged to that party. (26th March 1677). My
younger sister died the same year, and mother, sorrowed
by these things, took ill on the 20th June 1678 and died
suddenly on the 22d. So father was left alone.

In April 1679 Yorinao lost his rank and his son was
given only a fraction of his possessions. The son sent for
me, but I refused to go while father remained in disgrace.
It was done as I wished and I went to the young man. He
had as yet no *' true name," and at his request I gave him
one, Tatenao. Thus a way was opened for me * and I
took service with Furukawa no Shosho, Masatoshi, Asson
Hctta Chikuzen no Kami, Tairo.

Now I purposed to care for father, and the 15th July

* While in disgrace he could get no enii^loyment. His new aUow-
ance was 500 koku.

I04 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusekL

1679 he spent with me in talk and mutual solace. He
went home the next day and the day following I heard
that he was ill and went to him at once. He was dying.
He heard that I had come, opened his eyes, took my hand,
and died as one goes to sleep.

It was only an hundred days after I had become a samu-
rai. It was a great grief; but he was comforted as he
knew that I had a position and that his name had been
cleared. He was eighty two years old.

I remember father well, as he was when over eighty. He
had remained unchanged from my youth, and this both
because of his natural superiority, and his careful habits in
every thing. I well remember hLs oft repeated teachings
and especially the following : — " Men should persevere.
Attack the greatest difficulty first, and the others will not
seem formidable.'* I have greatly profited by that, and
especially as to my temper, for I am naturally impatient
and restraii myself with difficulty. But with good fortune
I have passed through many dangers, and my years and
strength decay together. Probably I am not so impulsive
as in the past. I desire this teaching to be handed down
to the future members of my family.*'

Again father said, — *' I left home when thirteen and lived
among strangers. I have had many intimates and have
kept their friendship by avoiding avarice and lust. Men
differ by nature, rank and education but all alike destroy
friendship by these two vices. As my teacher said. Lust
and avarice weave a hatred nothing can undo. Let old
and young beware of them."

Knox : — AiUobiography of Aral FlakusckL 105

CHILDHOOD AND EDUCATION.

The Kobu's mansion burned in the great fire, 4th March
1657^ and all fled to Yanagiwara. There I was born in a
temporary dwelling on March 25. So the Kobu called me
when very young, Spark (i.e. the Son of the Fire). His
mother took a fancy to me and I was much at her dwelling.
The Kobu saw me there when I was three and aftenvards
sent for me daily and treated me with a kindness beyond
that shown his own son. So folks thought me a natural son.

When I was six Oshu Nambu Shinano no Kami, Toshi-
nao, said to the Kobu, " I have no son. Give this boy to
me." But the Kobu explained that I was the son of one
of his retainers, whereon Toshinao said, — *' I^end him to
me. ril care for him, educate him and give him an allow-
ance of a thousand koku.** But the Kobu, for his own and
his mother's fondness, would not. Folks thought it a pity,
as the Kobu could not do so well by me.

On New Year's day, my seventh year, I broke out with
malignant small-pox. The Kobu's mother daily sent mes-
sengers, and priests to pray at my bed side. That fatlier
did not fancy, but permitted it. The Kobu .sent two of his
attendants and was much troubled when they told him that
the doctor had given me up. He told him to redouble his
efforts and sent me medicine with unicorn in it. So the
spots came out and turned red, and folks said, — ** So then
he is for tlie world, but he is not the doctor's son." Dr.
Ishikawa told me this when I was twenty four years old.
When I had recovered the Kobu's mother gave me a feast,
and my savmrai sword and outfit. She died when I
was nine.

lo6 Knox : — AufoNo<:^t'(i/yhy of Ami Hakuseki,

When three years old, I was sitting one day tracing the
pictures and ideographs in the Ueno-inonogatari of people
going to see the flowers, and mother said several of the
ideographs were well made, and showed my work to father.
Others thought it extraordinary, and it was shown to a
number. I saw it in Kadzusa when I went there in my
seventeenth year. I also wrote my name on a screen and
two of the ideographs were well made. The screen burned
in a conflagration. From that time I constantly amused
myself reading and writing but had no teacher and so
studied the pictured guide books.

The Kobu had a retainer named Tonda, who had a com-
mentary on the Taihciki which he used sometimes to ex-
pound in father's house, folks assembling to hear it. In
my fourth or fifth year, I sat up by father and listened to
the end, however late it might be, and then asked questions,
to the astonishment of those present.

When six years old I was taught a Chinese poem with
its explanation and music, so that I could comment on it,
by a scholar named Uematsu, who also taught me two
others. He advised sending me to some good master, but
the old conservatives said ;-r-** No one can become a scholar
without talent, diligence and w^ealth. The boy has talent,
but whether diligent or no we do not know. He surely
has not wealth." And father said, ** The Kobu is too fond
of him to send him away to school." But still the Kobu
took pride in my writing and wanted me to learn, and when,
in my eighth year, he went to Kadzusa, he set me this task,
to write three thousand ideographs every day and one
thousand every evening. When the winter days were too
short for my task, I moved my table out on the verandah
so as to finish by day light, and when I grew sleepy at

Knox : — Atitobiograpliy of Aral Ilakuscki, 107

night I put two ijots of water by my side. Then as I
began to nod 1 threw back ni)' gown and my friend emptied
one of the pots over me, and as I gradually grew dry and
warm and sleepy again, he threw the other over me and so
I got tlirough the task. This was in the winter and autumn
of my ninth year, and from that time I conducted father's
correspondence.

In the autumn of my eleventh year I learned the Tcki-
norai by heart in ten days, wrote it out and presented it to
the Kobu who was greatly pleased. From my thirteenth
year I conducted his correspondence.

When I was eleven father had a friend named Seki,
whose son was a clever fencer, and taught the art. I asked
for lessons, but was refused as too young, w^hen I replied,
" If I cannot use my sword why should I wear it ?" Then
he consented, and taught me one style so well that in a
contest with wooden swords with a youth of sixteen throe
times I was beaten and thrice victorious, the lookers laugh-
ing in their interest. So I took up martial exercises and
read all the old war stories to the neglect of my writing.

In my seventeenth year I saw a copy of the Okina-
Hondo* in the house of a fellow page and borrowed it.
Out of it I first learned of the " Way of the Sages." I
liked it at once and wished to study it, but had no teacher.
However, a physician of .some attainments heard of my
desire. He came daily to the Kobu s mansion, and taught
me the *' Introduction to the Little Learning," and then
the history by Chuki. Day and night I .studied the
" Little Learning " and the " Four Classics." So far the
physician helped me but as I went on to the " Five lk>oks "
I had no teacher and worked at them with a le.xicon and

* Trans. As. Soc. Vul. XX. pp. 13 ff.

io8 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

made many mistakes as I now know. So I studied by
myself, and understood only in part and took up composi-
tion and rhetoric and poetry, making my first poem of fifty
six characters in the twelfth month of that year. Then I
wrote an essay, my first attempt at prose, in explanation of
my verse, as I had heard a man ridicule and criticise it. I
kept these boyish studies from the knowledge of father and
his friends, but as I needed books I made a confidante of
mother.

When twenty one I left the Kobu's mansion and con-
tinued my studies with congenial friends but, for reasons
of my own, without a teacher. The scholar Ahiru of
Tsushima was one of my friends and when, in the autumn
of my 26th year, I was in .service again, and a Korean
ambassador arrived, I sent an hundred verses of my own to
him by Ahiru with a request for an introduction for the
book. He liked the verses, and asked to meet me, and so
I had an evening with him and his two attendants, writing
poetry, and, at the close, the ambassador wrote tlie intro-
duction to my verses, as I had asked.

The same year Kinoshita first took office from the Sho-
gun. (1682). I^ter I went to Yamagata and kept a
journal which Ahiru showed to Kinoshita who was his
master. Ahiru also showed Kinoshita my book of poems
and he liked the books and asked to see me, and so I met
him. When Ahiru died he asked me to request Kinoshita
to prepare his epitaph, and I acted as amanuensis.

So I became a disciple of Kinoshita and very intimate
with him, though the usual ceremonies of initiation were
omitted. For years he had many distinguished disciples,
but I was put at their head and he sent me to teach the
heir apparent of the Shogun.

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 109

As I review my life it would appear that I shouki have
made much greater progress had I had good teachers, when
I began to write at three years, study poetry at six, and the
" Way " at seventeen. When employed by the Shogun
I bought many books and was given many, but was so
pressed by my duties that I found little time for reading.
Itefore that I was so poor that my books were borrowed
or copied and therefore few. In this matter of study no
one has been more unfortunate. That I have so far suc-
ceeded is because I have followed father's advice and done
the most difficult task first. What others learn at once, I
master only with ten repetitions and what others with ten,
I with an hundred rcixititions.

YOUTH.

The year before the Kobu died, (I was then eighteen), I
went with him on his usual visit to Kadzusa.

In the middle of the eleventh month I was accused of
leaving my post, when on guard, to see the hunt, and was
imprisoned in my own house. Toward the end of that
month the younger samurai quarrelled and, together with
their relatives formed two parties. All joined one side or
the other and in the beginning of the twelfth month ihcy
met and decided to fight. All father's friends were with
Seki, and were expecting to go to the fight at the hour of
the sheep.

I was told about the affair, and sent a trusty servant to
bring mc word when all should be ready, telling him not

I 1 o Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusckL

to come even when the party should go forth, but to wait
until the fight began. The other servants I told to report
me ill, and in bed with a cold since morning, should any
one call for me. Then I put on my chain armour under my
clothes and went to bed and waited for my messenger. Hut
he, to my surprise, did not come until evening, until the
middle of the dog hour, and then he said ; ** They expected
to start at the bird hour, but men went back and forth and
made peace at last. Uesugi asked me my business and I
told him, what you had said."

The next evening one of Seki's sons called and said, —
** So you were coming to help us?" ** Yes,'* I replied.
*' But you are imprisoned ; and how did you expect to get
out ?' he asked. " By the small gate on the west." **That"
he said, ** is guarded by day and shut at night. How did
you expect to get through?" ** The other gates are strong-
ly guarded : that only by an old man and woman who keep
the key in a little house by the side. Should they let me
out I could go and die and no one be the wiser, nor their
fault be known. I expected assent, but should they refuse
I purposed to cut off their heads, take the key and go."

Whereon he ; — ** My father and yours were old friends
and it was a matter of course that you should help us. But
you were under arrest and could not come out ! To have
killed those two old folks, and have forced the gate would
have been a dreadful crime !" And then I laughed, — ** Was
it not a crime then to collect a band and fight ? You
purposed killing the leading samurai^ I, two old people.
We are like in this — we both purposed killing the people
of our lord, but considering the difference in the rank of
our intended victims my crime was small. But when I
knew of your plan, if I had not joined you the Kobu would

Knox : — Autobu\^riiphy of Aral Hakuscki. 1 1 1

have thoui^ht me no samuiuxi, tliouMi of course he would
have said nothing. Had I been a real criminal I should
have been bound hand and foot, but not being bound I was
at liberty to go out at a time like this. Had I remained
a spectator, the law would have been silent as I was under
arrest, and I might have taken contemptible advantage of
my position and so have saved my life. Or had I been of
the good natured age I might have worked for peace, but
I am not yet twenty, and peace-making is not my virtue.
Not to help my friends would be my shame. You need
not thank me for it. In joining an unlawful deed one more
unlawful deed goes for nothing." He had nothing to say
but went away and told his father, who exclaimed, — ** Ah !
He is his father's son!" and wept joyful tears.

When I was in disgrace I had thought with sorrow, —
Father will not forgive me even if the Kobu does, but
when the Kobu restored me to my old place father was
greatly pleased. Seki wrote him in full of this affair and
he did not ask even why I had been punished. For when
father joyfully showed mother Seki's letter with its account
of my purpose, and conversation with Seki's son she said, —
"Because of this forgive him for the past." As I now
see, this event was the beginning of the sad fall of the
Kobu's house.

When the Kobu died his eldest son succeeded him as
YoshO, lyo no Kami. This man who destroyed his house
was very displeasing to his father, and the two had met
only on New Year's day for a long time. The household
did not know of Yoshii's bad conduct, but thought it a plan
on the Kobu's part to make his son by a concubine his
heir. Yoshu divorced his wife and she bore him a son
afterwards, whom the Kobu sent to Kadzusa and left there

1 1 2 Kfiox : — ' Autobiography of Arai HakusekL

until he was twcK^e or thirteen. Then the Kobu sent for
him that he might show him to the household, but YoshO
thought the boy was to be made heir and kept him away
on v^arious pretexts, and finally let him come only when the
Kobu was fatally ill. So the Kobu died with the thought,
" My house will perish with my son."

So the Kobu's intimate retainers did not look upon
Yoshij as heir, especially father who did not perform his
duties for a day. Yoshu was greatly angered for he knew
it was from distrust, and so he accepted father's resignation
giving him only just enough for subsistence; and did not
kill nor exj^el him. Yoshij feared to do that. Nor did I
get father's allowance but was left unemployed, for I was
not liked as I had been brought up from childhood at the
Kobu's knee.

A year later father was slandered and so Yoshu took
away his allowance, exf)elled us, and shut the door to
employment on me. My parents were cared for by their
adopted son in Oshij and I did not know in the least what
I should do. I became a ronin, with only two followers,
and lived with the merchants. My friends wished to em-
ploy me as a teacher for their sons, but I did not fancy it.
Instead, I attended the lectures of famous teachers mornings
and evenings, and paid my respects to my parents at noon.

About that time I saw my elder sister, who had died
when nineteen, in a dream. I was greatly troubled and at
day break went to my parents. They told me my younger
sister was confined. So I went to her place. Her child
was born easily but sister died soon after. So I was with
my parents more than ever. The next summer I again
saw sister in a dream and hurried to my parents. Nothing
was the matter : but in a brief hour mother was taken ill

Knox. ': — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, \ 1 3

and after a while died. So father and I were left in our
sorrow, lonely beyond expression.

There was an old ronin who had often been at the
Kobu's that came to father and said ; — ** Yoshu will never
employ your son again, for he particularly hates all who
were trusted by the Kobu ; I have known your boy from his
youth and share your grief that he cannot be a samurai.
Now I have a rich merchant friend who has a daughter but
no son, and wants to marry his daughter to a samurai and
will leave all his fortune to his son-in-law. He has en-
trusted the affair to me, and if your son will have her he
can provide amply for you. " It is to talk this over that
I have called.'* Father replied, " Many thanks, but my
son is not a child and I decide nothing for him. Consult
with him." So father told me when next I saw him and
I promised to see the man and went to his place. " Very
many thanks for your kindness," I said to him, *' but I
have other plans and cannot consent." Then I went home
and told father, — " I know it is a grief to you that we are
in such a condition and so poor, but I was born your son
and shall never become the son of another. And in spite
of poverty and of the fact that I cannot be employed any-
where, I shall not forsake that samurai path which my
father and grandfather trod and become a merchant."
Father was highly pleased. ** There are many men of
many minds," he said " and though your father I cannot
decide such things for you. You answered well. It is
filial piety to throw one's self away to help one's aged
parent but such conduct as yours is great filial piety. * I

* Mencius gives the differing degrees of filial pictj. The samurai on
Hakone Pbss p. 13 ante illustrated filial piety but Anii nourished his father's
heart instead of his body and so showed '* great filial piety." He also

114 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki,

purposed to endure this poverty when I resigned my oflfice
and you need feel no concern at all."

Another man planned a physician's career for me and
said, — " Most physicians now-a-days are ignorant and with
your learning and ability you can soon surpass them all.
The profession is not ignoble. Will you not learn it and
so support your father?" But I replied, ** Medicine is for
the aid of others, and I might well adopt this profession
since I have no other prospects. But I have neither the
learning nor the ability, and were I to hurt men I should
not have the physician's benevolence. I cannot do this
well, and the Ancients said, ' Do not kill innocent men.' **

At this time I had a student friend who was the son of
the richest man in Japan, and he said to me, — *' Father
thinks you will be a famous scholar and told me to propose
a marriage with the daughter of my deceased elder brother.
Father will give you a mansion costing three thousand ryo
and all you need for your studies." I replied, " I shall
nev^er forget your kindness but must tell you this old story,
— One summer a man was resting in the Divine Monntain
with his feet in the water when a tiny snake came and
licked his toe. Soon it went away, but only to return at
once grown bigger. It licked his toe again, and a third
time came, still bigger, and took his toe into its mouth.
So when it went away the man put his short sword on his
toe and when the snake came back again, yet larger than
before, it took toe and sword into its mouth and the man
jerking the sword cut the snake's mouth. It fled and he

showed loyalty — by remaining unemployed until restored by his owii lortL
For to be employed by another would indicate that he had been unworthy
of punishment and this would reflect upon his master. " Though the
Lord ceases to l>e Lord, the retainer is still retainer," Sho Kyo.

Knox : — Autobiography of Ann Hakiiscki. 1 1 5

wont into the house and shut the door, and lo, a great
hubbub without. After an hour he went out and there
dead before the house was a monstrous snake, ten feet long ,
with a frightful wound a foot in length across its head.

The story, as likely as not, is not true but it serves to
illustrate your proposal. The small snake got a small
wound, but the cut grew with its growth and became a
foot in length. Should I, ignorant and unknown, accept
your proposal the wound would be small, but should I really
become famous it too would be great. To make a wounded
scholar with three thousand ryo .is not amusing, and besides,
I do not want the small wound even now. Tell your
father what I say." The girl afterwards married a well
known scholar. Father fully approved my act, thinking it
a matter of course and my illustmtion pat.

In the summer of my twenty third year Yoshu's house
was destroyed and, as I have written, I was again given
employment. When twenty-six I was recommended to
Ki no Masatoshi Asson, Hotta Chikuzcn no Kami. In the
autunm of my twenty-eighth year he was killed, having
been charged with plotting against the emperor, though
there was no proof of his guilt. His son was very unfor-
tunate and cut down the allowance of his samurai and
many left his service. I was not in confidential relations
with him or with his father, but would not leave at such a
time, for if one has enough for himself and family such
desertions are not loyal, even though the service be unsatis-
factor}^ It is natural that a samurai should be poor, yet
he must maintain his station, but finally my funds all
gave out.

So in the spring of my thirty-fifth year I wrote out my
thoughts and presented the paper to my lord, asking dis-

lili

1 1 6 K710X : — Autobiography of Ami Haktiseki,

missal. I told my friends I had long desired tins, but
remained because of my lord's misfortunes. They urged
me to remain saying, ** Your livelihood is provided for and
if you go away you lose even that. Consider your wife and
children if you do not care for yourself." But I told them
** either I should have left the .service long before or have
accomplished something i:i it, had he been fortunate. But
in his misfortune it was the duty of a samurai to endure
for years. Now this going forth without knowing the
future and with wife and children, will show my true quality
and purpose. Heavens knows all, and there is no such
fear as you suggest." But my lord made no reply, nor
told me his thought and so summer passed into autumn
while he refused his consent. In the early autumn my
child was born and when I again asked for my dismissal
it was given me.

LFXTURER TO LORD KOFU.

I had, say, thirty cents in money and a few quarts of
rice, so there was no danger of hunger for a few days.
With wife and children I went to the temple Kdtoku in
Asakusa, (we had long been p.irishioners there), and took a
house in the neighborhood. A man servant and a maid
went with us. I tried to dissuade them and told them I
had nothing for them, but they would go and said they
could provide for their own wants.

The younger brother of a man I had formerly taught
heard of our circumstances and most une.x[x:ctedly offered

Knox : — Autobiography of - \rai HaktisckL 1 1 7

to provide for us until I should find employment. Toward
the end of autumn I moved to the cast of the castle and
there the number of my pupils constantly increased and
there were many men of position among them.

The next spring a man named Tani said to me, — ** You
are from a house that is in ill repute with the Shogun and
you follow a master who is unemployed. So your advance-
ment is slow and difficult, though your learning is great.
Consider your interests and change your school." At
first I only laughed at the suggestion, but when it was
repeated the third time I replied : — " You mean it for my
good but you mis'ake. You remember how the disciples
of Confucius still thought his teaching that which they
should learn, even when he was unemployed by the govern-
ment, and suffered with him and followed him out of office
as when he was in power. In gratitude for their favours
we are taught to follow father, lord and teacher until death. ^

My father is dead : I have no lord, and can only follow
my teacher until death." So Tani was silenced. *

Kinoshita recommended me to his old lord, the prince
of Kaga, but a man named Okajima Chushiro, from that
province, begged me to give place to him as he wished to
return to Kaga to care for his aged mother ; but, he added,
the recommendation must come from Kinoshita. So I
told Kinoshita that I was ready to serve any daimyo but
should refuse this appointment as I did not wish to stand
in the way of Okajima. Kinoshita wept at my words and

♦ Hayashi was Minister of Kducation and in favour with the liflh
Shogun. He was the head of the ofllcial scholars. And so Tani advised
Aral to leave Kinoshita and enn>ll liis name, as a matter of form, amon^
liayashi's followers.

1 1 8 Knox : — Atitobiograpliy of Aral Ilakuseki,

said, — ** Such conduct in these times is extraordinary. It
IS wortliy of the ancients !" And he recommended Okajinia
forthwith and told everj'one what I had done.

On the tenth day of the tenth month of my thirty-seventh
year, Koriki lo no Kami asked Kinoshita who was first
among his followers, adding ** Toda Nagato no Kami sent
me to ask." (Now Toda was chief minister of Ixjrd Kofu,
the Shogun's heir.) Kinoshita replied, Arai of course, as
you know." And on the fifteenth he said to mc, " Koriki
has not been here for a long time. Go and see him." So
I went to him and was asked many questions. On tlic
fifth day of the twelfth month Koriki again visited Kino-
shita, told him Toda's views, and arranged for my recom-
mendation. However, Kinoshita thought the salary too
small and said he must first consult with me. He
cmie to me that night, the next day saw K5riki again,
was with me the following evening when I gave him my
answer, and on the morning of the seventh our letter was
sent in.

The first offer was an allowance for thirty men, but
Kinoshita refused at once saying," Though learning can-
not be measured by the pay yet the world judges by that.
Some of my pupils who are inferior to Arai get more than
you offer him. Iksides, he has not always been a teacher
but has twice held office as a samurai and so has his rank."
So Koriki came again and said, " You are right and we'll
give him an allowance for forty men. Let him take that
and we will see as to the future.** Kinoshita would not
agree even then, but I thought, I^rd Kofu is heir and so
cannot be compared with other princes. If I now refuse
I must hereafter refuse all offers unless the salary is larg^er.
We do not know our fate, and I will accept. Kinoshita

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hahiscki. \ 19

thought I should wait a while before answering but I wish-
ed to reply at once and so our letter was sent.

I afterwards heard that Hayashi, Minister of Education,
had refused the place for his disciples and that Toda heard
of me and wished to recommend me but could not, as I
was not enrolled among Hayashi's followers. And this
was the reason Tani had come to me. A follower of
Hayashi got the place, but was soon given other employ-
ment, and then my engagement followed.

On the fifteenth I was summoned to the residence of
Lord Kofu and going on the morning of the sixteenth was
made his retainer by Toda and the other ministers. On
the eighteenth I met my lord, and began my lectures, on
the twenty-second, with an exposition of the ** Great
learning."

At the beginning of the new year my lord said to me, —
" I have thrice read the * Four Classics," the *' Little learn-
ing " and the Kin-shi-roku (A Cento from the Ancients) ;
but still do not fully understand the Way of the Sages.
What should I study now?" I replied in substance that
the four great scholars teach the Ancient Sages' Way for
the government of self and others, and must be our teachers
in act and heart. Great government and great laws are
set forth in the " Five Books " and these must be studied
with the others. You have still time and with diligence
your great ability will .soon be apparent. Let us begin
with the Book of Odes and the l^ook of Rites." So I
expounded the former and Yoshida (a scholar of Hayashi's
school) the latter, in daily lectures.

Toward the end of that month my daughter died of the
small pox and my son had the disease, so I began my lec-
tures on the thirteenth of the second month and, that year,

1 20 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakiisckL

lectured one hundred and sixty two days, finishing on the
twentieth of the eleventh month. I illustrated my lectures
with sketches.

The next year I lectured upon the Hook of History and
as we still had time left each day, at my lord's request, we
read the History- of China by ChQhi. That year I lectured
seventy one days and ended on the eleventh day of the
twelfth month.

The following year I began the Spring and Autumn,*
using the great commentaries, and Yoshida lectured on the
Hook of Changes. For six years I lectured on the Spring
and Autumn, one hundred and fifty .seven days in all, and
kept on with Chuhi's history until my lord's death, t

After my lecture we usually went to another room and
took our ease. My lord would ask me questions about
China and Japan and especially as to the history of the
House of Tokugawa. So, at his request, I wrote a history
of all the daimyo of more than ten thousand kohi. I
would first make an outhne and, as he approved, would fill
it out, making careful inquiry of the different daimyo. I
began to write on the eleventh of the seventh month and
finished in the tenth month. The history was chiefly oc-
cupied with the events of the eighty years from 1600 to
1660. It relates how the estates of 337 daimyo were won,
inherited, augmented or decreased. It is in twenty parts,
one part introduction, two for conclusion and index and
ten for the Tokugawa family. I wrote tlie preface myself
and presented it to the Shogun, the eighteenth March,
1702. He named it Hankanpu.

* A history by Confucius.

t The work is in 500 vols. 'Hie Five Hooks are llie five classical
Scriptures of the Chinese.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 1 2 1

At first I expounded the Book of Odes, then the Four
Classics with the Book of Filial Piety, and parts of the
Book of Rites. After my lord became Sho<jun I went as
his messenger to Kydto, and when the Korean embassy
came I met it. Excepting these times, nineteen years
were given to learning and I lectured 1299 times before
my lord. Others also lectured occasionally or regularly,
especially on the Classics and thus history and the Classics
were studied thoroughly. I have heard of no other ruler
so fond of learning in China or Japan.

In the end of the. autumn of 1695 my lord told me to
make a list of the books he should read, and, with Kino-
shita's help, I made one, naming one hundred and some
tens of works. In the twelfth month he set two men to
cataloguing his other books, and their list embraced two
hundred works in Chinese and Japanese. He told several
of us to put our own mark on any work we desired,
but each so deferred to the others that very few were
taken. I took only eleven books of those left by the
others, for some of the works I Ixad and others I thought
more useful to the other retainers. But my lord detained
me and said, ** Here are some books I am particularly
fond of. I send them to your son ;" and he gave me the
Six Classics. The next New Year's day I made a special
feast for Kinoshita, showed him the books and got him to
write an introduction for them.

The fifth October, 1698, my house was burnt and my lord
sent me fifty gold ryo to help build my temporary dwelling.
Others of his retainers lost their dwellings but I was the
only one thus favored. But as I could rebuild with my
own funds, and as the gift would be lost should the new
house bum, I determined to buy something with the money

122 Kn(yx : — Autobiography of Aral Ilakuscki,

that could not burn. So I bought a suit of armour and a
hehiict, and thus showed my readiness to die in his service.
I give them, with the sword 1 afterwards received, to my
eldest son that my descendants may know my purpose.
Five years later, December 1703, my house again burned,
but the armour and hehnet were saved and I have tliem yet.

Kinoshita died the twenty-fourth December 1698 (aged
J^i) and at his request I had charge, with another scholar,
of his obsequies.

Yearly, when the lectures began, we had an opening cere-
mony, and the courses of study for the year were deter-
mined. At the end of the ceremony I was always given
two suits of clothes.

lectures began on the fifteenth day of the first month
and were continued, even on ordinary festivals days, until
the end of the twelfth month, being interrupted only by
very great events.

When I became feeble my lord bade me come in the
evening during the hot weather, and in the middle of the
day in winter. He had a fire box set between us and an-
other behind me when the weather was very cold. When
it rained or snowed he always sent a servant to bid me
stay at home.

He wore his robes of cerembny at the lectures save in
summer when he wore his unextended robes and a Itakafna,*
He did not sit on the dais but on the mats, nine feet from
me. Even in the hottest weather he did not use his fan,
nor brush away the mosquitoes, and when he had a cold
he carefully averted his head when he blew his nose.
Though the lecture laiited two hours, all present sat im-
movable throughout.

* The skirt worn In* sainumi.

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusekL 1 2 3

Spring and autumn he took me with him to his villa, and
gave me a special apartment with wine and tea. • Often he
asked us to write verse.

My lord gave me costumes at the four seasons and at
the end of the year gifts of gold and silver ; and he began
this before he became Shogun. When he moved to the
Castle he sent very fine silks for my wife and children in
the spring, and in the sunmier fine thin silks for them, with
cakes. He often sent these last, and this became the
custom and was continued by his successor, although it
was done for no one else.

THE GREAT EARTHQUAKE.

On the thirtieth of December, 1703, when I was living in
Yushima, Hongo, at one o'clock in the morning I was
astonished by a violent movement of the earth. Ojiening
my eyes I seized my sword and rushed out as the slides
about my room and those about the house fell. Going
to the rooms of my wife and children, I found them gone.
There was high ground at the back of my house which
I feared, and so we gathered at the front and lAit wooden
slides (doors) under us lest the earth should open.

There I left my family while I put on my robes of
ceremony and went to my lord's, taking tliree servants
-with me and leaving the others with my wife. We went
on the run. I feared I should be very thirsty and had
taken out some medicine and put it on one side while I
dressed, but disgracefully forgot it as I ran out in my haste.

1 24 Knox : — Autobiography of Arat Hakuseki,

As I hurried by the east gate of Kanda Myojin there
was anotlicr violent shock. All the merchants left their
houses and gathered in the plaza, and I told them to put
out the lights in their shops for fear of fire. At Megane
bridge, I met my wife's younger brother going to our
place, and told him to. go on and take charge there.

Crossing the bridge I turned south, then west, then
south again, and by the light of the moon saw a man on
horseback in the middle of the street. It was Fujieda,
lord of Wakasa, and he had been stopped by some water
whose depth he did not know. Followed by my servants
I jumped across and wet my feet but put on other sandals
and went on. At Kanda bridge there was another terrible
shock. The crash of houses was like the breaking of
chopsticks, and the cries of men mingled with the noise.
The stones of the castle wall fell on the dogpath with
clouds of dust. We thought the bridge would fall, and
were separated from the bank by a gap of three or four
feet which we jumped, and ran into the gateway. The
boards which covered the plaster on the houses shook
like cloth and fell with a crash.

As I came to the Tatsu-no-kuchi, I saw fire arising in
my lord's enclosure, and as it was low down feared the
mansion had fallen. So I was greatly troubled and my
heart rushed ahead at such a pace that my feet seemed
to .stand still.

Going a quarter of a mile or .so I heard a horse, and
looking back saw I^^ujieda. — " I am greatly troubled by the
fire," I said, '* you are the lord of Waka.sa I take it."
** Yes," he answered, " pardon my preceding you." At
the Hibiya gate the guard house had fallen and I heard
cries of the dying. A little further on was Fujieda, dis-

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 1 2 5

mounted, stopped by a hill of tiles fallen from the guard
house of the Sakurada gate which his horse could not
pass. ** Please come with me/' I said, and we climbed
over and went in. As we went in through the small gate
we saw that the guard house had fallen and was in flames,
and that the mansion still stood ; and we were comforted.

The great west gate stood o\)^x\ though the guard house
had fallen and Fujieda passed in, but I said, " I'll go
through the small west gate as usual." Ikit the buildings
had so fallen that 1 could not get in, and I again met
Fujieda and took him to the kitchen entrance where we
got through at last. The ceiling was hanging from one
comer but I |>assed through and went to my usual place
near my lord's. There I met the present lord of Echizen,
Zembo Asson and asked him of my lord's safety, and told
him 1 had ventured to come without waiting to be sum-
moned, and we went to my lord's apartment. The roof of
the verandah on the east, was covered by a house which
had fallen on it, and the attendants were all in the garden
at the south, and they told us that my lord was in the
garden still beyond. Toda, Koidc, Inoue and others were
in the south garden and we consulted with Igarashi who
was in charge of the apartments and took out some ten
mats and spreading them in the garden all sat down.

The shaking continued and the hills by the garden
pond fell, making the broad pond narrow. Sakae Saemon-
no-jo Masatada was commanded to put out the conflag-
ration ; and indeed w^ere it to continue we should all have
to move again.

My lord was dressed in hakaitia with an outer robe, and
as he went to the south of his ai)artment he .saw and
called me. I went to him, and was asked about past

1 26 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki.

earthquakes and then he went to his apartment. When
day dawned he said, ** I shall go to the office." I said
in the ear of the lord of Nagato, ** With these severe
shocks continuing is that wise?" "No," he replied, **but
I could not venture to stop him," and, meanwhile, he was
gone. As I could not accompany him I went to see
the fire.

Many bodies had been pulled from the ruins, and as
the wells were dry there was no water, except in the
pond and it was forbidden to use that.

The lord of Oki took me to breakfast to Zenbo's house.
During the night I had eaten nothing but a trifle Dr.
Sakamoto had given me from his sleeve, which I had
soaked in water, and I was very hungry and ate much
and drank some wi le. Going away, as I passed the house
of the lord of Ichi, I was invited in and given tea.

When I heard that my lord was returning I went to
meet him, and went back across the gardens with him and
his two ministers to the place where he had asked me
about the earthquakes. He said that the crowds reminded
him of the throngs he had seen in his youth wlien he
went to Ueno to see the flowers.

The fire was put out at last ; and at one o'clock my
lord came out again and called for me and asked about
my family. I told him I had heard nothing since the
previous night when I had left them. Then he said, —
** When I went to my villa at Yanaka, I was told that
your house stands at the foot of a hill." " So it docs/' I
replied. **This shaking may continue fur days," he said,
and if there is another shock as severe as last night you
need not come again. Now go home."

As I went out 1 found some of my people. Those

Knox : — Autobiof^raphy of Aral Hakuscki. 1 27

who had come with me had been relieved by others, and
had been back to my house and had come again ; and
their report that all was well removed my anxiety. I got
home at three o'clock in the afternoon.

The next day when I went to my lord's, I found that
the mansion was so aslant that a temporary building had
been set up on the eastern ix)lo ground and that my
lord w^s there.

The earthquakes continued and I feared fire. The
plaster had fallca off my storehouse and I had it moistened
and put on again. As I expected, on the night of the
sixth there was a fire. I put all my valuables in the
storehouse ; but as I feared the plaster would fall off
again with the repeated shocks we dug a big hole, and
put my books and manuscripts in it, covered it with six
mats and put earih on top and fled. The neighboring
houses burned and when we returned we found one had
fallen across our hole and was still on fire. We put it out
and pulled away the timbers They had displaced the
earth and one of the mats was on fire. We pulled it away
and put it out. The store house was unharmed ; and we
laughed at our misplaced labour.

PROMOTION.

On the thirty-first of December, 1704, my lord was made
the heir apparent. I hurried with my congratulations as
SOCHI as I heard the news. All passers were stopped at
Tatsu-no-guchi because of the preparations for his removal

1 28 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Ilakuscku

to the western castle. Giving my name and business I
was permitted to pass.

At my lord's mansion I met a crowd of officials who
had come to accompany him ; and I sought out Zembo
Asson who was eating. I sent in my congratulations
through him and said, as he finished his meal. '* Tell
my lord that I have nothing to add to my instructions
given in the years past. Remember them and it will be
well with the empire. I came to say this." Afterwards
I was told that my lord replied. — ** Surely I shall not
forget them. Have you forgotten, Zembo?"

Then I remained at home for twenty days or so when
a man .said to me, ** All Lord Kofu's retainers have been
promoted and made retainers of the Heir Apparent ex-
cepting ycui and me. Others sent in their petitions and
I shall send in mine. Join me." But 1 replied, ** That
him we served so long has reached this exalted position
is enough. I ask no other reward. In spite of my worth-
lessness I have long been his teacher and now shall do
nothing on my own account unless summoned. I prefer
to ri.se or fall in accordance with the precedents and for
the sake of the empire. Though others petition yet with
these views I cannot. Thanks for your infonnation but
I cannot act with you."

After one day, on the evening of the twentieth, I was
told that preparations were being made for the promotion
of .several of us to the immediate presence of the Heir.

The twenty-first, at the monkey hour (four p.m.)
Z'jmbo came for me and I uent at once. Others also
had been detailed for our reception, there were seven of
us, and conducted us to the appointed place and there
three nobles met us. Zembo and Koide gave us our in-

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Ilakuseki. 1 29

struction from the ITcir and then all dej^arted, I only
being asked to remain. I was told who were my supe-
riors, what would be my duties and my place of atten-
dance. Koide said to me, ** Our lord's affairs arc now the
affairs of the empire and we alas ! are wanting in ability
and knowledge. Do not fail to remonstrate and advise
freely for we depend upon your great learning." This
was when we two were alone. Alas ! Shortly after he
died, through evil fortune. Zembo came to me after the
others were gone, and told me the events of the past
weeks and when my lectures should begin and their hours.
I went home an hour later. (After this I entered my
lord's enclosure by the middle gate, passed her grace's
apartments and entered my lord's private rooms.)

On the twenty-third came a letter bidding me to the
New Year's festival.

The next day I went to the castle and on the eleventh
began my lectures, and continued daily as before.

On the twenty-third of September, 1705, I was advanced
one grade in rank.

The next year, twenty-fifth of June, 1706, I was given
land, timber and two hundred ryo for a new house, and
removed to it on the second of September. On the seventh
of the same month I was permitted to go to the castle
by the private gate of the mapletree hill and the back
entrance.

When my lord's child was born, I was informed with
the family and went with them to pay my respects.

When my lord heard of my removal he gave me per-
mission to use another entrance to the castle. I lived
near the Pheasant bridge and the gate was a small one
near by. On the last day of the month I was invited

1 30 K7tox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki,

to the ** No '* performance in the castle in honor of the
infant, and 1 went in company with its uncle, the younger
brother of its mother. (This child lived only a little
while.)

On the seventeenth of December, 1706, 1 was summoned
to the castle. Tlie night before there had been an earth-
quake, that morning there were sounds like thunder,
ashes covered the ground like snow and a thick cloud
in the south-west flashed like lightning. As I entered
the castle the ashes covered the ground, and trees and
grass were white. My l(3rd had gone to the palace of
the Shogun and returned at the sheep hour (two p.m.).
The heavens were black as I went to him and I lectured
by candle light. The ashes ceased fdling in the dog
hour, (eight p. m.) but the earth continued its shaking
and roar. On the nineteenth again the heavens were
darkened, tliere were thunderings and at evening ashes
fell in abundance. We learned that day that Mt. Fuji
was in eruption. Black ashes fell constantly until the
eleventh of January (1708). On the twentieth it snowed
and every one had a cold. On New Year's day it rained
heavily. (23 Jan. 1708).

On the first of March an edict commanded the removal
of the ashes from the base of Mt. Fuji, in the four prov-
inces of Musashi, Sagami, Suruga and Mikawa ; and as
the expense was great, a tax of six ?y3 per hundred koku
of land was laid upon each daimyo.

On the fifteenth a new currency called " toju " was made.
In April was a wonderful fall of white hair, some of it
coming on my own ground. Folks fiirther reported
many wonderful things, but I put down only what I saw.

Toward the end of July the people who lived near my

. i

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Ilaknscki. 1 3 1

house were compelled to move, to make room for the
erection of a new palace at the north of the castle.

Near the end of September a law was issued forbidding
the cutting of horses' hair, and all, both those led and
those ridden, soon looked like beasts from the wilderness.

In early November the ** toju " were issued.

In the same month three laws for the protection of
birds and beasts were issued, and so even men whose
duty it was to ride walked instead and led their horses.

Shopkeepers disliked the ** tbju " and would not take
them, so the government conmiandcd every one to send
in his promise to accept them at once, and while this
work was still incomplete the year ended.*

The Shogun was ill, and my lord held the New Year's
reception in his stead. (loth Feb. 1709) I was ill and
remained at home. In the afternoon of the tenth I saw
a great hurrying to and fro and in the evening was
astonished to learn that the Shogun was dead. (20th
February 1709).

* The **/(^«" were inconvenient in .sliape and worth only three
tenths of their nominal value. The jxiople naturally did not want to use
them and very severe jienalties were threatened. Tor the laws al>out
beasts see supra p-3 intri». The new mansion was llie (inal extravagance
of the fifth Shogun.

►><—

BOOK II.
ADVISER TO THE SHOGUN.

CHAPrrER I.

Tlir: SHOGUN'S TREASURY.

On the tcntli day of the new year I heard of the Shogun's
death and we were all summoned, for the next day, to
the western castle. I took a confidential communication
for the Shogun and purposed sending it to my lord by
Zembo but he was so occupied that I could not see him
and I sent it in by his younger brother, Akihira. I had
written of the three most important things that needed
immediate reform. That evening rain fell, the first since
the second December.

I went daily but did not meet Zembo until the fifteenth
when I asked as to my papers. On the 17th the " toju "
were recalled, and again it rained all night. At this time
the removal of the dwellings from the north of the castle
was likewise stopped.

On the nineteenth the Shogun asked me about the
Gcmva-rci^ of leyasu and I went home and wrote an ex-
position of it and before I had started the next day was
summoned in haste. And that afternoon as I intended
to go home the Shogun sent for me again. That day
the decree for the protection of birds and beasts was
rejxialed.

* The Gt-imui-ici is a colled ion of laws or maxims for the guidance
of ihe Tokuj^awa House, supposed to have been formed by leyasu.

Knox : — AntohiograpJiy of Ami Ifakuscki. 1 33

The funeral rites were on the twenty-second. They had

en postponed because of the rain which fell from the
7th to the 20th. *

Many servants of the late Shogun desired to become

riests at his death and Kippo his prime minister was

old to select eleven. He himself wished to be of the

umber as he had been especially favored by his master and

ad been elevated from a low position to his present

nk. The Shogun recognised the force of his plea but

vould not grant the recjucst as it did not accord with

sage and might be made a precedent. Hut Kippo was

old that he might resign, give his honois to his son

nd then become a priest if he so wished ; and this he

-^id.t

On the 1 8th Hayashi, Minister of I^ducation, was told

"9.0 write the epitaph for the late .Shogun, as this had been

"•he duty of Hayashi's house for generations past. So

lie wrote it and on the 19th i)rescnlcd it with his j)roofs

"that it accorded with the precedents. But I showed the

Shogun that it was badly written, mistakxii and not ac-

* The Classics teach that llic actions of statosmcn inlUicncc Heaven.
"The evil laws of the late Shojjun brought Fuji's eniplion, carlh<iuakcs,
^a, and drought ; but their rci)eal brouj^ht the lonj^cd for rain. The
iimeral was postponed to permit the rc|)eal, for the Classics say, "Change
not your father's way for three years," but by a legal fiction while the
late Shogun was unburied he was not dead and the rcfxial was ix)ssible,
as his act.

t During ancient times certain servants were buried with their
lords, but later images were substituted for the men. During the ages of
feudal strife the custom revived, as an expres.sion of enthusiastic loyalty
and love. I^eading samttrai desired the honour. The custom was finally
aholished in A.D. 1664. ^^"t the ministers and confi<U'nlial officials gave uj)
office — and, as alwvp, often entered monasteries on the death (»f tlieir lord
— construing literally the maxim — a samurai cannot serve two masters.

1 34 Knox : — Autobiography oj Ami llakuscki,

cording to precedent. So I was bidden to write one and
mine and Hayashi's were sent to the priest in Nikko
who judged that mine was right. So it was sent to
Hayashi and he was told to write with it as model, and
so he did.

On the 27th I sent in another communication to the
Shogun : — ** leyasu was endowed with courage and wisdom
and won the Empire. Moreover, his long line of illus-
trious ancestors so transmitted their virtues to him that
he was enabled to bequeath the ICmpire to his heirs. He
had many children and while some died young four be-
came lords of great provinces. The second Shogun had
three sons but after the trouble of the lord of Suruga
only the adopted son of the lord c)f Aidzu was left, be-
sides the heir. Two sons of the third Shogun became
daimyo. The fourth Shogun had no son but, at his
death, adopted his brother as his heir. He had a son
who died immediately his father became Shogun, and as
there was no other son Lord Kofu was made heir. Thus
twice has the line failed and twice have heirs been
adopted since the third Shogun, surely a grievous thing
within an hundred years of leyasu. It has not been
without its cause.

" Now that your Highness has become Shogun I deeply
feel the need of a reform in the government, and for a
renewed connection with the virtue of leyasu for Heaven
has taken notice of the evil. However, after my teaching
for so many years I need not dwell on this.

But one thing ^ihould be done at once, lA:t the children
of the Emperor no longer be forced to become monks
and nuns but </ive his sons establishments and let
his daughters be married. Xobunaga began the work

Knox : — Autobioi:;rapliy of Arai Ilakuscki. 1 35

of restoring the state of the Imperial Family, Hide-
yoshi continued it and leyasu completed it but still the
Prince Imjxirial only is provided with an establishment.
The others are left as before, to save expense as other-
wise the family mij^ht become too numerous ; and to
avoid entanglinej alliances and a possible revolt against
the Tokugawa rule. Neither reason is good. The Toku-
gawa Shogun prepare estates for their children. Even
common men do the same and it is the esjx:cial wish of
men of rank. Why should the Kmpcror only be for-
bidden to provide for his own ?

** The expense will not be too great for the Empire to
sustain, as the number of the Emjx^ror's family is or-
dained by Heaven and cannot be exceeded. So in the
Tokugawa line there have been two failures in an hund-
red years."

" Nor is there danger from alliances. When as in the
<jenji and Hojo times there is misgovernment, though the
lEmperor's sons be priests th.y may leave their retire-
xncnt and head armies like Takakura-no-Miva and Dai-
^o-no-Miya. If the government is good there is no cause
ibr fear, and if evil there is no escape ; so let us stop this
3)ractice and set up establishments for the sons, and marry
the daughters to the members of the Tokugawa family."

The Shogun listened attentively and said so great a
proposal needed careful thought. Both suggestions were
adopted.

This one thing I did for the .country which gave me
birth and whose Imi)erial favur I had received. *

♦ Tlie Shogun in this acicd ai;ain.st ilic .idvicc of the officials. lie
cstal)lishe<l the family of Kan-in-no niiya and from this branch of the
ImiJerial House comes the present I'lniiKior, II.I.M. Mutsuhito. The only
time the advice as to the dauj:;hter.s was ftillowed was in 1861.

136 Knox : — y lutobiograpJiy of Arai Hahtseki.

But alas ! as I liad feared in secret my lord died and
the line was broken a<^ain, though the present Shogun,
through leyasu's wise plan, continues the family to the
blessing of the lunpire.

My argument was very long and gave the Chinese and
Japanese precedents. It is not easy reading for the un-
learned, and I have put down here only its brief outline.

I also urged that the Shogun's investiture be brought
in haste from Kyoto.

On the 14th of March (1709) I was called to the castle
and told the following by Zembo Asson at the request of
the Shogun : — Since the funeral as the ministers have been
on duty in turn in the castle this has been the topic of
their discussion viz. — Our Lord must take his proper
place at once and occupy the palace of the Sh5gun with-
out delay. Now the custom '.is that the palace of the late
Shogun be destroyed and a new one built for his succes-
sor. But the treasury is bare and we cannot build.

Under the late Shogun, Okubo, Lord of Kaga, was
minister of finance and he left everything to Shigehide,
Lord of Omi, Kippo Lord of Mino, and Shigetomi Lord
of Tsushima, Kaga did not know the condition of the
treasury and the other officials were still more ignorant.
Everything was in Shigehide's hands and this is his
statement of the present situation, —

The income is 4,000,000 koku of rice and 760,000 or
770,000 gold ryo. 40,000 ryo were from the Nagasaki
customs and 6,000 ryo from the Kdo sake tax .300,000
ryo go for salaries and the remainder is for all else. But
last year the expenditure was i ,400,000 ryo besides
700,000 or 800,000 ryo needed for the new palace in
Kyoto. So the deficit is v^ery large. Even were the late

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki, 137

Shogun still alive we should have nothing, but now we
need in addition money for the elaborate ceremonies on
the forty-ninth day after the late Shogun's death, for the
erection of the mortuary chapel, for the Shogun's new
palace and for the ImjXirial palace in Kyoto. We have
only 370,000 ryb in all ; of this 240,000 ryo is the balance
of the 400,000 ryo collected Tor the removal of the ashes
from the base of Mt. Fuji. This balance we had pur-
posed to use in the erection of the palace to the north
of the castle. But should it be used for prcsent needs it
will not meet the tenth part of them.

Kaga-no-Kami was astonished at this statement and
found, on consultation with Shigehide that the expendi-
tures of the late Shogun were twice his revenues and that
the treasury was thus exhausted. So in 1695 the gold
and silver coinages were debased and that year and tlie
following a profit was made of 5,000,000 ryo and so the
deficit was met. But all was used in the expenditures
entailed by the earthquake of 1703 and the deficit re-
appeared. So in August 1706 they again debased the
silver and yet the deficit was not met. So last year
Tsushima-no-Kami advised the debasing of the copper
coins " having no other means to meet the deficit."

As Kaga-no-Kami knew nothing of all this the other
officials simply adopted the plans of Shigehide, Omi-no-
Kami. The Sh5gun had known that the treasury was
bare but had not imagined such an extremity. He can
not find it in his heart to debase the coinage further and
desires some other means of relief But Omi - no - Kami
replies to him ; " Though blamed for debasing the coinage
what other resource remained ? How else could the govern-
inent have been carried on the past thirteen years and the

138 Knox : — Atttobiography of Arai Hakuseki,

suffering caused by the earthquake and other calainities
hav^e been relieved ? Hereafter, in good years we can
easily restore the value of the coins.*' And all the officials
agreed with him, that calamities cannot be guarded against
and that Omi-no-Kami's suggestion is the only one pos-
sible. But the Shogun exclaimed, — " Though that sounds
reasonable still had not the coinage been debased perhaps
the calamities had not come. * And if others come there
will be no remedy remaining and the Tokugawa house will
end with me ! Why then should I torture the people ?
Find some other remedy ! '* When the Shdgun said this
those present wept bitterly and could say nothing, until
after a little Akimoto Tajima-no-Kami said, " We thank
you for your words '* and all withdrew. The Shogun
tells you to consider this subject well as the discussion
affects the whole Empire.

As I listened to this account I thought of the funds in
Osaka and further that last year's revenue must be still
on hand as only the funds of the last year but one could
be used for current needs. But on inquiry I was told that
all was gone. In leyasu's time thirty great gold pieces f
had been made and stored as a resource for need in time
of war ; but I 'was told that only one or two remained.
But still I sent this answer to the Sh5gun. — " The Book
of Changes says, " When things are at the worst a way
appears." And now, though the funds are gone yet the
Empire is the Shogun's. Why should he be troubled. I
will arrange his affairs."

* Again the theories that natures evils arc punishments for misgov-
ernment.

t These were stored not in leyasu's time but in the period Manji'
Each contained 44 fnvan 700 nie.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki. 1 39

Before this occurred I had another matter I wished to
lay before the Sh5gun, and so that ni^ht I wrote and on
the morrow sent him two papers through Zembo. Their
import is summed up in the words of Confucius in the
analects when he undertook the government ; — " Be careful

and so use truth : Be economical and so cherish men :

•

employ men with regard for the times ; " and in the Great

Learning, ** If producers are many and consumers few :

If users use slowly and workers work fast, there will ever

be enough." This I have taught so thoroughly in the

past that I need not enlarge upon it now, but if we act

upon it the treasury will be full in a few years. To stop

the debasing of the currency is to confer a blessing on

the people. The ceremonies of the forty-ninth day, the

erection of the mortuary chapel and the investiture must

go on whether there is money or not ; but were the

treasury full, it would not accord with filial piety to destroy

the old palace and build a new one at once. Business

can be carried on in the castle and let the Shogun abide

in his present mansion. By and by when there is money a

new one can be built.

I do not agree with Dmi-no-Kami that we have only
370,000 ryo, for the money spent last year was collected
the year before and we have 760,000 ryo of last year's
taxes still. (Omi-no-Kami had reasons of his own for
concealing this.) So in all we have more than 1,100,000
-ryo. Need I add, that things required at once may be
paid for later on ? Pay what we must, postpone what we
may, say a half, and we can tlo all. Then let a propor-
tion of the late Shogun's debts be paid each year till all
is paid. As of old Feng I of the Later I Ian dynasty
said, " Let the nation not forget the attacks of the northern

1 40 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakusekL

tribes," so I beg that our condition be not forgotten but
that care be exercised ; and a great blessing will be bes-
towed upon the Empire.

The Shogun was greatly pleased with my counsel and
when I went to the castle on the sixth, further debasement
of the coinage and the destruction of the late Sh5gun*s
palace had both been forbidden. This was the first of my
being consulted on affairs of state. *

SUNDRY AFFAIRS OF STATE.

On the twelfth of March I sent in a memorial to the
Shdgun concerning tlie pardoning of criminals. The fol-
lowing is its import : — Of old the pardoning power was
used for the rectification of errors or for the relea.se of
those whose relatives needed their aid ; but now it is used
indiscriminately, for those whose guilt is great as well as
for those whose offence was small, for the convicted as for
those still unconvicted. Relatives i)etition and the gov-
ernors decide and then summon all who are pardoned to
the temples and there set them free. But unless there is
a petition even those who deserve pardon are kept until
death. Besides the pardoning is in Edo only and thus
prisoners under the daimyo and hatamoto get nothing ol

* ** After my i)Ctilion ( )mi-no-Kaini i>crMia(lcd the Shogun to build the
new palace, since the funds were so unex|>ectetlly large ! It cost more
than 700,000 ryit and the mortuary chajjcl cost 200,000 r\'d, OfBcials
great and small thought only of their own profit and merchants and
artizans were of the same mind. The evils of the late reign were not
thoro ighly reformed and now they l)egin again."

Kfwx : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 141

"^lie benefit. It is not a great forgiveness, but a petty fol-
lowing of ancient precedents. It is no longer as of old
SI blessing to the people through pity.

The officials of the late Shdgun were intolerably severe ;
<br a bird or beast's sake a man was put to death, all
tihc family suffered with the criminal and no one could
Idc in peace. Even when not imprisoned parents and
ohildren were made beggars. Truly the people suffered !
How many thousands and tens of thousands thus suffered I
cio not know. Relief can now be found only by a great
I>ardoning throughout the Empire. *

Precedents show however that such release of prisoners,
in China and Japan, has been at times of revolution or of
l>ublic rejoicing, not as now at the death of a ruler. Do
Ave not teach criminals to desire the Shogun's death ?
The proverb says, " One blessing cannot conquer ten
thousand curses."

But all should not be changed at once. On the 49tli
X>ardon according to the usual custom and later, when you
src invested, make a general pardoning for the whole Em-
pire. As I Wu said, " In general pardoning is some
Teason and great evil;" and Chu-ko Liang said, '* Let the
government exhibit great virture and not bestow small
£Lvors ; " and Sun Yueh said, " Pardoning is for extra-
ordinary times : it is not the rule.*' When the Empire is
in confusion because the government does wrong and not

* Criminals would be convicted only after confession. Torture was used
%o elicit confessions, but many were kept in prison a life-time unconvicted,
t.heir cases not being decided. The pardon in j; jwwer was intended to
»ight soch wrongs. The taking to temples and freeing there contains a
Viint of the Buddhist merit-making by Iniying caged birds and setting them
free in temple grounds.

142 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki,

because the people commit crimes, then we must pardon.

My paper was discussed and further particulars were
asked. On the 17th my daughter's illness, it was small
pox, kept me at home. On the 20th the mother of the
late Shogun died and a messenger brought the news. On
30th the decision as to the pardons was reached.

The Shogun examined the records of imprisonments
during the late reign, being buried from night until morning
with the reading, and released 956 persons. On the death
of the mother of his predecessor he pardoned 92 others,
and the daimyo and hatamoto released, throughout the
Empire, 3737. When he was invested, 8th June 1709,
he pardoned 2901, and the daimyo div^A hatamoto 1862 more.
No such pardoning had been known since the establish-
ment of the Tokugawa regime. *

The daimyo did not agree at first as they thought there
was no precedent, so I was commanded to write out the
reasons for my proposal. And from this time the Shogun
examined the records of the courts himself and then passed
them on to me, when I wrote my opinion and sent it to
him and, finally, he made the decision. This showed a
care for the people that was unparalleled.

At my request the Shogun forbade gambling, the ex-
tortions of the firemen, street walking and private pros-
titution. The sons of the members of the Loyal League
were pardoned at this time : actors were forbidden to wear

* " This year measles and small pox were epidemic and so many died
that the fish flew over only a house or so in a distance of three squares.
My second daughter and one of my sons were so ill that the doctor could
do no more, but they got well, *by the help of Heaven* the doctor said.
Perhaps he was right. Tlie Book of Changes says, — ' Thunder, rain, then
clear weather.' So came a blessing to the people."

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 143

swords and to associate with other folks : the wearing of
silk crape, the visiting of temples in a series by women,
and the cutting of the hair of beggars, were also prohibited.*

On the 1st of April the decision as to the intimate officials
of the late Shogun was announced : all hatamoto of more
than 10,000 kohi were promoted one grade and the ranks
were established. The women of the late Shogun were
sent to their homes, f

On the nth of May the new regime was formally
instituted, and on the 13th 730 sons of hatamoto were
summoned to the Shogun s presence and presented their
congratulations through Zembo Asson.

On the 28th of April I had asked that my son might
be presented and the Shogun not only consented but pro-
posed to give him an office usually bestowed only on the
sons of very high officials. But I did not wish precedents
violated in my favor and so declined this very great and
especial honor, and my son was given the same office with
the sons of other officials of my rank.

On the 6th of June I was invited to attend the investiture
with the officials nearest my lord and was loaned then
proper robes. At the ceremony, the 8th of June, I stood
nearest the Shogun. I was also present at the ceremonies
of the lOth and the nth, when the ambassador of the
Emperor from Kyoto was received and dismissed. And
at the further ceremonials observed throughout my lord's

* The lioyal League avenged the death of their lord by killing his foe,
and were commanded to commit hara-kiri and their sons were punished.
The story is well told by Milford in " Tales of Old Jaj^an." 'ITie visiting
of the temples by women led to immorality.

f " He was fond of women and called in any one who took his
fancy, afterwards keeping her in charge of Kip|X) and Terusada."

1 44 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HahisckL

life I was given a most distinguished position near his
person. This honor was bestowed because of my minute
knowledge of the ceremonies.

On the 29th of July I sent in another memorial calling
attention to the condition of the Shogun's arms and stand-
ards, which had been so neglected during the many years
of peace that they were useless. The Shogun privately
told his officials to make the needed repairs and have all
in readiness for the festivals of the next two years ; and
he did not inspect his armoury that year lest shame should
be cast on the memory of his predecessor.

On the 9th of August the Shogun's son was bom and
called, temporarily, Serada instead of Tokugawa, accord-
ing to custom. * And in connection with this birth I
told the Shogun there were ten things I questioned in
the ordinary account of his family line. The documents
sustained me and the Shogun was much impressed with
my accurate information. I had stumbled upon certain old
books and letters that gave much information while
looking up my own family line.

On the 25th of July I was consulted about the promotion
of Her Grace to the third rank, and the following day
the honor was bestowed on her. f

On the 5th August I was summoned to the castle but
was too ill to go until the 1 3th. That day I was greatly
honoured and was made a hatamoto with 500 koku of

* '''Ilie year was an unlucky one, and children Iwrn in such a year
were temix>rarily disowned, taking some oUier family name, that fate might
be cheated."

t The Shogun varied in rank, and each rank from 9 to i had two
grades. Only three in all history had the higher grade of i. Yorilomo
was only Sho-shi-i.

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 145

J snd in the villages Nara and Koshibata in Hiki town
.hip, and Nohira in Saitama township, province of Musa-
ihi. Later in connection with the Korean affair I was
[iven 500 koku of land more and my title was Chikugo
:m-io Kami. Finally I was made a samurai of high rank.

I have written elsewhere of my interviews with the
IRoman. *

. My lord gave me permission to enter the castle at any
^ime, day or night, by any of the eight gates, and this
in spite of the protest of his council that such permission
"\Aras unprecedented, the Shdgun replying, — ** He is not
like the other officials."

I was present at all the ceremonies, the Shogun made
:Kme his representative at the coronation of the Emperor
^nd entrusted the reception of the Korean embassy to
»Tie. He took me with him on his excursions and at the
:^easts given to the father of Her Grace. I was given the
Xionor of drafting memorials and writing explanations on
'^he laws, to the chagrin of Hayashi, Minister of Education,
^ince these duties belonged to his family and office.
I£ut he was incompetent.

Murakami Ichi no Kami Masanoa brought a stick from
UCyoto a foot in circumference which disclosed in its
^rentre the characters, ten-ka (empire). I told him it was
j>art of a persimmon tree and he asked how I knew that,
adding that it had been found among the firewood in a
temple, and had been sent to him when the words were
^discovered. So I told him that old books narrate how
^%vords written on the bark of persimmon trees when
;^roung, grow black and gradually sink into the wood.
' Jlhere is nothing wonderful in it. And another man

' ™ ' - - — — - 1 — —

* For his interview with the Abbe Sidotti see trans.

146 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

brought a paper with tenka taifiei (great peace to the
Empire) written on it, and thought it the work of a spirit
in China ! But I told him that the paper was Japanese
though the writing was like that of a spirit ** What!"
he exclaimed, ** have you seen a spirit's writing ? *' But
I told him, ** No, it is merely that the writing on this
paper resembles a man's writing much as a horse formed
by the clouds resembles a man's drawing of the animal.
There are references, in ancient books, to writings by
gods and demons, but such beings can do nothing in
these times of peace. This writing is nothing." When
my reply was repeated to the Shdgun he remarked,
" His discernment is wonderful ! The words were written
by a child who had been bewitched by a fox." After-
wards when more wonders were found growing on a
stone in the garden nothing was said to me about it.

My lord had been fond of the " «^ " and had taken
part in it, but I opposed it and told him that the em-
peror of China who was fond of such exhibitions des-
troyed the Empire. When commanded to explain in
what respect the " «i; " resembled those improper Chinese
dances, I wrote out my reasons and sent to my lord fifty
six volumes concerning the dances in China. Some argued
that as leyasu and other Shogun took part in these plays
so might our lord ; but I told them that Confucius said,
** Put in history that only which is worthy of record,"
and that the Tokugawa shame should not be written
in its history. Hideyoshi made leyasu dance that he
might be humiliated and lemitsu only danced before leyasu
his grandfather. After my lord became Shogun he occa-
sionally saw the *' no'' but he never invited me.

For the former Shogun, Hayashi had written an ac-

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 147

count of the immediate ancestors of leyasu and it was
loaned to my lord, and one day Zembo Asson read aloud
its account of the murder of the father of leyasu, and of
the killing of the assassin by the by-standers as he fled.
And the Shogun said to me, ** It says leyasu's father
was wounded in his leg ? If that was all and he let his
assailant escape what will people think of him ? Hayashi
supposes that the immediate murder was shameful and so
substitutes this wounding. There is nothing of this
wounding in the leg in your account. Hayashi does not
understand the true samurai spirit." So my lord bade
me write this history, but alas ! before it was ready he
had died. *

SOME JUDICIAL DECISIONS AND THE
EMBASSY TO KYOTO.

On the 22nd of the 6th nK)nth, Zembo Asson told me
the following : —

Diiring the late reign there was a quarrel between two
temples in Nara. The decision was reached, but before the
seals were affixed the Shogun died, and now two priests
have come and stated their case anew, saying that the
fatlier of her Grace knows all about it. Tokyu-in Saki

* " Hayashi asked to resign when my lord succeeded, but I asked him
to consider what a disgrace it would be to Hayashi should he accept the
resignation. It is true he was Kippo's creature, and wrote the petition
which got Kai for him and so his own promotion, and assisted in Kipix)'s
schemes. A man with such a heart should not l>e entrusted with the
guidance and instruction of others. The Sliogun fully ai^rced, and Hayashi*s
resignation was not accepted."

148 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki.

no Kampuku, Saki-hisa had two sons, the elder became
chief priest of the Sonke, Dai-sho-In of Ichi-jo-In, and the
younger the general Nobutada. leyasu was a great friend
of the father and going from Fushimi to Kyoto slept at
his house and had much talk with him. Once when the
elder lad was eleven leyasu said to him, " I have been
here often and have given you nothing. What will you
have?" And the boy replied, *' Authority and means to
restore our parish temple." Remarkable ! said leyasu. The
boy became a student in the temple, rose to be its head
and restored it. When leyasu became Shogun he did
not forget his promise but gave much land to the temple
" for the advancement of learning." But as he added no
requirements as to the ability of the incumbent the posi-
tion became merely hereditary. When the son of the
Emperor Gomidzu-no became head of this temple it was
still farther enriched.

During the late reign the chief priest was installed
during a convocation on the sixth day, and the priests of
the other temple, the Dai-jo-In, thought their chance to
get the privilege of preaching before the Shogun, with
authority over the order, had come, as their chief was
brother of the wife of the then Shogun. So after much con-
sultation the land given for the advancement of learning
was taken from the first temple and given them, but before
the seals were affixed the Shogun died. Now these two
priests have come asking that the grant made by leyasu
and left intact for generations be undisturbed. The whole
was in the writing of the btigyo and the Shdgun sent it
on to me with orders for my opinion. His own was
annexed. I took all home with me and the next day
reported as follows : —

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 149

I have not yet gone fully into the case but I cannot
believe this story. When leyasu was in Fushimi and
went thence to Kyoto after making peace in Osaka, this
eldest son, so the records show, was already twentyfive
or twenty six years old, and when he was eleven there
was war between Takeda of Kai and Hideyoshi, and
leyasu had no leisure or opportunity for such a journey.
The story is false and therefore I cannot agree with
your judgment. The biigyo of the late Shogun had ample
reasons for their decision. If now we reverse it the
quarrel will not end at all, but will break out between
Hieisan and Midera. Shokoku claims that the decision
was made because of tlie relatives of the wife of the late
Shdgun, but if we reverse it we shall never escape the
imputation of having acted for the sake of the relatives
of your wife. If you will leave it to me I shall do my
best. I do not return the papers but at your command
will write another decision.

The Shogun sent for me, assented and told me to
follow my own judgment. I finally sent in two volumes
of manuscript on the affair and the officials of both
temples were called and examined. The representatives
of the Ichi-j6-In could not answer me, and the Shogun
asked if I could not suggest a peaceful solution. But
these men pleaded illness and so obtained leave to go
home, and on the 25th of the ninth month the Shogun
gave his decision and both parties retired. All is written
in full elsewhere and I give only an abstract here. *

* The representatives died of chagrin. It was proved that seals and
documents had been forged. Even the defeated party acquiesced in the
final decision. The head of the defeated l>arty was a relative of the wife
of the Shogun.

1 50 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

Another case was still undecided when my lord became
Shdgun. It concerned the rights of the people of Yase
on the Eisan domain, and as the poor folk were greatly
inconvenienced by their long stay in Edo he bade me
decide it. The villagers had long been in the habit of
cutting wood and grass on this land in spite of an
ancient prohibition, but recently the prohibition had been
strictly enforced and the people could not gain a liveli-
hood. I sent the Shogun my opinion, but he decided that
the previous decision could not be reversed though there
was much to be said for the villagers. So he proposed that
an equivalent should be given them in land elsewhere. This
was done. I wrote the decision in Chinese and my lord
put it into the mixed style himself, a great condescension.

In the winter I was in Kyoto I climbed Eisan and
returning passed through this village. While my atten-
dants made my lunch ready I went to a house by the
wayside and talked with the old woman in charge.
*' My son is in Kyoto " she said and in reply to my
questions : — ** The prohibition took away our livelihood
but, now, through the great blessing bestowed upon us
we feel as if we might live. We do not understand
farming but we shall learn."

The Shogun asked me to prepare the programme for
the ceremonies when he should visit the Confucian temple ;
and again, I wrote an account of the ceremonies to be
observed in the worship of the national gods according to
the Shinto rites.

On the 27th of September I was appointed messenger to
Kyoto and given 100 gold ryo for my expenses. I was
told to start after meeting the Loo Choo ambassador in
October, and was privately told to return in December.

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 151

On the 31st of October I was formally appointed repre-
sentative of the Shogun at the coronation in Kyoto, and
was given five gold pieces, and then, being called before
the Shogun was given two sets of robes and one suit of
outer garments. The same day I was given orders for
men and horses for my journey. On the 7th of November
five pieces of rare and costly silk were given me and on
the 13th the Shogun sent for me, as I was to start on
the morrow, and with his own hands gave me a medicine
case and a wallet.

I had purposed going after the arrival of the ambas-
sador from Loo Choo, but he was detained by contrary
winds and was at Otsu when I entered Kydto on the
20th.

I saw the coronation on the x 2th of December and soon
after was told to delay my return until after the enthrone-
ment, one hundred gold ryo additional being given for my
expenses. So I wisited Csaka, Nara and Uji, and returned
to Ky5to on the 6th of January.

The enthronement was on New Year's day, (30th
January 17 10) and I was favored with a near view of
His Majesty's face.

Hearing that the Loo Choo embassy was at Fushimi,
on its return I went to the Satsuma mansion there, as I
had been asked, and met the two sons of the king of
Loo Choo.

I left Kyoto on the 19th of February and was back in
Edo on March 2nd. On the 14th I was summoned to tlie
castle and was commended by the Shogun in person.

1 5 2 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

THE KOREAN EMBASSY.

After I had been made a samurai of rank in July of
this year I was bidden to arrange for the reception, enter-
tainment and farewell of the Korean embassy ; and on the
1 8th of September was told to meet the Koreans at Kawa-
saki and one hundred gold ryo were given for my ex-
penses. Fourteen gold ryo more with orders for men and
horses were added afterwards.

At this time I was made a ftatamoto with the title
Chikugo-no-Kami and my robes and all things necessary
were given me at once, having been prepared at the special
command of the Shogun.

On December seventh I went to Kawasaki at the horse
hour (i2 m.) and met the ambassador at evening. The
next morning we started at daybreak and came to our
hotel in Asakusa in the middle of the sheep hour (3 p.m.).
I gave the necessary instructions to the people and in-
formed the Shogun of my return. On the next day was
the ceremony attending my assumption of my new rank.

On December 20th was the Koreans' audience, on the
23rd was their feast, on the 24th they gave an exhibition
of horsemanship, on the 31st was the farewell and on Jan.
8th they took their departure.

I have written a full account of all this elsewhere but
as it made much talk I set down an outline here.

Our relations with Korea had not been satisfactory for
an hundred years. When leyasu came into power he sent
an embassy to Korea but as the Koreans and Chinese
hated us because of Hideyoshi's invasion, they sent an
embassy in return only after a year. When it arrived

Knox : — Autobiography of Ann Hakuseki. 1 5 3

lyeyasu was engaged in war and there was no time to
arrange the proper ceremonies. * But a precedent was '
created that was followed for generations instead of the
ancient usage, and this to the great injury of our honor.
As Confucius teaches that ceremonies are formed in the
course of an hundred years, the Sh5gun f decided that
this usage must be carefully considered and reformed. He
consulted with Hayashi, the Minister of Education, but as
his response was not satisfactory, at first privately and
then publicly the whole affair was entrusted to me.

The question of title was the most serious of all. From
the Kamakura times the Koreans had called the Emperor,
Son of Heaven, and the Shogun, King. % I'l Hidetada's
time however they had come to call the Sh5gun Nippon-
kohl Taikniiy (Great lord of Japan) a title objectionable on
two grounds, first, because taikiin is applied to officials
in Korea and second, because it has been applied to the
Emperor in both China and Japan. Contentions arose
about this and it was decided to return to the title king,
and Tsushi ma-no-Kami who conducted the negotiations
with the Koreans was commanded to inform that govern-
ment. This he neglected to do.

It was also decided to stop the Korean custom of
sending presents and letters to our officials, as the practice
was not according to our ways nor was it desired by
them or us.

In March a letter came from the Korean officials setting
forth their ideas but we did not follow it. We changed the

* leyasu was not yet sufficiently secure in his position and so would
not meet them.

t It was now a hundred years after leyasu.
J Nippon Tcnno and Nippon Koku-o.

1 54 K710X : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

following particulars ; — We substituted a meal of four
courses for the great feasts of fifteen courses morning and
night, and of thirteen at noon, which had been given them
in the past. They had been entertained more elaborately
than the Emperor himself and it was a heavy tax upon
the daimyo whose possessions touched the route of the
Koreans and who were obliged to furnish the feasts. Our
proposal was to give our guests the same treatment ac-
corded our ambassador in Korea. We added money for
their other expenses. This change occasioned no debate,
as the feasts were very tedious to the Koreans, and they
preferred the money.

We next insisted that they should cease to ride into
their inns in their palanquin and should come forth from
their apartments and descend to the courtyard to meet
the messengers of the Shogun and bid farewell to them.
This followed ancient precedent and the conduct of our
ambassador in Korea. They refused compliance and the
feasts appointed for Osaka could not be given. The
Koreans urged recent precedents and the discussion was
very great. They left. their palanquin and entered their inns
on foot, but they wholly refused to meet the representative
of the Shogun on the lower floor. They would not discuss
the matter but merely said, *' We were told to follow
precedent," so Tsushima-no-Kami's people determined to
hold the Korean men at arms and to carry the ambassador
below by force. Then the Koreans complied with our
demand.

Members of the Council of State, in the past, had met
the ambassador at his successive lodiiinLrs with salutations
from the Shogun, but we sent lower cjfficials instead of the
rank of those whom the Kinci of Korea would send to

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 1 5 5

greet the Japanese ambassador. The Koreans accepted
this change.

In their reception at Edo the following changes were
made ; — Instead of the secretary, the ambassador himself
must present his credentials to the Sh5gun at the first
audience. The ambassador cannot be treated, as here to
fore, as of equal rank with our Sanke (the three Tokugawa
houses which might furnish an heir to the Shogun on the
failure of the direct line) ; nor shall representatives of the
Sanke wait upon the ambassador at the feast. That is
not done for our Emperor, nor does it accord with ancient
precedent nor with the treatment of our ambassador in
Korea. This last occasioned a discussion that had not
terminated when the hour for the feast came. The Shogun
arrived but the Korean did not come. The officials would
have yielded rather than keep the Shogun waiting,
but I would not yield and finally the ambassador gave
way, and the feast proceeded as the Shogun had directed.

The ambassador objected to my use of a certain ideo-
graph in our formal reply to their communication, because
the ideograph occurred in the name of the seventh ancestor
of tlieir king. They insisted that the word be mutilated.
I refused. I told them the custom applied only in the
relations of son and father, and of vassal and lord, and
not at all to international intercourse. Besides, the rule
applies only to the fifth generation, and when by mutual
. agreement the rule is followed in international relations it
never applies beyond the fifth generation. Why should
they forget, too, the precept that bids men never to do
to others what they do not desire for themselves, since in
their letter to the Shogun they had used an ideograph
which was part of the Shogun's father s name. They

1 5 6 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki.

became rude in their replies and I refused to continue the
discussion. But they would not give up, and went to
Tsushima-no-Kami and asked him to mutilate the word
privately, as otherwise they could not survive their return
and war might result. So I was again asked to agree,
but I replied that all the other matters were trifles com-
pared with this and that I would die first. So next they
went to the Shogun and he decided that the ideograph
should be mutilated, on condition that the character in the
Korean letter should be treated likewise. So it was settled.
In all this our countrymen opposed me mc»re than the
Koreans themselves. *

The officials did not consider the Shogun's commands
but only my affairs. And for such cause men of old
forsook the world and superior men did not delay. So,
without waiting a day, as soon as the Koreans departed,

* ** At Edo the Koreans were astonished at the great state of the
Shogun and arrayed themselves in their great robes of state for the
audience."

As to the ideograph, the Koreans would not return to Kor6a with it
unchanged and Ilakuseki would kill himself were it changed ; and so it
was that the Sh^un interfered. Tsushima-no-Kami tried to bribe Ilaku-
seki, being himself in Korean pay, but Ilakuseki cared nothing for private
gain but purposed suicide should be fail. And so it was the Shogun
trusted him.

(Tlie idea in mutilating the ideograph was this. Confucius says,
Thou shalt not lightly use thy ruler's name, and so the names of rulers
were never written in full but were mutilated, written and pronounced in
part. Nor might the ideographs comjwsing them be used in other words.
Cf. the Jewish usage in the writing of God's Name, and the taboo of
Pacific Islanders.)

The Korean ambassador was put to death on his return homd and
none other came afterwards.

(It is said that Hakuseki purjx)sed to kill the ambsssador as well as
himself.^

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki. 157

I sent in my resignation to the Shognn through Zembo
Asson.

Zemb5 took it without a word but soon summoned me
in haste at the command of the Shogun. I did not know
why I was called but went at once and the Shogun,
with Zembo Asson as intermediary, said ;— ** I am asto-
nished at your action. No doubt it is caused by the talk
that goes on. Others have criticized your course from
the beginning and I know the source of their remarks.
International intercourse either benefits or injures both
countries and is of great importance. As your ideas
pleased me I entrusted all to you and you had your (5wn
way in spite of the protests of the ambassador. At the
last this matter of the writing unexpectedly came up, but
even then I told Zembo Asson that I had left all to you
and that you would make no mistake. I did not wish to
lose all we had gained because of this one point. As
the Buddhists say, * One form, two bodies,* and this ap-
plies to you and me. And I added to Zembo, Chikugo
no Kami's errors are mine and mine are his, see that you
do not blame him but act with him in all things, and it
will be as I wish. I have nothing more to say. I am
sorry this has occurred, but if he resign now folks will
think all has been wrong and everything will be undone.
It touches not him only but me also. So include me in
whatever you think of him and lead him to give up his
purpose."

I wept as he spoke of " one form and two bodies '
and accepted his decision without a word.

On the 9th of January (17 10) I was again summoned to

^ the castle, and going on the loth Zembo Asson told me

that the Shogun bade me listen, and not decline his gift.

158 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

Then Kaga no Kami Tadamasa told me that my domains
were increased and Zembo Asson said; — This is only a
trifle, a remembrancer, for the Sh5gun knows you would
not accept gifts that should accord with your merits."
His wisdom was great. I had done nothing but I yielded
to his desire and accepted his gift.

We should examine all we see or hear, that we may
know its history and reason. Such investigations were
called "science'* by the ancients, and I have found greal
advantage in following this rule even in seeming trifles.
For example, when a child I read an account of house
construction which excited my curiosity, and I pursued
the studies especially in regard to the ancient forms oi
gateways, and this enabled me to speak with authority
when the new gate into the castle was built just before
the coming of the embassy. So too, our letters in reply
to Korean communications of late had been sent in silver
boxes with gold rings and red silk cords, but when the
Shogun asked if we should use such an one this time I
recalled an ancient box of quite another pattern which I
had seen in Kyoto and we imitated that. Again Tsu-
shima no Kami had the entrances to the inns in Osaka
and Kyoto hung with curtains and arranged seats in a
certain way, but in Edo we had all si)ecially made for
the occasion and the Emperor's representative from
Kyoto highly praised them. And once more, when
ordered to meet the ambassador at Kawasaki I gave
careful thought to my dress and remembered the detaih
of similar occasions in ancient times. So I decided thai
ordinary robes would not do and obtained an appropriate
costume from the Shdgun. My hat had a colored rim
my robe was purple, its skirt was drawn together, ant

Knox : — Autobiography of Arm Hahiscki. 1 59

my sword had silver ornaments. I put shoes in my
palanquin, and when the ambassador met me at the gate
of the inn I put them on and left my palanquin. But
only men who understand our national institutions and the
ceremonies of the Shogun's court can discuss these things.

I add several items to this account of the Korean em-
bassy ;-^When I went to Kyoto early in the year as I
passed through Ogaki, in Mino, there were notices af-
fixed to the houses along the way, saying that an inch
from one housefront, a foot from another and six feet
from a third and so on, be taken off. Asking the reason
I was told that Tsushima no Kami had commanded it
so that the street might permit the passage of the broad
banners of the Koreans. Asking further if this was their
first passage along this route I was told they always
came this way. So when in Kyoto I wrote the Shogun
asking that the thing be stopped and he so ordered. It
was simply a plan for extorting money.

Now it had always been the custom for the daimyb
to furnish horses and men for the use of the embassy
on route, the eastern daimyb providing for the western
section of the journey, and the western daiinyo for
the eastern, and each daiviyo for just one day's travel.
But this time the western daiwyo arranged for the west
and the eastern for the east, and each daitnyo for two
days, thus reducing the number of daiviyo called upon
and the number of horses and men required by more
than half. Daimyo who were too distant or two poor
were excused altogether. * When the Shogun told me to

* It was part of the Tokugawa j)<)licy to weaken the daimyo by
exactions, and so this duty had l)ecn arranged so as to require the greatest
expense and the least real service.

1 60 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki,

arrange this service he was surprised when I had the
plans all ready the next morning.

At the feast in Suruga the principal members of the
embassy were, heretofore, waited upon by nobles, but
I objected as this gave double duty to these lords who
already were burdened by the feasts and relays of horses
and rlien. furnished. Besides, on my journey to Kyoto I
had noticed the particularly fine appearance of the people
of this province, caused by the long residence there of
leyasu. So I proposed that this duty be entrusted to the
sons of merchants, who also would perform it better than
rural samurai. It was so arranged.

THE BURDENS OF THE PEOPLE.

The 29th of July (1710) was an extraordinary event, —
four thousand one hundred and sixteen men from eighty
five villages on the fief of Murakami, Echigo-no-Kami, pre-
sented charges of misgovernment. The magistrate decided
to punish severely the petitioners, but the Shogun bade me
look into the case. The magistrate's statement was as
follows : — " When, last year, Matsudaira, Uky5-no-Taiyu
Terasada, received this fief certain of the farmers asked

In all of these negotiations with the Koreans it was Ilakuseki's pur-
pose to force a recognition of the Shogun as the full equal of the Korean
king, and to refuse to allow the Shogun to be treated as the Minister or
lieutenant of the Mikado. His contention as to the mutilation of the
ideograph in the dispatch puts that in the clearest light, especially his
reference to the use of the character which occurred in the name of the
Shdgun's father in the Korean dispatch..

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Arai Ilakuscki. 1 6 1

"t^o be taken under the immediate government of the Sho-
^un. When the request was refused they went home but
the people of their villages refused to pay taxes and to
obey the local officials. So more than fifty of the leading
men were brought to Edo and here repeated the same
request. Though repeatedly told that it cannot be granted
they refuse to listen to us. Now shall we inquire further
or shall we punish these men at once, and send officers
to command all the rest to submit to their daimyo under
the penalties of death, banishment and confiscation of their
estates ? " This was the statement that was sent to me
and with it letters written by the deputy of that province.

On examination, however, I found that the deputy had
only rumors without proof for the charges he made, viz.
that all the people had bound themselves with oaths that
if the fifty-eight men in VAo were put to death one
hundred men more should go to Edo with a like jxitition,
and if these should suffer then all the people would follow
them ; that these folks look upon officials as enemies
and liave sold and sent off in boats the grain and grass
which they should pay as taxes ; that they are deaf to
the remonstrances of the local officials, with many other
things of the same sort. (It was said that the people
purposed insurrection, with their priest as leader, but this
charge was not in the documents.)

I sent in my opinion the next day, and this is its out-
line : — '* I have examined the papers. As these people
cannot appeal to their dainiyb they must appeal to the
Shogun. They have committed the slight offence of not
obeying the deputy; but on mere rumour, the magistrate
adds the serious charge of rebellion and proposes the most
grievous punishment, a course surely not befitting the

1 62 Knox : — Atitobiography of Aral Haknseki.

* parents of the people.' Did they purpose rebellion they
would not sell their grain but would buy more, and did
they purpose rebellion without preparation it were a small
matter. But these farmers who desire to become the im-
mediate tenants of the Shogun do not purpose rebellion,
but seek redress for evils that are unendurable. I will
be the surety that their intentions are not evil. The matter
has been left to officials who hate the people and are
hated by them, and so the truth is not discovered. For-
tunately this paper suggests further investigation. Let it
be made by men good natured and merciful."

So the men proposed by the magistrate were passed by,
and three other men were told to make an examination.

It proved that the petition was not caused by Echigo-
no-Kami Murakami at all. Sixty years before Matsudaira
Yamato no-Kami received the Murakami castle and forty
thousand kokii of land in Mishima and Kambara townships.

The year before last Honda Nakatsukasa Taiyu Tadanaga
got the castle and twenty thousand koku of the land, the
other half becoming part of the Shdgun's estate. * But a
part of Honda's domain was from fifty to seventy miles
from his castle, and there were two big rivers and the
Shinano river between. The large embankments were con-
stantly out of repair and were very costly to mend. Besides,
in the original fief were ten establishments of officials, and
eight were left on the moiety which remained with Honda.
So the farmers petitioned to become tenants of the Sho-
gun instead of the farmers who lived near the castle.

* Tlie former Shoguii changed alx)ut the weaker daimyo at his pleasure
taking valuable lands for his own and giving others of nominally the same
in exchange. Naturally the daimyo made up their losses by increasing
taxation.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Ilakuscki. 163

But the deputy would not consent. So three men were
chosen by the farmers to lay the matter before the
magistrate but nothing came of it. Next they thrust a
petition into Kawachi-no-Kami Masamine's, palanquin as
he passed along the highway. The magistrate resented
that and imprisoned the men. Shortly after, Murakami
became daimyo and the magistrate released the men and
told them : — ** With a new daimyo there is no reason for
your petition. Go home at once." So they went home
joyfully, supposing they had gained their cause, and all
the farmers rejoiced. But there was no change made. As
they did not understand this, the three representatives again
appeared, but were put in prison with their fathers, brothers
and sons: and there two of the party died. No judg-
ment was given, and as the farmers did not know where
to pay their taxes they did not pay them at all. The
situation became unendurable. In March of this year
(17 10) the magistrate sent for fifty-eight of the leading
farmers. Now the commissioners decide that the farmers
are in the right, but fear to decide in their favor lest an
unfortunate precedent be created, and the authority of the
magistrate be destroyed. So they command obedience at
all costs.

But the men declared that the families would be beg-
gared and scattered by the local officials if no change
were made. ** Let twenty or thirty of us go home and
consult with the people" they went on, **and then we
will reply.*' Most of the officials wished to refuse consent
and the Shogun again asked my opinion. I replied, ** The
proverb about setting a tiger free upon a plain has its
application, but not in this case. No trouble will arise
from this visit and if it is not made, how shall the villagers

1 64 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haktiseki.

know of your sympathy? Moreover, the complaints against
the local officials must have attention." So thirty two of
the men went home, and in the middle of September came
again with the local officials, who were to be examined
by the three commisioncrs. In October came another
report from the local deputy, saying that the farmers had
constantly met for debate, since the return of the thirty
two men and that their grain had bei*n garnered. Im-
mediately twelve men came from the farmers to the Shogun
to thank him for his kindness. There was a further ex-
amination of both sides, and the officials had no defence.
For example, during the previous year, in a space of eighty
days they had taken nine hundred and fifty 7'yd from the
farmers for the expenses of two deputies. It was without
excuse and this was only one thing out of many. And
the reports about selling grain were false.

The Shogun's decision was given on the 22nd of Decem-
ber. It left the land with Murakanu', forbade such practices
by the local officials and redress.ed the farmer's grievances.
On the 1 3th of February the farmers paid their taxes for
the two previous years.

At tlie end of the year a conflagration started near
Shinobazu pond. A strong wind from the north west
was blowing, and more than ten thousand houses were
burned. There have been many such great conflagrations,
and in some of the wards the houses liave been burned tens
of times. Men cannot live in peace, prices rise and the evil
spreads far. I, with some of the officials, was asked how
such fires should be prevented. I named fifteen causes
for them, four of Heaven's decree, two of the forces of
the earth, four of men, and five of the want of efficient
ne.ins for extinguishing them when started. The causes

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 1 65

set forth by the firemen and magistrates were not sufficient
to account completely for the fires. All recommended the
enlargement of the wall in Shirokanecho and this was
done. I differed from the others even as to the plans
for this, but the Shogun died before my recommendation
could be adopted.

The next year I was sent to meet the Hollanders to
inquire as to the lands to the south and west ; and I was
with the men fourteen days. I have written a full account
of it elsewhere.

In another paper I called attcnion to the heavy burdens
laid upon the people, during the late Shdgun's rule, because
of the increase in the value of the gifts to the Shoguns
and his officials, from the daimyo and hatamoto. The
people greatly suffer as the result. Let us return to the
standard established by leyasu. After his war the taxes
were lightened, as war taxes cannot be paid in times of
peace. But they have been increased again, beyond the
times of war. That is monstrous, l^oth in foreign lands
and here in Japan, rebellions have always arisen because of
too heavy taxation, while in good times the people are
aided, instructed, enriched and made virtuous, as the
Classics teach; If this matter is neglected none other plan
can be carried out. The most imperative duty now is
the lessening of the burdens of the people. Reduce the
retinues the daimyo are obliged to keep, the number of
guards at the castle gate, and, in short, let a third or a
half be taken off every requirement. Cut down the number
of places where guards are placed by fifteen. If the
number and value of the gifts for high officials be decreased,
there will be far less bribery and flattery.

My plan was adopted in part, and I was told to deter-

1 66 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakusekt,

mine the number of guards really needed. The retinues
of the dainty o were reduced, but the officials prevented the
lessening of the gifts, urging the honor to the givers and
their reverence for the Government. But were these the
real reasons?

This year new rules for the great highways were made.
They were made because of a report I sent in after my
trip to Kyoto, together with the need for repairs in pre-
paration for the coming of the Korean embassy. The
officials urged the following points : —

Many causes combine for the impoverishment of the
posting towns on the highways, but the chief cause is
found in the large retinues with which the daimyo and
kn^e travel, so large that the regular supplies of men
and horses do not suffice, and so demands for additional
men and beasts are constantly made on the neighboring
villages. Then too, with the new rules about the crossing
at Arai, travellers of all degrees prefer the Nakasendd
and it is so thronged that its supplies are too small
while the Tokaido loses its usual patronage. So we
propose that either the daimyo be required to furnish
more men and beasts for the Nakasendd, so that the
villages be less burdened, or be forbidden to travel in
such numbers by the Nakasendo, so that the posting
towns on both routes may be benefited. And send
officials often to inspect the roads, and report as to their
true condition, and make these men subordinate to the
magistrates. *

* The daimyo were forced to spend half their time in Edo and went
up from their provinces with retinues iK'fitting their rank. So they kept
horses and men at the posting stations to provide for these journeys and
men travelling on official business received, as Ilakuscki p. 68 supra,

Knox : — Autobiography of Ann Hakuseki, 167

The Sliogim asked my opinion and I wrote at length
as follows ; — I have been over the highways recently as
your representative, and I know their condition. It is
not true that the large retinues of the nobles burden the
ix)sts, but they do burden the neighboring farmers. By
the late Shogun, inspectors of posts were appointed and
in the Shogun*s domains the assistants of the deputies
perform this duty. When one of the Shoguu*s represen-
tatives passes over the road, these officials conspire with
the keepers of the posting stations, and the number o
men and horses needed is doubled, and the whole number
is demanded from the farmers, while the horses belonging
to the station are let to ordinary travellers for gain. And
when the farmers fail to bring in horses enough, the
officials fly into a j^assion and extort money as fines. So
they rejoice when retinues are large and grieve when
they are small. The neighbors are imprisoned for not
furnishing the horses needed, and become so poor that
year by year some move away from the vicinity to escape
such impositions, and thus the burdens of those who
remain are still further increased. Such crowds of horses
^d men meet officials that their servants ride and their
^^^lies pass over their burdens to these men from the
P^^. The first reform of all should be the removal of
the inspectors.

Nejct, folks travel by the Nakasendd not so much be-
cause of the Aral crossing, (I had no trouble there al-
though advised to take the other road to save expense) as

'^^'5 for the number ncctlcd. The abuses complained of by the author
^^tinued (lovi-n to the restoration of the Pjnpcror in 1867. Naturally the
ft^ber of men and Ixiasls provided on the Nakascndo, as the less
*nveUe(j mad, was smaller than on the Tokaido.

1 68 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Haktiseki,

that the posting charges on the Tokaidd, were increased
at the requests of the posting station keepers in the late
reign. If the charges are put back to the old figures
travel will increase again. It will not do to forbid travel
on the Nakasendd.

Single Imposts collected only once, like that for the
building of Todaiji in Nara, or the removal of the ashes
from the base of Fuji, occasion great discontent. How
much greater will the discontent be, if these requisitions
for men and horses are permanently increased.

The rule is that one hundred men, and one hundred
horses, be kept at each station on the Tokaido, and half
the number at each station on the Nakasendo. Let of-
ficials remember this, in their preparations and let them
have none beyond the legal number. This will lessen
the exactions on the farmers.

However, if the required number is not maintained, it is a
real danger in time of war ; but if so many cannot be
kept let only the actual force be paid for. Some seven
points in all were insisted on in my letter, and this year
the inspectors were dismissed and other reforms effected.
However, at the request of the magistrates, constables
were sent to the posts in place of the inspectors. Their
reports showed the number of men and beasts at fifty
three posts to be 107,551 and 36,411 respectively, a
reduction from the former numbers of 122,589 men and
2823 horses.

Companies of men waited at Osaka and Edo, seeking
employment in the trains of daiviyo coming from a dis-
tance. These fellows were unruly and the magistrates
could not control them. They would demand palanquin,
horses and coolies for themselves and after riding a short

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki, 1 69

distance would send away the men and liorses, for a
consideration, and they would vent their wrath unclieckcd
on all posting men who resisted their demands. The
remedy was plain, put the men under employers in
Osaka and Edo and hold the employers to a strict ac-
count for the conduct of their men.

In the end, alas, the magistrates had their own way,
for while the reforms were in preparation the Shogun
died, and after that the inspectors were reappointed and the
old abuses began again. It was like a child's house, by
the wayside, quickly destroyed by his playmates.

In the spring I was ill and the Shogun sent five times
to inquire, and once, on the return of the messenger, he
said, " The doctor says Chikugo no Kami is very ill
and that his constitution is affected. Ten thousand ap-
plications of the moxa have been made without curing
him. He wishes to get out at once but his eagerness
interferes with his recover}\ He bears the burdens of
the Empire both the foreign and home affairs, but his
constitution cannot be injured or he could not stand so
many applications of the moxa."

When well enough to go out I sent my thanks to the
Sh5gun through Zembo Asson. I also told him what I
had heard while ill ; — " Folks talk of the many dancing
girls employed by the Shogun. Yet His Grace gave up
employing them when he became Shogun, and these
rumours doubtless arose from the feasts Her Grace gave
in honor of her father's visit. I do not believe the
gossip but it is my duty to speak."

When I next visited the castle Zembo Asson told me
that the Shogun had said ; — *' The dancing girls were
employed when my wife visited the mother of the late

1 70 Knox : — Autobiography of Afai Hakuseku

Shogun, and again when the visit was returned, and once
more when Her Grace's father visited her. I saw no
harm in these courtesies, but since I had forbidden the
employment of tliese women in the castle doubtless it
was a mistake to permit these exceptions. I have
renewed the prohibition strictly, and you may tell Chi-
kugo no Kami."

A little later in the year I was given a new residence
nearer Hitotsu-bashi, in exchange for my former one.
The Shogun also sent me one hundred gold ryoy by
Zemb5 Asson, saying he had heard the place was badly
out of repair. The new place was larger than the old
one, and was said to contain eight hundred tsubo but it
really had only six hundred. But the ShdgUn promised
an adjoining piece of ground in addition as soon as the
lease should expire, and after- his death I got it and
have it now.

THE TREASURY AGAIN.

I wrote a paper on the management of the Treasury
and sent it to the Shogun. I showed the connection
between our system and that of the ancients, and went
on to urge the appointment of censors, since finances
affect the welfare of the people of more than sixty
provinces and should not be left to the discretion of one
man. The censors should have oversight of the deputies
and of the taxes paid in the domains of the Shdgun :
they should take charge of the transportation of the

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Ami Ilaknscki. 171

^^<^€ paid as taxes, of river embankments, and house
^Construction, of roads, and posts, and of the mines in the
different provinces.

The Shogun followed my plan and appointed these
officers. Revenues had decreased a fifth, not because
the farmers paid less but because the expense of col-
lection had increased. The cost of needed rei>airs grew
larger year by year, for the oflFicials kept back part of
the funds and the work was badly done. The first
year after the appointment of the censors the revenue
was very much increased and a large saving made in the
repairs* account without injury to the work. The farmers
rejoiced. We also heard nothing more of heavy losses
in grain while being brought to Kdo.

Another paper called attention to abuses in the ju-
diciary, and the Shdgun ordered a strict investigation,
but he died before the reforms were accomplished.

In the autumn Hagiwara Omi no Kami Shigehide

was removed from office and put under arrest. People

did not know why he was removed but all rejoiced at

the feet. The way of it was this : — During a period of

six months I had sent in three papers accusing him of

the following crimes. As every one knows in the reign

x)f the late Shogun, Shigehide controlled the treasury to

flie destruction of good government and the great grief

of satnurai and people. And he wished to debase the

silver still further when our lord came into power but

this was stopped.

I have already mentioned the building of the new
palace, rumor said the extravagance was very great and
that this magnificence excelled that of the Chinese
l£inperor whose extravagance caused the overthrow of his

1 72 Knox : — Auiobiognxphy of Arai Hakuseki.

dynasty. Rumor added that one room was wholly made
of aloe wood and that this illustrated the whole. So I
told &mbo Asson that " our lord's removal to his new
home is not a subject for congratulations, though I do
not believe these rumors." After awhile I was taken
over the place and shown everything, even the private
apartment and the room of aloe wood. This was a
little room ten feet high and six feet square with posts
in its recess which had been planed. The room was in
the south garden, by the pond below the hill. "This"
said my guide, " is the so-called room of aloe wood.
The wood is not Japanese and was found in one of
the government warehouses, last summer, in Asakusa.
It has no odor, perhaps from its age. The Sh5gun
commanded its use here." In nothing was rumor sus-
tained so the large expenditure was the more inexpli-
cable. But Hagiwara explained that the lumber in the
storehouses proved worthless and so he sold it and
bought from the merchants. He paid whatever they
asked, an hundred ryd for a stick, saying he had no
time to bargain and so brought the total expenditure up
to seven hundred thousand ryd\ Owing to fires, lumber
was dearer than ever before 2iXid hi-no-ki was said to be
worth its weight in gold. At all events, many poor
lumber merchants suddenly became rich and many of-
ficials also. So they divided the wealth of the people
between them.

The following spring (17 10) the coinage was again
discussed, as the officials had suffered much loss from
coins which broke, as Shigehide said because the proper*
tion of silver had been so much increased. He proposed
to restore the coins to the old standard, but to decrease

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 1 73

heir size by half, and urged that the only other way
y which the standard could be restored was by halving
he number of the coins. The officials all assented to
^his, and he further proposed to gradually increase the
"^veight until both in size and fineness the coins should
k)c restored to tlie old standard.

I argued that if the weight were reduced, folks would
still distrust the coins even though the fineness be re-
stored, for ever since the gold had been debased with
silver and the silver with copper, prices had fluctuated
<:onstantly and this new plan will increase the distrust.
The standard was gold 8. 5. 6 and silver i. 4. 2 but by
^he change the gold was reduced to 5. 6. 4 and the silver
increased to 4. 3. i. Shigehide was so distrusted that
one chief censor and two ordinary censors were appointed
^0 watch him as the re-coinage went on. But I soon
Jieard that the new coins were worse than the old, and
ivas astonished, as I knew the Shogun had forbidden the
iurther debasement even in the financial straits at tlie
T)eginning of his reign. So I mentioned the rumor to him
T)Ut Shigehide declared that the coins conformed to
standard and then I left the decision to the Shogun's own
judgment.

When I was in Kyoto tlic regent asked me why Shige-
hide was given new honors and I replied " Because he
works day and night. Too great promotion is good for
no one, but if he reforms his ways because of these
favors it will be a blessing to the country and to him-
self.** He was everywhere praised because he had pro-
vided for all needs at the beginning of this reign in spite
of the financial distress. He covered his evil deeds and
tlisplayed his good ones. For example, when the new

1 74 Kiiox : — Autobiography of Aral Haknseki,

buildings were to be put up at the north of the castle,
no one could get timber but when he was put in charge
he got it at once, to everyone's astonishment. But he
liad sole charge of the treasury, for he dismissed the
censors and so all the merchants were at his bidding.
Their profits were great and how much he made no
one knows. From the re-coining of the silver only he
made at least two hundred and sixty thousand ryo and
pictures and curios innumerable, besides sixty thousand
ryo that one of his servants got. This we discovered
from the books of one of the silver workers who was
punished for his crimes. Sliigehide had been in office
thirty years, and had gradually risen in rank until his
allowance was 3700 koku. It was cut down to ^QO
kohl as a part of his punishment.

In providing horses and men for the Korean embassy,
his proposals were so injurious that I took the matter to
the Shogun, who directed the dainty o to follow the an-
cient precedents.

Everything was bought and built by public tenders and
these were opened in the presence of the merchants and
officials, the lowest offer to be accepted and payment to
be made on the completion of the work. But there were
gifts to the officials when the tenders were sent in, and
thankofferings when the work was done. Those who
gave nothing got nothing however low their bids. No
official failed to get rich, and the treasury was exhausted
when the former Shdgun died. Things worth an hundred
ryo cost ten thousand ryo. Shigehide had charge of all
purchases for the Korean embassy.

Soon after the re-issue of the coins prices rose and
varied constantly. Folks said it was because of the heavy

Knox : — Aiitobiof^niphy of Aral Ilakuscki. 175

c^X[X!nses in the beginning of the reign, and consequent

^on the coming of the embassy. I argued in a pajx^ that

^ sent in to the Shogun to this effect, The ancients

said, ** In three years examine your course of action "

lut in these three years past no investigation has been

made. But the Shogun replied ; — *' Men of honesty lack

ability and men of ability lack honesty. Very seldom

is there a really competent man and we have no one

able to take charge of the finances. Shigehide's misdeeds

are known but there is no one else." But to this I

replied and urged the appointment of examiners, and

denied that Shigehide had either honesty or ability. The

examiners were appointed.

A dispute had arisen between some tenants of the Sho-
gun and the tenants of a daimyd. Shigehide decided fur
the Shogun's tenants, and the other judges were silent.
So no decision was reached and I sent in another paper
asking an opportunity to argue his incompetence in public
and making ten charges against him. Zembo Asson told
me that the Shogun was astonished at the fierceness of
my attack and shortly after dismissed him fiom office. It
was quite useless for any one to bring any acusations
against any of the Shogun's people before Shigehide. For
example, — he let a dispute as to boundaries be decided in
favor of the Shogun s tenants, through the evidence of
stones and posts cunningly hidden in the ground : when a
ship was wrecked on the Shogun's domain and broken up
and looted by his farmers, the latter were acquitted and
the sailors punished ; and when some of his farmers in-
sulted some samurai and the latter cut down some of the
fanners the samurai were punished !

Only forty days before Shigehide was removed from

1 76 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

office, he again debased the coinage, alleging a secret 01
of the Shdgun. The Shdgun had said to him just bef<
" I am told there is much suffering because of the coin
issued two years ago " but Shigehide sent in a wril
denial which the Shogun believed. However, as
reports continued, he sharply asked the reason for s
rumors of distress and hatred and then Shigehide said
** When you became Shogun there were no funds ;
although you told me not to touch the money, still
there was no other way I debased it privately. I kr
my crime and confess it openly." The Shogun '
amazed and took the matter into consideration. Where
Shigehide took this silence for consent and began to deb
the coins again, with this conversation with the Shoj
as his warrant.

Shigehide died soon after his removal from office,
the evil he had done continued, the military preparati<
were stopped, the coins would not circulate and gove
ment and people were alike troubled. I have not he;
of another wretch like Shigehide since the beginning
the Empire. In these thirty years no one in all
sixty provinces was ignorant of his misdeeds, and yet
one of the great retainers of two Shogun informed th<
for the sake of Shogun and country. I only with mov
arm and pen ceased not to write accusations and
third succeeded. No Shogun for many years deser
such praise as my lord. He died the next month so t
he would have been blamed had he longer delayed
great escape ! As of old Yu aided Shun* so to my o

♦ Tlie fabulous sage king of China Yu being first the efficient mini
of Shun. It is said Arai purposed to insult Shigehide and then, in
quhrrel, kill him, himself committing hara-kiri of course and that
coming to the ears of the Shogun led to the dismissal.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakitseki, i jj

family may Zembd Asson and I be said without error to
have contributed a twentieth to the success of his rcie^n.
This shows too how intimate was my relation to the
Shogun.

THE SHOGUN'S DEATH.

All the year the Shogun was ill and the coohiess of
autumn brought no benefit, nor did any medicine help
him, to our great anxiety. On the 26th October (17 12)
I was summoned and given, as a parting present the
history of the twenty three dynasties (of China).

Two days later I was again summoned and Zemb5
Asson gave me this message from the Shogun : — ** That
which has a beginning has an end and we must consider
what comes after ; and especially I in my illness. Folks
hate death and will not think of it, and so when it comes
their thoughts are in confusion. In my illness are now
and then intervals for thought, and I have considered two
plans which I submit to you, for decision. That is why
I send for you.

Without desire of my own I became the heir to the
Empire of leyasu, and now leave a son. But I do not
look upon the Empire as my pro^x^rty and I know that
troubles ever arise when the ruler is a child. To guard
this leyasu established the Three Houses. Now what
shall I do? Shall I send for the Lord of Owari, make
him my heir and let him decide as to my son should he
become a man? Or as one of my sons has survived
fortunately, shall I let him be heir and put the Lord of

1 78 Knox : — Aiitobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

Owari in the Western Mansion to help my son and to
succeed him should he die while still young ? *'

This was my answer ; — " I agree with neither pro-
posal, though they are most generous, since even the
humblest seek the advancement of their children. But
your proposals are not for the good of the Empire. We
need not search ancient history, for even in the days of
leyasu men were undecided as to their course of action
until one of his sons died, and the same difficulty arose
in the time of the second Shogun. Surely there should
be no trouble between father and son, or between brothers,
but as the proverb says '* trouble comes from below " and
officials create difficulties and tell lies, making bad feel-
ing, until men have killed their younger brothers by the
same mother. So was it in the days of leyasu and it
will be worse now. If your plan is adopted there will
be parties formed with confusion in consequence. In the
days of Ieyasu*s ancestors were many youthful heirs and
among them leyasu himself. I need not state the reason
why it was so. But now there are the Three Houses
and the other great vassals and there need be no anxiety
though your heir is so young." *

Again the Shdgun replied ; — " All say my son is like
a bubble on the stream. If he die in a few years I
shall be thought a man without foresight. What of
this ? Consider ! "

And I replied, — '* The three Houses were established
by leyasu for such an emergency ; " and with this my lord

* Doubtless the many historical instances of the murder of rulers and
of their sons that darken the pages of Ja|)anese history were m the mind
of Arai. To make a child the ruler that the official might rule through
him was not uncommon.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral IlakiisckL 1 79

>vas content, saying " Should I recover count this as
X>leasant talk." As this was repeated to me I wept
T)itterly and said " This is the end of my labor for him,
with my poor strength and little wisdom." I told Zcmbo
Asson to tell him this also, and thought he would sum-
mon me again, but no response came and I could add no
more.

After Shigehide's rcnioval the new coinage was stopixid,
and I was told to consult with the officials and to pre-
pare plans. On the eighth November .the Shdgun told
the officials to publish it on the tenth. That night he
was very ill and there was rushing to and fro. I too
went to the castle where Aoyama Bizen-no-Kami awaited
me, saying, — " I am greatly distressed about the succes-
sion but your coming relieves me." And when I told
him it had long been arranged, he added, **Then I am
content." He thought only of this and there was none
other like him — ^a worthy descendant of worthy ancestors.
On the thirteenth the Shogun died. At noon he
summoned Her Grace and the others, and the mother
of his child and said, " I am much better and shall soon
be around and see you all." Next he summoned the
Council of State and explained his plans for the future ;
and then he called the lower officials and thanked them.
Finally, through Akihira Asson (Zembo's brother) he
sent for me. Zembo was by his pillow and Masanao
was behind the Shogun. He said nothing but opened
his eyes and looked at me. This was the end of our
daily meetings during twenty four years.

Afterwards he said to Zembo Asson '* I have no more
to say. Have you anything to ask ? " '* No " said Zembo,
iiothing remains." The Shogun said, "Raise me up!"

%€

1 80 Knox : -^Autobiography of Arai Hakiiscki.

''What! When you are so ill!" they cried. "With
nothing more to say or think it is time to rest" he
said. Even now his servants weep as they think of
that time.

The Shogun had well considered the future and told her
Grace, but at his death he told the officials that he had
entrusted everything to Echizen-no-Kami Zcmbo Asson
and that they should ask of him.

When one of the servants wept before the Shogun he
said, '* Weep not ! It is the common lot." In the intervals
of his final illness he spoke only of public affairs and
especially of the coming hundredth anniversary of the
death of leyasu. I have never heard of an equally splendid
death of a Shogun.

From the beginning of my lord's reign the supply of
copper had been insufficient for the trade with the Hol-
landers in Nagasaki and the magistrates asked for in-
structions. The Shogun referred their question to me.

Since leyasu, more than half of our gold and silver has
gone abroad (the government's books show that one fourth
of the gold and three fourths of the silver, and much has
disappeared unrecorded) and anyone can see that all will
have gone in another century. Though the metals are
constantly dug up, yet are they like the bones in a man's
body, they do not grow again, and so differ from the grains
which are like the hair. Great is the difference in land
and season as to grain production; still fewer are metal
bearing fields, and good seasons for mining come very
seldom. We have never been helped by foreign lands and
need only their medicines. How unwise then to barter our
treasures for their useless articles ! If their ships do not
come still we shall suffer nothing, but if we must trade

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral llakuscki. 1 8 1

let ,us heed the Classics and conform our expenditures
to our income. We must jjovcrn our trade with Loo
Choo, China, Korea and the lands of the west and south.
The increase of prices would be a less evil than the loss
of our treasures.

I argued all this at length, and the Shogun bade me
prepare tables exhibiting the results of this trade in years
past, and he sent them to the Nagasaki magistrates to be
filled out as the decision should be based on facts.

The magistrates reported that the copiKT had not sufficed
for two years past, and that some folks suffered while
others carried on an illicit trade and sent gold and silver
abroad. The Shogun said, " This commerce hurts both
the present and the future. ICven the medicinal plants
used to be grown at home. Once tobacco and cotton were
unknown but now they are grown everywhere. Ixt us
import other seeds and plant them in carefully selected
soil. In the past our articles were sought from foreign
countries: let us be content and make them again for
ourselves. " So at his decree, the Kyoto officials ordered
the goods for him of which he had spoken, but they came
when he was ill and I grieved when Zembd Asson showed
them to me and said, — " I am reminded of the bringing
of the orange seeds.'* *

This year there was a strife, concerning the color of
the robes worn by the son of the emperor, when he visited
Edo and Nikko as representative of the temples in Nara.
He wore a red robe but there was a protest against
it, which declarsd that abbots should dress in white and
wear red only when their learning is complete and great.

* The emperor Suinin sent to ("hina for orange seeds l>ut died as
they were brought to him.

1 82 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakusekL

But the other party contended for an exception to the
rule in the case of the Emperor's son. The question came
for decision after the Shogun's death. He had always
followed my advice but now all is ended as in a dream.

The Shogun died at sundown on the thirteenth of
November (17 12). Next day the officials assembled and
all wept as his parting message was read. *

On the nineteenth the body was taken to Zojoji and I
went with it. That day flowers fell from heaven and folks
caught them in dishes. They were like gold col6red thistk
flowers and crumbled in a few days to nothing, f

On the 30th November was the funeral, at evening. The
dress was not prescribed but each wore an oak leaf and
the sword scabbards were black. Greatly mourning I was
of the company. Others said they saw a great star
encircling the moon, but I saw it not. As we went from
the temple to the tomb, something like hail seemed to fall

* Tlic last message of tnc Shogun, — " In my incapacity I have sought
to rule by the help of the virtue of lyeyasu, whose inheritance I received,
I need not say how greatly I have failed, in my brief time.

Every one knows how, from ancient times, evils afflict the natior
when rulers are children and officials quarrel over rank, form parties, will
not agree but distrust each other. On the other hand even the barbarian;
cross the tempestuous seas in safety when they join strength in workinf]
the boat. Si ill more should all unite now, born now after an hundred
years of peace, grown up together and all by the blessing of leyasu.

In return for that blessing let all think of the i>eople and realm aiu'
forbid the evils that came to ancient empires through youthful rulers
Only by such united action can dangers to the Tokugawa House and to tht
people l)c escaped. Let all, high and low, small and great look well t<
this." Shotoku 2nd year, loth Month 9th day, (1712 November 7
Sealed with a black seal.

t The priests of this tcmi)le in Edo were very fond of marvels anc
famous for their inventive powers.

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, \ 83

ever>'where but es[">ecially on the roofs of the temporary
structures. It was a shower of round balls that shone
like light, and for two or three days folks picked them up
in the roads. There seem to have been such things —
though one scarcely believes such tales from others.

During the fifty days of mourning the very voices of
the children were hushed. I have beared of a land mourn-
ing as for a parent, it was a true blessing to see it.

On the 19th of November the officials were asked their
opinions of the decree as to the coinage which had been
given to the Council of State on the 7th. I have been
charged with getting up the decree after the Shogun's
death but as the Elders had been told to issue it on the
9th they -know that the charge is false.

Three of the witnesses are still alive as I write. A
placard was posted on my gate saying. — " The Place for
Making Decrees about Gold and Silver ! " Such placards
had been posted in the beginning of my lord's reign and
in other periods but this one was the worst of all. The
Council of State had desired to forbid them but the Shogun
said, — '* No ! They may contain some truth and I shall
not stop all expression of opinion.*' And he ordered the
officials to show them to him.

The Shogun had also passed judgement as to the boat
from Funatsu village in the province of Kii which had
been wrecked near Shinagawa Totomi province. The boat
had run on the sands and the people had broken it up
and stolen its cargo. One of its sailors cut down a man
with his sword. The magistrate decided that though the
people stole the cargo they were too many to be punished.
The sailors on the other hand falsely accused the people
of the theft of their cashbox and should be beheaded.

1 84 K710X : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki.

When my opinion was asked I wrote, — Though the folk;
number ten thousand they should be punished if they tool
the goods. The law of Kan-ei 13th, 8th month 2nd day
(Sept. I 1636) provides that when the crew of a wreckec
vessel conspire with the landsmen to steal the cargo al
shall be put to death, and every house in the neighborhooc
shall be assessed two pence and a half. This just meet;
the case and it will not do to refuse to enforce it becaus<
the offenders are many. By this law let the leaders b(
fined that compensation may be made to the owners
Moreover, is it not probable that the sailors charged th<
theft of their cashbox in order to stimulate the zeal of th<
officers, knowing they would not seek earnestly for stoler
clothing and such like things? They acted frcJm some
such motive and do not deserve punishment. Besides, \\
such an accusation a greater crime than theft? Hov
happens it the less crime is punished and the greate
forgiven ? "

The Sh5gun decided in accordance with my opinion anc
bade me write the judgment. It was announced aftci
his death.

BOOK III.

THE REIGN OP THE INFANT

SHOGUN.

THE MOURNING FOR THE SHDGUN.

During these many years my lord's kindness to mc
had been wonderful, although I had uttered all that was
in my heart. He had given great heed to all I said.
But after his death no one listened when I spoke and so
I wrote above, '* This is the end of my labor." His
wise plans for the Empire were incomplete when he died
but, as I know, he trusted me to carry them out after
his decease.

Beyond these plans I had no further connection with
the affairs of state as the young Shogun had many help-
ers. In the spring the Shogun had told me wath some
others, to reform the court journal, but now as there was
no one to decide between us I left this also to the others.

While thus unemployed in the nth month (December
— January) it was decreed that ambassadors should be
sent at once to the shrines at Nikko and Ise since the
Shogun was too young to observe the customar}'- mour-r
ning. I was astonished, and on inquiry Zemb5 Asson
told me that the Minibtcr of Education had stated that
children not yet seven years old, do not observe the

1 86 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hahiseki,

mourning ceremonies for parents. As I said before, the
affairs of state were not my business but I could not let
pass this one thing and told Zembo Asson/' Though the
Book of Rites states that children under seven do not
observe the ceremonies, it nowhere says they do not
mourn their parents. Still less does it bid the heir of the
ruler of the Empire as he becomes the lord of the whole
people, follow the rules for ordinary children."

Zembo Asson repeated this to Hayashi Minister of
Education and he replied, " The decree accords with
the unchangeable rules of the Mourning Rites of Gen-roku
(the period 1688- 1704), as determined by the Shogun.
Who now disputes it?" The Council of State sided with
him and 2^mbo Asson said to me, — " You cannot move
the officials after such an answer." But I told him that
the consequences would be great and that I should write
out my argument though I had no responsibility, and no
influence.

This is the substance of my paper ; — ^The mourning
ceremonies established by the Sages strengthen the rela-
tionships of parent and child, lord and retainer. Even
in China, from age to age, changes have been made, and
still greater ones in our land but all, even the omissions,
are in obedience to the ancient forms. So was it with
the changes made in Gen-rokii. The late Shdgun at the
beginning of his reign investigated this subject, and I
wrote out the results in a book and made illustrations
but he died before the reforms were complete.

The Gen-roku rules say that a child of seven neither
mourns nor is mourned for. This is said to conform to
ancient Japanese precedent, and no ceremonies are laid
down. Still it is not said the child does not mourn for

Knox : — Autobiography of . Irai Ilaknscki. 1 87

its -parents, and in the ancient ceremonies it did mourn.

Why then do the Gcn-roku rules say that children neither

mourn nor are mourned for, so that there is no mourning

for our lord ? And why do they omit the ancient law

that rulers be mourned Tor one year, so that his retainers

do not mourn? But we need not discuss the reforming

of the Gen-roku rules, but may argue on other principles.

The young Shdgun only, survives of all the sons of his

father and if he does net mourn because of his youth

and if the retainers do not mourn, what shall be the

symbol of the great grief of the Empire ? Our books

speak of a mourning heart that may dispense with a

mourning garb, and if the young Shogun and the officials

follow this, though they wear no mourning costume

and follow the Gen-roku rules, they will not propose

festivities like these missions to Nikko and Ise. So will

the Way of Piety and Loyalty and Filial feelings be

strengthened throughout the Empire, even though the

Gen-roku rules are obeyed.

Some may doubt if this heart mourning does not
violate those rules, but the question touches only the one
point of the mourning of a child. But government is
for the establishment of morality; and loyalty and filial
piety are its foundations. Which shall we choose, — a
doubt as to the mourning of a child, or the destruction
of the basis of the Empire, and of the morals of the
people ?

In China in Ying Tsung's reign of the Sung dynasty
(A. D. 1064-1068) and again in the reign of She Tsung
of the Ming dynasty were similar incidents, and when the
emperors became adults they punished the ministers of
their youth. Though the Shogun has no opinions now.

1 88 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakiiseku

the time must be anticipated when he will be grown up
and will reflect upon the past.

Zembo Asson put my paper in his sleeve and sought
the opinions of the officials ; but what they first hear
is their lord, and so they would not take my advice.

Then he took it to the august grandmother, and to the
august mother, and showed it to them and they thought
this omission of mourning something which should cause
a fear of Heaven, as it violated Heaven's laws and they
further feared the anger of the Shdgun when he should
grow up, and learn of this want of piety. So the ladies
desired the ** heart mourning " and it was decreed. The
officials could not argue further and the festivities were
postponed until the twelfth month.

Hayashi was very angry and argued before the Council
of State, that the obligations are mutual, and that as
parents do not mourn for young children, the children do
not mourn for parents, citing precedents from the ancient
books. This was on the 27th of December (171 2) and
Zembo Asson showed me the argument. I said in
reply, " As my suggestion has been adopted I need
not answer, but my ideas are certainly in accord with
the precepts of the Sages and with good morals. Haya-
shi's argument contradicts not me only but them also.
Proud of his temporary position ho seeks to instruct the
people, and will prove a guide to disobedience and dis-
loyalty to all who follow him. A lasting sorrow! We
destroy his errors by the teaching of the books of
ceremonies." Then I quoted the books, showing that
children do mourn, and I called on him to show clear proof
to the contrary and to append his proof to my essay.
I further set forth two arguments from our funeral rites.

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusckL 1 89

When Zenib5 Asson showed this to Hayashi he re-
pelled ; — *' As in tlie most ancient books I see no instance
of such mourning, I hold as at first. Ikyond this there
is no proof. I cannot say that the Book of Rites forbids
the mourning ; but the commentary on the Ge7iji Mono-
^atari shows that it was not the Japanese custom for
children to mourn. If he quotes the Book of Rites then
the mourning should be for three years."

To this I replied ; — ** My use of the Book of Rites,
was because he declared my contention to be opposed
to the teaching of the Sages. He takes that back, and
thus my position is shown to be correct to all future
ages. As to the rest, what shall I say of a Minister of
Kducation quoting a commentary on the Gmji Mono-
g'atari, in order to show that the teaching of the Sages
on the most important subjects need not be obeyed in
Japan ? **

I took the paper and went home. To pass all this on
will be of service, for it not only confirms good morals
but establishes the system of Confucius for all time in our
Empire. The whole debate is given in my manuscript
and in Kyuso's book.

Hayaslii's own pupils told of his cmbarassment when
-2^emb5 Asson pressed him with my questions! Such a
teacher naturally has such pupils and the decay of learn-
ir^g in Japan is likewise explained.

Hay<ishi also urged that the ideograph ** sho " should
i'lotbe used in "year-names" and quoted Chinese authors
support of his position. Zcmbo Asson asked my
pinion, and though my ideas could no longer prevail
ill I hesitated to refuse to reply and said ; — '* The men
the Ming dynasty (in China) in more books than

1 90 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki.

those quoted, argued that the ideograph is of evil in-
fluence and should not be employed. But superior men
do not agree to this at all.

The Empire's prosperity, man s long life or few days,
come either from Heaven's decree or from man s deeds.
Happiness and sorrow do not come from the use of par-
ticular words in the "year-names." The men who lost
the Empire (in China) in times when " sho " was used,
lost it by their wickedness and not by their use of this
name. So has it been with the great calamities, they were
because of the emperors and not because of this word.
Lay to heart Mencius's saying, — " Do not blame the age
for your crime."

It is unnecessary to argue at length and one illustration
will suffice; — With his advancing age man does not lose
identity, though he is called successively, infant,, youth,
middle aged ; nor yet with the different names given him,
at three months and at twenty years nor with the several
appellations used by his various relatives. So is it with
hours, days, months and years — ^the hours become days as
they are joined together and the days become months and
the months years. These names indicate the same time.
So if ** sho " must not be used for years neither must it
be used for months. * But from the time of the Sages
" sho '* has been the name of the first month, and so Con-
fucius writes in " The Spring and Autumn." ** The " sho **

* The peoples of the Far-east reckon time by periods of varying
length, designated by " year-names." These " year-names " were given by
the emperors and this was one of the most distinctive marks of their
sovereignty.

The ideograph " sho " means " holy " and brings misfortune if used by
unholy men.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 1 9 1

month is the beginning of the year." If then it is un-
lucky every year should have been unlucky from his day
to ours. And if anyone think this argument trifling I
still want to hear why " sho " is lucky in months and
unlucky in years. " The reforms wrought by superior man
constitute the " Way '* of the Empire for generations, his
deeds are its laws and his words its precedents ; " and
"he who knows not the decrees of Heaven is not superior
man," so it is not a superior men who thinks of " sho "
as unlucky.

In sixteen *' year-names '* has the word been used here
in Japan ; and by no means have all been unlucky and if
some of the periods so named have been calamitous, so
may it be argued of all the ideographs used from the
beginning, since in both China and Japan the "year-names"
have been changed chiefly because of signs in heaven, and
because of calamities on earth, floods, droughts, or epi-
demics. If the names bring evil let us return to the ancient
custom and use none, but even then there were evils as
to-day. Further, I have met with men from Holland,
Italy, and other lands, and though " year-names " are
used only in two or three places and the rest reckon
so many thousands, hundreds and tens of years since the
beginning of heaven and earth, yet few countries in Europe
during the past twenty-four years have escaped confusion
caused by struggles about the succession to dead princes.
This winter and last many were killed in war. For
'^vhat was that the punishment? Even with no " year-
'^^me " destruction is not escajx^d easily when man loses
"xtue.

In China and Japan the same words have been used in
i fferent periods, which have proved the happiest and the

1 92 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki,

most calamitous in our annals and instances innumerable
prove that '* names " and misfortunes have no connection.

This change of the ** year-name" is the only edict that
is promulgated by our Emperor, as even the Chinese
know, and its cause has ever been calamities, portents and
changes in the calendar. It has never been done because
of the misfortunes of a Shogun. Doubtless there have
been coincidences, and the superficial student may suppose
the change was made because a Sh5gun had died, but
there was always another reason for the change ; and with-
out such reason no change has ever been made in the
year when a Shogun has died.

If now the " year-name " is changed because of the
death of the Shogun what suspicions will be aroused in
Ky5to ; and even if other reasons are assigned, still the
Shdgun's councillors will suffer from the criticism of men
who are truly learned and wise. Take great care not to
make a mistake."

But in spite of Zcmbo Asson*s efforts my opinion was
not adopted. *

A VERY DIFFICULT CASE.

In my lord's time, one day (28th September 171 1) after
the lecture he sent me a very difficult case.

A merchant of Matsushiro, Shinano, came to Edo with
his wife who was from Komabayashi village, Kawanoe

* Hayashi obtained the aid of the ladies of the Shogun's court by an
4ippeal to their superstitions.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki, 1 93

township, Musashi province. On the 29th August the
woman's brother took her out to Kawagoe, and on the
2nd September told her to remain a while at her. father's
as her husband had gone back to Matsushiro, but would
return on the 19th at latest. But on the 19th he had
not come and she was told of a man drowned in the
neighboring river. Full of fear she went to see, but the
man was floating face downwards. Her father and brother
would not help her turn the body but said, *' It cannot
be he." But she could not restrain herself and the next
day had the body turned by the headman of the village
and — it was her husband. This was on the land of Tajima-
no-Kami, Takatomi.

The officers examined her father, brother and others
and as the answers were not satisfactory, searched the house
and found the eiiects of the dead man. So there was no
escape and the father and brother confessed the murder
and to putting the body in the water. There was no
question as to their guilt, but Tajima-no-Kami Takatomi
widied to know if the woman were not " an informer
against her father."

My answer was, *' Consider it well. It concerns the
three relations, not husband and wife, and parent and child
only, but lord and retainer also. It cannot be settled by
ordinary precedents." But the Shogun asked for pre-
cedents and Kyuso and I examined the books thoroughly
and in the morning he wrote me agreeing with my opinion
and saying '• The Introduction to the Zansai of the Girei
Scfukuden is conclusive." It was indeed fortunate that the
proof was so clear.

On the 4th of October, after the lecture, the Shogun
•showed me the opinion which the magistrates had sent in

194 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakmeku

quoting a case of Teiko 4th year 4th month, when a
woman, who charged her husband with adultery with her
mother (the two were beheaded) was punished as an ** in-
former," being imprisoned for a year and then sold as
a slave. The Sh5gun remarked, ** This does not seem
to apply,*' and I agreed and added "The woman is not
guilty."

On the 7th I was shown Hayashi's opinion. The mini-
ster of education had written it for the Council of State,
and this was its substance : When Saichu of Tei asked her
mother. Which is first, father or husband? she replied,
Only one can be father, anyone may be husband. This
woman revealed her father's guilt, and the Analects say,
**To conceal a parent's guilt is righteousness and truth."
In the Laws it is written, " Let him who exposes a parent's
crime be put to death." But I said, " She did not know
her father's crime and her case is an exception. In our
Japan an informer on a parent is banished though the
commentary says the punishment should be strangling.
Neither of those quotations apply and it was not a case of
accidental homicide." So I was told to re-argue the case
and going home wrote out my opinion at once and sent
it to the Shogun on the 8th as follows : —

I have carefully studied the matter submitted oh the
28th of September viz.— The merchant's wife, troubled at
his absence hears of the body in the river and gets the
headman to show it to her. It is her husband, and as
her father and brother were the murderers, the officials
think it a case of '* informing against parents." The
magistrates condemn her to servitude and the Minister
of Education agrees with them.

In my opinion the case does not come under " The

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakusekL 1 95

Three Relations " nor do ordinary precedents apply.
Three points should be considered, — The relations, the
rules for mourning, and the application of exceptional
rules to exceptional cases.

The rules of the ancient kings provide, that while the
daughter remains at home, though promised in marriage or
though married having returned to her father, she shall
observe three years of strict mourning for him should he die.
But, if she is living with her husband she shall observe
only one year of half-mourning. The difference is so very
great that we shonld observe how it is set forth in the
commentary of the Sofuku.^ A woman is never independ-
ent but owes duties, when unmarried to her father, when
married to her husband, and when widowed to her son.
The father is the child's Heaven, and the husband is the
x^fe's. So it is written, ** A woman cannot mourn strictly
twice, as Heaven is not two." She cannot mourn for two
£i.t the same sime. So then a wife who obeys her husband
crannot obey her father.

Events are ordinary or extraordinary, and in their judg-
^ruent laws should be immovable or exceptional. As the
^uicient scholar says; — Exceptions uphold the rule.

Now it is the settled law that the woman at home
obeys her father and when married her husband. In the
Visual relations the lord is lord, and the retainer is retainer :
the father is father, and the son is son : the husband is
liusband, and the wife is wife. But now the retainer does
inot ceise to be retainer, because the lord ceases to be lord.
I3ut in following such exceptions we are not to lose the
irule. The greatest possible exception is, when a retainer's

* The book of mourning-rites and ceremonies.

196 Kn^x : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

father kills his lord, or when a woman's father kills her
husband. The retainer then cannot be both loyal and
filial, nor the woman obedient and filial. No human
calamity equals this ! Of old in such emei^jencies retain-
ers have been loyal to their lord, and women have obeyed
their husband. Now no one can be found who has charg-
ed her father with the death of her husband, though some
have told a father that their husband had a command
from his lord to kill the father, and so the father has
killed the husband, and this was the instance quoted
above when the mother replied, " Any one may be hus-
band but only one a father." If that reply and the
daughter's deed which followed were right, then are they
disobedient and wicked who for a husband's sake make a
father no longer father. And shall we say, " Any one
may be lord, only one a father, — how can the two be
compared ? " May one help his father to kill his lord ? But
the superior man praised the man who revealed the plot
of his father against his lord, as it is written, ** Great
virtue destroys love." Confucius says, " The father con-
ceals his son's evil, and the son his father's." This is
the rule. Which is the greater offence to steal a sheep
or to kill a lord ?* The settled rules of the ancient kings
make the woman's Heaven to be her husband and not
her father. If the father kill the husband the ordinary
rules do not apply to a woman if she inform; and still
less to this woman who recovered the corpse by the aid
of the headman and then recognized her husband. The
government discovered the crime. It is not a case of
"informing." Why is she judged guilty?

* Confucius words concerned the stealing of a sheep.

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami HakusekL \ 97

When the full discoveiy was made her suicide would
have preserved her filial, wifely and sisterly virtue. It
would have been the perfection of virtue in this great
exception to the normal relations, but to reprove her for
not attaining perfection is to judge her '' as we do not
judge ourselves." No woman has killed herself for such
a reason, but many have preserved their widowhood until
death, nor did the ancients think their virtue small. And
this agrees with my private opinion.

A wife's relation is that of the retainer, and if we praise
Risai and Sekien,* we shall not agree with the words
quoted by Hayashi. The magistrates say that the pre-
cedents show that she should be imprisoned for a year
and then be made a slave, and the Minister of Education
says, " Had she known her father's guilt the penalty
would have been death, l^ut as she did it unwittingly
she shall be made a slave."

If she is declared innocent, as I propose, I have a
strong desire for her. The young widow's passions are
still undecayed and she has no protector. The pine's
green leaf, if very strong, may resist the winter's cold
but in her case I Iiave my doubts. Not only should I
lament the loss of her virtue but the righteousness of the
government would be violated. Those who have become
monks and nuns for tlie loss of fatlier or husband have
been many. Now if it is privately hinted to her that she
become a nun, shave her head, enter a convent, study
and keep the rules because of these deaths ; and if the
property of her husband and father be given to the con-

* Riati informed his lord of his father's jniqxised rebellion and com
mi (ted suickle. Sekien also informetl and was killcil by his father.

198 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

vent, there will be no anxiety as to her support and her
virtue and the righteousness of the government will be
preserved/*

My advice was followed and by the aid of Takatonn
Asson the woman became a nun in a convent at Kamakura.

THE INVESTITURE OF THE YOUNG

SHDGUN.

After the fifty days of mourning on the eleventh day
of the twelfth month (January 7, 171 3) the young Shogun
assumed the government. By the precedents he should
have had the title S/idsanmi Dainago7i when his head was
shaved and his hair fastened in a cue, and still later the
title Shoni would have been bestowed, and only after he
became Sh5gun should the emjieror's messenger have
come from Kyoto. But as he inherited his position when
so young Zembo Asson asked me to set forth the proper
procedure which I did, since I could not decline.

The name is given by the father, but in the present
instance by the father of the emperor. I wrote the peti-
tion to him and suggested the name.

On the eighth of January came an Imperial letter con-
ferring the Shb7ii rank and the title Dainagotp and so the
child at once became Shogun. The letter bestowing the
name came the same day. A lucky day was chosen for
the ceremony Qanuary 17) and folks paid their respects
on the next day but one. As in the case of the former
Shogun I was given thirty ryo and other gifts as my
honorarium.

K710X : — Autobiography of Arai Hahiscki, 199

The putting on the luikavia was on the next New
Year's day, (26 January, 17 13) and on the seventeenth of
February I was given three gold ryb for choosing the
" precious ideographs " for the Shogun to write.* The
same day I was given three books, by order of the
Shogun, which had been ordered by the late Shogun
through the governor of Nagasaki.

On the thirteenth of April, as bidden, I sent in the
details for the ceremony of the hair cutting, including a
description of the implements and of the ornaments for
the room. On the twenty-first the Shogun went to the
Shraso-in where his crown was put on his head by Hikone-
no-kami and his hair was cut by Aidzu-no-Kami. I saw
it all from the rear. I too was often in the castle in
connection with the visit of Konoe the former regent.f

On the twenty-sixth of April was the investiture and
this 1 saw from the rear as in the case of the former
Shogun. A little later my land was increased as the
former Shogun had commanded.

On November fifth, 17 14, I chose the name for the

great bell of Bun-sho-byo as I had been commanded.

The previous year, after my lord's death a commission

came from Kydto granting him such posthumous name

^ might be chosen. When Zembd Asson asked me about

♦ The first ideographs written by a young Japanese are chosen with
^special care.

t This Shogun was Yusho-in, lyetsugu-kO the third son of Bunsho-ko.
^Xe vras four years old when his father died. A great discussion arose as
*o liis *♦ crowning '* as if he were the son of the Emperor. It is supposed
^o have been connected with plans of Arai's for the ending of the dual
Sovemment and the enthronement of the Sh5gun. It is also given as the
why Arai was not ** employed " by the next Shogun.

2(X) Knox ': — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

it I said, "As the name goes down to future generations
and abroad to foreign lands, an excellent name should be
chosen, and I suggest Bun and Sho.'* The Council sent
both on to Kyoto where the two were adopted, Bunsho-
ko. That my suggestion for the posthumous name of my
lord and for the name of the Shogun should have been
approved by the emperor and his father, and that I was
bidden write the inscription for the bell were great favours.*
At the anniversary services on December first, all was
done according to the former precedent. Besides the
highest officials only ten persons were present. All were
arrayed in their most elaborate robes of ceremony.

THE UOYANA BOATS.

On the 22nd August the case concerning the Uoyana
boats was heard. Freight sent from Osaka to Yamato
province was transferred, because of the shallow water, at
Kamegase in Kawachi province to the Uoyana boats and
by them was brought to its destination. From the Keicho
period (i 596-161 5) these boats which belonged to the
folks in the village Tate, Heguri township, Yamato pro-
vince, had been in charge of the Shinto priest and with
the profits the Shinto temple Tatsuda had been maintain-
ed without aid from the government, and moreover paid
an annual tax of thirty ryo.

In Gcnroku 10 (A. D. 1697) the villagers offered to pay

* The name contains an allusion to the ancient Chinese poem —
Truly brave, truly wise, clearly equal to his ancestors."

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakustki. 20 1

a tax of one hundred and fifty ryo if one of them were
put in charge of the boats, and as the ofifer was large
and the villagers were tenants of the Shdgun it was
accepted.

In the intercalary first montli of Hoei 5 (Feb. 1708)
the farmers of five hundred and three villages, tenants of
the Shogun and different davnyb, complained to the gov-
ernor of Nara, Miyoshi Bizen-no-kami, that though the
villagers had promised to follow the established custom yet
they not only gradually had increased the charges, but
when the boats were damaged and the freight injured
refused to pay damages and stole the cargo that was
saved.

Again in March, the sellers of dried fish in Osaka com*
plained that though in the past, fish (for use as manure)
which was lost en route had been paid for, last year pay-
ment was refused when boats were lost because of the
great earthquake, and this in spite of the commands of
the magistrates.

In the fifth month (June-July) Bizen-no-kami referred
these coniplaints to Kyoto and after an examination by
Ki-no-Kami Nobutsune Asson the case was sent to the
magistrate of the treasury in Edo, Hagiwara Omi-no-Kami
and to those associated with him.

After the preliminary examination the priest, Yasumura
by name, asked that he might be put in charge again
and offered to pay a tax of three hundred ryo^ whereon
the villagers offered three hundred and twenty nine ryo
and said ; — ^We are few in numbers but our land measures
a thousand koku. For the fourteen years past we have
paid our taxes out of the income from these boats, and if
that is taken- away we shall suffer.

202 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Haknseki,

In the tenth month of the next year (Nov. 1709) die
decision was given in favour of the villagers. But it did
not touch uporl'the complaints made by the Osaka merch-
ants and the farmers of the five hundred and three villages.

The spring of the next year (1710) after the change
of Shoguns, when Bizen-no-kami came to Edo to the
ceremonies, he handed in an account of the case to
Kawachi-no-kami, Tadamine Asson, who with two others
investigated it and in the intercalary eighth month (Sept.-
Oct.) affixed their seals to the following decision; —
*• Precedents do not show the boatmen to be responsible
for the loss of freight ; but there is a special fund for this
purpose in Osaka made by collecting .005 for each piece
of fi-eight. Again the villagers claim that they can be
held responsible only from Kamegase, where the freight is
transferred to their boats. Their contention is sustained.
Even government freight is not paid for when lost. The
Osaka merchants have no case. Their fund is of private
arrangement and not of law. If it is considered other
complications will arise."

Tadamine Asson was very zealous for this decision , and
told the magistrates to so lay down the law that the case
should not come up again ; and he sought to make all
parties promise not to appeal.

. But Bizen-no-kami would not agree, for the decision
touched the complaint of the Osaka merchants only, and
ignored the grievances of the five hundred and three
villages, the dispute between tenants of the Sh^un and
of the daimyo^ and he declared that a side issue should
not stop appeal. Tadamine Asson became very angry,
changed colour and said, •' It is not for your good to
raise again a question settled by so many judges ! " and

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 203

would not listen. In the winter when I visited Nara,
Bizen-no-kami showed great anger as he told me about
it and when I returned to Edo in the spring I told tins,
among other things, to the Shogun, saying, " The decision
was unjust."

Almost immediately Hizen no-kami died in his rage and
then Yasumura killed himself as he felt there was no one
left to help him.

Yasumura's son came to Edo in great anger, deter-
mined to have the decision against his father reversed.
He made constant appeals and the priests of the temple
joined with him as they now had no funds tot its support.
So !Zembo Asson, by what means I do not know, re-
stored all to the original conditions, giving the manage-
ment to Yasumura's son, putting the tax back to the
first figure and ordering the temple to be repaired at once.
He sent me a copy of his decision and told me he had
the authority of the late Shdgun for it.

In April (17 1 3) as I think it was, I said to Zembo
Asson, — " Lu.xury is increasing and prices rise so that the
liotatnoto perform their duties with difficulty. What should
they do were there war ? In spite of the warnings of the
late Shdgun the evil grows, and now one who wishes to
live within his means finds the great jst difficulty in so
doing. Tile case is peculiarly urgent during the youth of
the Shogun. Pray consult with the elders as to remedies
for this evil." He assented, consulted with the elders and
bade every hatamoto send in his plan for the remedy of
the evil.

He showed mc the replies but they were mere promises
of diligence in duty, and did not touch the reform of the
government or the condition of the people. As the

204 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hafcuseki.

Shogun had always asked my opinion so now the elders
sought it. But if the note is high listeners are few, and
without clear proof no one will believe, so I tried to meet
the mind of the times and sent in points taken from the
rules of the Shdgun, making three volumes in all.

I never heard of any decision. I pressed for one be-
fore the change of officials as did Zembo Asson likewise,
but time went by and my memorial was returned, endors-
ed,— '* Too difficult, it cannot be done at present." But
I had not written my own ideas but the opinion of the
Shogun and their refusal was of his ideas, not mine. The
difficulty was, the officials would not! I could say no
more. As it is said. When desires oppose commands
there is no obedience. So if a decision were reached it
could not be carried out with all the officials in opposi-
tion. When the Shogun becomes a man, he will know
I desisted because further effort was useless. They put
it off saying, ** We shall decide when all are heard/* and
never decided at all. So it ended.

THE COINAGE.

I knew that my advice would not be followed, even
though it had been sanctioned by the Shogun, but as
none of the officials considered the debasement of the
coinage, which is the greatest of evils, I wrote papers
zealously and though the Shogun was already ill his
decision was made. He stopped the new coinage and
removed Shigehide from office, and until death, was con-
sidering ways and means for the restoration of the coins

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 205

to the proper standard. But since his death no one has
done anything.

From the first I diligently studied how to remove this
grief, and the more earnestly since it was unaccomplished
at my lord's death and so might be accounted his error.
It is filial piety to fulfill his wish and make known his
will, especially as great suffering will be saved. My
labour was for my lord and for his son.

I sent in the results of my study, in three volumes,
to Zembo Asson in the sixth month of this year (July-
August 1 71 3) and further told him my ideas. Since the
order to restore the standard had been given, all sorts of
opinions were expressed: — i. To restore the silver minted
since Genroku to the old stardard, would require 118
tnan-gafne of bullion while the total annual product is only
4 sen-gavie so that the product of three hundred years is
needed. 2. For the separation of the copper and silver
in the coins we shall need lead to the amount of 276
man 4 sen gante while the yearly output is only 3737
hiakkan^ thus requiring the product of 739 years. Nor
can we count the men who will be killed by the poison-
ous process. 3. Were the silver restored it would not
correspond to the gold unless that also is restored, and
so prices will vary with the two metals. But if we make
the silver coins smaller than at present but of standard
purity, botli the silver and the gold will answer. These
were the opinions of the artizans of the Ginza. 4. If the
rate of exchange is again put at 60 me for one gold ryb
there will still be exchange to pay on the silver, for silver
has been mixed with the gold, and copjx^r with the silver,
and gold has been reminted once, and silver often, so there
are three grades of old and six of silver. To purify the

206 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

gold and reduce the size of the coins by half, and to fully
restore the silver will not accomplish the desired object, for
the relative values will not be restored. 5. Both can not be
restored nor can the government force them to pass as of
equal value. Let 10 fftan ryb of good gold be issued each
year, and let the debased silver be gradually called in, thus
its price will rise and values adjust themselves. Thus ui^d
the exchangers (the bankers). 6. The low price of silver is
in part from its over issue. Call in half and make good
copper coins out of the copper it contains. This was,
probably, the notion of those who had issued the big
pence at the close of the former reign. 7. Let paper
money be issued and the gold and stiver called in and let
it be decreed that the three pass as of equal value. Coin
copper in large quantities, and with the increase of currency
prices will steady themselves. Search for mines, work
them all, and in ten years or so good coin will be as
plentiful as in Gcnroku, Then bum half the paper and
there will be no adverse critic. So said some of the elders
of a little wisdom. 8. The value of the coins is less and
their number doubled. The price of rice is higher than
in famines yet no one dies of want. That is because the
coins are so many. So let us increase the number still
more, and thus even the value of the silver and gold.
Evidently there has been profit in these re-coinings since
Genroku. It is the exchangers who unsettle prices by their
secret manipulations of the rate of exchange. Even if
the coins are restored to the standard who knows what new
scheme they will invent to injure society. Punish severe-
ly three or five of these men and the people will be com-
forted and the prices of gold, silver and everything will
be steadied. Thus thought the military folk. Folks take

Knox : — Autohiography of Arai Hakuseki, 207

wealth as wealth and profit, but misled by these evil ex-
changers they clamor for a re-coinage, which cannot be.

All these were wrong, as I showed before setting forth
my own views. (It all made three volumes.) Zembo
Asson well knew the puipose of the late Shogun and the
urgent need but he came to think its accomplishment
impossible in such a conflict of opinions. He was greatly
pleased with my views, consulted the Council of State
and on the 20th September the treasury magistrates
decided to carry out the late Shogun*s decree. (This
decision was of my writing.) But, of course, these officials
desired their private gain and not the good of the Empire,
nor did they understand the subject, and as they did not
wish to be reproached for failure there was no one to
carry out the project or to reply to objections. So it was
necessary to a[>point someone and Zembo Asson with
the Council of State appointed seven men.

A merchant of Sakae, Idzumi province, named Tani
privately wrote his views on this subject to a friend in
Kyoto who forwarded the letter to me. Neither of these
two men was an ordinary shopkeeper but both had been
samurai. The plan differed from my own but could be
carried out easily and as I knew the value of the opinion
of a business man I showed it to Zembo Asson, who
was gfreatly pleased at there being two ways of doing
that which he had regarded as impossible. I said I
should like to meet the man and was soon informed of
his arrival in Edo. I sent for him and said, ** This is
not my business but as it is for humanity, and for the
nation lay your plan before the officials." He replied,
" I know a relative of Yoshimasa " (one of those in charge
of the re-coinage.) " I too know him well *' I said, ** Tell

2o8 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki,

your friend. It is very fortunate." So I told Yoshimasa
and asked him to sfend for Tani, and Yoshimasa was
much pleased saying, *' I have consulted so many to no
purpose that I am made very happy by this."

So he heard Tani, questioned him, consulted with others,
and on February 2, 17 14, told Takatomo Asson the chief
in charge. Zembo Asson of course knew all about it and
left it to the seven men.

In the east, gold and copper had been chiefly used
while in the west, it was mostly silver with some copper,
and so the greatest troubles from the debased silver had
been there, and Tani's plan had to do with that section.
But as the decree bade the restoration of both metals
and as the re-coining of one would cause new complica-
tions I consulted with Yoshimasa about the gold. But
most officials thought best not to touch it as folks here-
abouts were not troubled greatly by the debased silver,
and as half the value of the gold would be lost. Most
people supposed that a ryd of the old would be exchanged
for one of the new, and all decided to study the subject.

In Genroku silver was mixed with gold, and copper
with siver. The size and form of the coins were retained
and their number was doubled. But only blind men
could fail to know that half the gold had been replaced
by silver, and no one will sell an article worth 100 ryd
for less than 200 ryd. So with silver, though prices seem
to rise, it is only because folks see that 200 ryd represent
only 100 ryd. So an increase in the false number adds
nothing to the true one, and if our return to the standard
seems to cut down 200 ryd to 100 ryd it is only the false
number that is diminished. As we fix prices by law, we
must decree that fifty of the new coins be taken in place

Knox :^-AMhybiogf^(y of A^-ai Htikuscku 209

of one hundred of the old, that no one may lose nor
exchange one cf the old for one of the new. The num-
ber of coins must be halved, how can the present number
be maintained ? Were the products of tl.e mines sufficient
there had been no reasoii for debasing the coinage. The
people are accustomed to false dealing and their doubts
will remain even if we are just, but what if any false
element is permitted to remain ?

All this is very simple, but the officials were so confus^
ed by sophistries that they were convinced only when all
had been explained over and over igain, in repeated con-
ferences which lasted lor days. In the end they saw their
error and adopted Tani's plan.

The silver could be taken from the gold readily, but the
extraction of the copper took much lead and the process
was injurious to the workers, so it was argued. But I
t(Ad them that the Osaka merchants deal in copper)
separafe copper arid lead and take out the silver. If the
process is so deadly how do they do it? Our so-called
silver is really copper with a little silver mixed in and
they would think nothing of getting it out.

So it was decided to examine these men, re^issue both
gold and silver, and establish exchanges for the old and
new coins. On the i6th June 17 14 the edict was issued
and I wrote it at the bidding of Zembo Asson.

The plans contained items I did not approve knd wera
badly executed. Much was stolen, the law was changed
and little good came of it, naturally enough, since men
ignorant and without ability were eager to show What
they could do. Zembd Asson came to agree fully with me.

On June 24 four of the Ginza artizans were banished
and a fifth was dismissed from Edo* Tvvo officials were

2 1 o Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki,

imprisoned in their own houses. They had violated the
ancient laws and had made bad silver, a crime of great
magnitude. In obedience to Shigehide they had caused
much suffering throughout the Empire. Some men
thought they should have been beheaded.

Of old the coinage could be changed only when all
the elders put their seals on the decree, but from Gcnroku
it had been left to the treasury magistrates and, more
recently, to Shigehide with two other officials. That was
through Shigehide's cunning. Then he formed a company
of artizans in the Ginza who carried out his plans.

Their guilt was very great, but all had been left to
Shigehide, and the artizans after all, were not to blame
for carrying out his plans. It was a crime to leave off
affixing the elders' seals, as it was to leave all to him.
This was their method ; — One of the company would
learn Shigehide's wishes privately and then get up an
agitation, and a petition would be sent to Shigehide to do
thus and so, and he would yield and affix his seal to a
decree granting the petition.

But the government makes laws and the people obey ;
if the government violate laws and the people obey how
shall crime be charged against them ? There are diflferent
degrees in crime, leadership, purposed participation and
unwitting agreement. Shigehide's guilt was the most
serious, but he was only removed from office and im-
prisoned at home and was pardoned at the Shdgun's
death. He was not tried, but escaped just punishment
and died of illness. How then shall they be put to death
who sinned with him ? That would imply that his body
should be exhumed and beheaded. But even if dead folks
were conscious, and though you should cut his body into

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 2 1 1

inch bits yet would such an unfeeling spirit as his suffer
nothing, and the display of cruelty would be wantcn
and not in accord with government by superior men of
rightousness and benevolence. Everyone knows that I
opposed Shigehide while alive, and as for these men I
have never seen them and my argument is not for their
sake, but for justice in punishment, the equalization of
the past and present. And so it was that all were judged
guilty of minor offences.

When the books of the Ginza artizans were examined
it appeared that Shigehide had a profit of 260.000 ryb out
of the debasing of the silver, besides pictures and ancient
treasures ; and that he gave 60.000 ryb to his follower
Nagai Hanroku. Whereon, a great outcry arose against
the latter but I argued again, " He was the servant and
it was his duty to obey and so he got the money. If
he is punished so must Shigehide's son suffer. But he
has only 700 koku out of his father's 3700 and so is
punished already. To again lay bare the father's thefts
and again punish the innocent son is to heap hoar-frost on
snow and is not the government of righteous and bene-
volent, superior men. The chief being unpunished we
need not discuss the punishment of subordinates, and
especially with crimes which are unconfessed. All should
be ignored."

So further proceedings were stopped.

212 Knox : — Autobiograpky of Arm HakusekL

SOME QUESTIONS OF PRECEDENCE
AND PRIVILEGE.

I was not invited to the ceremony on the third anni-
versary of the Shogun*s death but was told of it the
following day. So when I met Zenibo Asson I told him
I should resign, since I had not been infonw^d of this
ceremony after being consulted about cverythijeg for years.
I should be disgraced did I not resign for I should, spem
to cling to office.

He was astonished and said " What ! I Iiaye. not for-
gotten your words about the young Shogun when bis
iatlier died ancl just the pther day the Shdgtin*$ mothei;
and grandmotl^r said, *^Is Chikugo no Kami w^U? He
was always consulted by the late Shogun andt we- are
safe when he is here.' If you resign I sliall be. bUined
by them and by everyone. Do consider your purposes,"
But I replied, '* Years ago I said, this ends my service,
when my lord died. For three years I have held, on that
I might carry out his purpose, and reform the coifi9gQ
and now that is done. He further wished me to loolc
into the foreign trade at Nagasaki and I have made full
preparations so that others can complete that work. Be-
fore my lord died I had decided to resign, and could I
be induced to change my purpose I should not mention
tlicse details. But, as there would be hostile criticism
were I wholly to withdraw, I will consult with you when-
ever you w ish my advice on matters of great moment."

So Zembo Asson ceased to urge me, but asked me to
postpone my resignation until after the reception of the
Imperial messengers from Kyoto. In the interval I was

Km^ : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 2 1 3

asked to a consultation over an important matter. Zembo
Asson met me and sai<l : — *' I have told the elders of your
purpose and of my failure to shake it, though I have tried
earnestly since you were so deep in the confidence of the
late ShoguQ. They tell me to try again in their name
and to insist upon the public injury your resignation will
cause. You will greatly favor us all and and will benefit
the nation by withdrawing your resignation."

** This is wholly unexpected " I said, " and I must con-
sider my answer." So I went home and the next day
sent this reply : — " My purpose was formed long ago and
is. not of this one thing. But I hesitate to set my opinion
against the wishes of those who carry on the government
and so withdraw my resignation." Zembo Asson told
me- that it was agreed to on die next day and said, ** It
k a great iavor to the public and to me." He aslced
me to come again two days later, when I met the elders
as they came fi^om their audience with the Shogun.
Zembo Asson and Chiiryd Asson presented me to them
and when all were seated Zembo Asson said, '* He has
agreed to our request.'* Masanao Asson Tairo said,
**^You aFe not yet old. Take good care of your health,
that yoti may long serve." The otl^ers said, ** You must
help us even though you are ill. Do not worry but
take good care of your spirit." Kii-no-kami Nobutsune
said, "It is long since we have met;" and Yamashiro-
no-kami Tadazane Asson said, "It is our first meeting,
I repfce at the. happy conclusion of this affair.'*

In the eleventh mouth we discussed the gift of land,
of 50 koku ii> value, for tlie maintenance of ceremonies
ia honor of Nan-mei-in, wife of Icyasu and younger sistei

2 1 4 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Haktiseki,

of Hideyoshi. It was a wish of the late Shogun for the
centenary of lyeyasu.

When in the temple Tofuku, Kyoto, I had seen the
pictures of leyasu and of his wife. His picture is in
other temples also but hers here only. As wife and sister
her glory was great while she lived, but I wept as I
found her picture in this little temple, left here with-
out any offerings. The second Shogun maintained cere-
monies in her honor, for she was in the place of mother
to him, and he commanded on his death bed, that land
be given for their perpetual maintenance; but the priests
chose looo ryo instead^ for it was soon after the wars
and temple lands often had been seized and given to
samurai.

On my return to Edo I told the Shogun and said,
" Though leyasu had many children and they had many
mothers, yet Nan-mei-in only was his wife. When peace
was made between east and west, Hideyoshi gave his
sister to be leyasu's wife and adopted leyasu's son. Still
there was no meeting of the two until Hideyoshi sent
his mother as hostage, and then when leyasu went to
Kyoto he said to the men he left behind, " Whatever
comes to me my wife knows nothing of it. Return her
to her father." That shows the heart of leyasu. It was
the decree of Heaven that saved him from injury but we
cannot say his wife was without her influence. Her
virtue • served her own time and posterity ; and, besides,
she was the wife of the founder of the Empire. Why
then is she forgotten save as a petty priest divides his
scanty food for an offering ? '*

The Shogun warmly assented but postponed the endow-
ment until the centenary, lest reproach should be cast on

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Ilakuscki, 2 1 5

tilie neglect of former generations. He spoke about it
'vvhen he died; and the gift was made at this time.

In the eleventh month (December 17 14) came an em-
l>assy from I^oo Choo with congratulations to the Shogun
3.nd the announcement of the accession of their king.
Formerly their communication had been in the Japanese
language but recently they had used Chinese in their
dispatches. They had also changed the style of the box
for the dispatches As in foreign lands there is no Sh5gun,
t:heir use of titles and forms was wrong. Zembd Asson
55poke tp me about it, and I sent them through Satsuma-
i-io-Kami a list of terms they must not use. They sent
^x,n answer asking about various titles and I replied to
"tlieir inquiries and added, ** Tell the king to change the
^liape of his dispatches. The questions come from igno-
r«ince of our past customs and present usage. If they
crannot use the Chinese properly let them use the Japan-
se again. But let them decide for themselves." And
ambassador replied, " We used the Chinese because
f the late Shogun's fondness for learning and wished to
him, but now we will return to the old custom.*'
uma no Kami acted as our representative.

I wished to meet the ambassador, and did so on the
8th of the 1 2th month in the Satsuma mansion, Satsu-

-no-Kami and Yoshitaka Asson being present also.
I wore a robe of peculiar make, a cap, my ordinary
ss^word and a red fan which had been given me by the
icDrmer regent.

In the eleventh month came a request from the priests
of the Zojo temple, that one of the buildings might be
iT'epaired and ceremonies performed there in connec-
t:ion with the centenary of leyasu. Their grounds for

2 1 6 Kfiox : — Autobiography of Aral HtikusekL

this request were these : — we have a picture of leyasu
painted by himself: wc also have his hair and finger
nails : moreover, until the death of the third Sh^un the
temple was honored, but the fourth Shogun did not visit
it during his youth, and now from long neglect the grass
grows thick about the place of prayer. leyasu and his
family were of our sect the Jodoshuy he was learned in
its doctrines, we gave him a posthumous name and his
obituary ceremonies from the fiftieth day, to the third year
when he was taken to Nikko were all here. TTie former
Shogun was also of our sect and desired that tl^ cere-
monies be here, and once more, the ceremonies for the
fifth Shogun are performed in our temple.

The Council of State consulted Zembo Asson and he
came to mc. I told him that the family was not origi-
nally of the Jodoslm but only from the sixth ancestor, of
leyasu : that though the ceremonies of the fiftieth day
were held at Zqjoji they were in private and without the
usual gifts : that the ceremonies of the first and third
anniversaries were not there at all, and that the request
should be refused.

He agreed and asked me to put the answer in due
form. So I wrote three questions asking proof for their
assertions. They could not give it and said their journal
had been burned. I clearly showed errors in their at-
tempts at other proofs and in the end they gave it up.

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 2 1 7

THE FOREIGN TRADE.

The Council of State in the eleventh month (December
M. 714) discussed the new coinage, for it had been criticised
vvhen issued in the fifth month and disliked, prices rose
lily and every one was troubled.

A merchant named Nojima Shinuemon proposed a plan
the exchange which was approved by the elders, and
.s the news got abroad folks expected an immediate
:hange in the law, and exchange wholly ceased. When
I heard of it I .said, " It is as I expected and the men
"v?vho for their own profit, impede this measure which is
\T the benefit of all, should be severely punished. But
I" the elders go on with their discussions the troubles also
ill continue. Zembo Asson said to me, ** The men who
'^^nderstand the matter are all in Kyoto and if anything
i s done in their absence folks will say, ** It is all Chikugo
»^o-Kami*s doing:" I have sent to Kydto for the men."
lut I replied, ** From the beginning I have sought only
he good of the Empire and care nothing for criticisms."

then he discussed the subject with the elders and sent
to Kydto for consultation.

This was the merchant's plan : — The people of the sixty-

jx provinces, according to the census was 57,096,000,

md since that count was made the number has increased

.n hundred-fold. Take 12 cents from each person to meet

he expenses of the exchange and of the new pence. Then

[ive 70 gold ryo of the new mintage with 1 20 me * of silver

.nd 4 kantnon of copper for 100 gold ryb of the old coins.

* Aooording to standard 50 me of silver (i ;//^=58 grains Troy)
^^qoalled 1 gold tyb. Our kanmon was 1000 cash.

2 1 8 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusekL

With minor modificatioi)s all approved this, but I wrote
showing the folly of it, and set down the outline of my
paper here : — As to the poll tax. The census can be
trusted in foreign lands but in Japan our records are
incorrect. In the time of the emperor Kimmei the
population was set down as being 4,969,890 and in
the time of the emperor Seimu it had grown to
8,631,074, though this is not given in the history. In
China in the dynasty, its most populous period, the 400
provinces had 59,594,978 inhabitants. What faith, then
can we put in the statements of the census quoted ? It
is not intended seriously but is a mere exercise in arith-
metic. It puts 20,000 persons on every hundred kohi of
land with 91,648 over! Let everyone judge where his
neighborhood holds such a mass even after this century
of peace. Can we take 1 2 cents for each person of a
population an hundred times greater than the census
names ? If we allow 200 persons to each koku of land,
we shall need one kivaimnc^ 300 mon from each man
if we are to exchange ryo for ryj. The rich are few, and
the poor many, and how shall men find such a sum who
are obliged to support parents, wife and children on
50 to 100 mon per day ? Besides, all the pence in ex-
istence would not suffice, for we know how many have
been made since Kanei (A.D. 1624- 1643) and may add
an equal number for older pieces. Then too, as in China
also, old folks and children are exempt; and there are
many wandering priests and merchants, nor do we even
know how many persons are born each morning, nor
how many die at night. How can we collect a poll

* I k7uamme=\o lbs. Troy. loo mon was 58 grains Troy.

Knox : — Autobiograpliy of Aral HakusekL 2 1 9

tax? Besides how unjust a law that disregards the dif-
ference between rich and poor! But if one new ryo be
given for two old ones, the loss will fall on the rich and
not on the poor, many of whom do not get a ryo piece
in a year, and the poor are double in number the
rich.

Look at the proposed ratio ! VVe ,have gold enough
for half the number of coins, where is the additional gold
to be found so that we may give 70 ryo for an hundred.
And silver is to be given too, but where shall we get it,
as all extracted from the gold coins is to be re-minted?
And the plan requires enough copper to use all the
product of our mines for 294 years at least! Surely it
is wholly impracticable. There must be another way.'*

Everyone was told to write his ideas, but no one had
any and I did aiot need to write again. It was decided
to punish all who had opposed the new law, and tl^ugh
the punishment was death it was mercifully lightened one
degree, and they were banished to islands. When Nojima
heard of his punishment he fainted ! And Yamato-no-
Kami Shigeyuki said, " How could so great an affair be
entrusted to a man of so little spirit ?

After this the exchange was carried on as at first.

During the winter we discussed plans for carrying out
the will of the late Shogun as to foreign trade. From
his accession the copper supp'y had been too small, and
the magistrates complained that trade ceased to the im-
poverishment of the people. The Ginza merchants were
told to furnish the copper but could not, for the output
diminished yearly and the price rose. They could not
ulfill their contracts, and after two years it was takene
ffrom them and given to merchants in Osaka, but ther

220 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki,

was not enough after the home needs were supplied, prices
rose and holders would not sell.

So in Nagasaki the weaker folks traded secretly with
the foreigners and the stronger went to sea and met the
ships and traded there. The foreigners do not follow the
established routes, but sail to and fro, athwart these wicked
traders and barter with them. The foreigners land, get
water, cut the nets of fishermen, take seawead from wo-
men and children without payment, drive off rescuers with
swords and spears, and repel with guns armed boats.
From the time of Genroku our treatment of the Chinese
had been very mild and our folks had been forbidden to
attack them, the magistrates* servants being beaten and
dismissed if they drew their swords. So the foreigners
became very overbearing.

Even Hollanders began to engage in this illicit trade,
something never known before. The magistrates asked
for more stringent laws and I remarked, " It is intolerablq
that these merchants should despise our land which we
are taught excels all others in chivalry ! "

In anciejit times the number of ships and the amount
of money allowed for this trade was unlimited, but from
Teiko 2nd (A. D. 1685) gold 50,000 ryo was set as the
limit of the Dutch trade and twice the amount, in silver
for the Chinese trade. In 1688 the limit of Chinese
ships was set at 70. Later on the amounts were in-
creased, as certain merchants were permitted to use copper
until the supply became too small and these evils fol-
lowed."

The magistrates had no practicable advice to offer.
Already in the late Shogun's reign I had written up tlie
subject in eight volumes, containing two hundred and

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Haktiscki, 22 1

e/er^^^n points great and small, and refer all who arc
^ntc^r-^sted to my books.

itil Kcicho 6 (A.D. 1601) foreign ships might come

"trade anywhere, but that was the period of the great

dynasty in China, and their laws permitted only

ssed boats to come. Only foreign ships of war then

to Nagasaki. The Dutch in Kcicho 5 first went

.kae near Osaka, but in Kcicho 13 (A.D. 161 1) their

was transferred to Hirado, and two years later to

usaki. The Chinese trade was confined to Nagasaki

'^icho 13. The Chinese emperor Kanghi of the Tsing

sty, removed the restrictions of foreign trade and

than two hundred boats came. After our re.stric-

were made, limiting the number of boats, all

li came in excess were .sent lack, aixl each boat

E.n the {X^rmitted limits was allowed to trade only

le amount of 160 lavammc, and all surplus freight

stored.

"It as the ships came from a distance and large pro-
"^^ ^vere diesired, the Chinese wished to sell all their

J, and our merchants too were keen for this illicit
;, as the restrictions on the legal trade were severe
*^^^ the profits small.

"■"^^^ the late reign the Nagasaki magistrates were asked

* statistics, and it api)eared that one fourth of our gold

^ *^ three fourths of our silver had been exported in an

*^^:ired years, and these reports did not include the

^ *^ ^^^ of Tsushima with Korea, nor that of Satsuma with

^^^^^^ Choo. So in another century half of our gold will

* ^^^*^ gone, and all of our silver, while our copper is

ly insufficient for our domestic needs.

*t is not right to trade our lasting treasures for their

222 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

toys of ail hour, nor to hurt the Empire for such pal
profits. If we must have books and medicines fr
abroad, estimate our annual production of the preci«
metals and our home consumption, and then determ
how much may be permitted to the foreign trade
Nagasaki, Tsushima and Satsuma. Without these d
we cannot settle upon the amount. The number of be
and their lading must be limited, or we cannot stop ill
trade. In this way the cargoes will be sold complete
our laws will be obeyed, foreigners will cease to desj
us, our authority will be extended a thousand miles ;
our treasure will last forever.

It is only the poor in Nagasaki who are beggared
the loss of trade, and the reason will appear if an
vestigalion is made, though it is unnecessary to set fc
the origin of this guilt. I^ct magistrates be chosen,
laws reformed and censors appointed for Nagasaki,
well as for Kioto and Osaka and both Nagasaki and
the western and central provinces will be benefit
This is only an outline of what was detei-mined by
late Shogun. The law and the legal decisions were 1
the serpent of Josan, which saved head and tail, tail i
head helping each other; not one of the many det
should be changed or an addition made.

The law has not been enforced because the mercha
wanted large trade, and the magistrates did not red
the customs in proportion to the lessened number
boats. In Shotoku 5 (1715) February, messengers
Edo arriving in Nagasaki in March, and the new h
were promulgated in April, and later the Chinese w
informed. Those of the Chinese who agreed to
new laws were given licences and those who refused w

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haktiseki, 223

expelled. In June the laws were sent to the daimyb of
the central and western provinces.

It had been thought easier to gain a livelihood and
larger profits if the original prices were low, and that
prices would be low if the importations of cloth and
medicine were large. No one thought of the Empire
and all argued like men who know neither the beginning
nor the end, like men who in the morning do not think
of the night. So lightly would they change the laws,
being misled by this talk, and would let the evils con-
tinue. *

THE ILLNESS OK THE SHOGUN: HIS
MARRIAGE ENGAGEMExNT: PUNISH-
MENT FOR KILLING AN UNCLE:
THE FIRE IN THE PRISON:
KIDNAPPING CHILDREN.

In the early spring the Shogun was ill, medicine did
no good and new physicians were chosen. At two
0 clock August 10 when returning home I met Yama-
shiro-no-Kami, and Tadazane A.sson hastening to the castle,
^nd my men told me Yamata-no-Kami Shigeuki Asson
had also gone with a crowd of retainers. I wondered at
't and as I went out of the gate heard that a bearer of
Tadazane Asson had fallen from fatigue. I wondered

* llie new law was written by Arai. It limited the number of Chinese
•wat5 to thirty and the Dutch lK>at.s to two : the copi)er to i,5<X),900 ix)un Is
(one pound Japanese cc^uals one and one-third jwund avoirdupois) and the
Mlver to 3,000 fraHvnme (one huHwime is ten lbs. Troy).

224 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

more and more, and the next day was told that we all
must assemble at the office.

Kii-no-Kami, who had been left in charge, thinking
the Sliogun's death imminent sent for the elders, and they
summoned every one. That evening the elders discussed
the succession and Zemb5 Asson then for the first time
told them the late Shogun*s decision. The medicine
however tock effect ; but a month later Nobutsune Asson
died of paralysis. So difficult are calculations about
worldly things.

While the Shogun was ill some of the men who had
been favored by his father sought to ingratiate themselves
with Kii-no-Kami. Oh! Who can be trusted? So too
when Lord Kofu was heir apparent did one of the ruling
Shogun*s men seek his favor. But he gained nothing,
as was right.

In the winter Bungo-no-Kami was to have gone to
Kyoto to arrange the marriage of the daughter of the
abdicated Emperor to the Shogun. It would have been
the first alliance between the families and most thank-
worthy. But it is now like an unfinished dream.

This year Nobutsune Asson sentenced a murderer of
an uncle to a punishment one degree less than beheading,
on the ground of a precedent in the late reign. Zembo
Asson dissented and asked my opinion ; and I could not
agree that one who killed his uncle should be punished
less severely than an ordinary murderer, nor could I find
the alleged precedent. *

The last day of the year a fire started in the middle

* The slayer of a parent had his head sawn off and his wife and
children killed ; the slayer of an uncle had his liead sawn off and his wife
and children punished one degree less than death.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki. 225

of the night in Tadanaga Asson's mansion and burned
many houses, not being out until 10 a.m. New Year's
day. The comminghng of firemen and folks in their robes
of ceremony, in the streets, was strange.

On the nth was another fire and the prison burned.
Many prisoners escaped, among them some whose trials
were still unfinished though begun sixteen or more years
before, until the accusations against them were forgotten,
their friends were dead and they had nowhere to go.

The magistrates wanted to know what should be the
punishment for the run-aways and Zembd Asson asked
me. "According to their crimes, of course" I said.
'* It is an offence to run away and yet, such folks natur-
ally seek even a day of freedom. But why have those
persons whose guilt remains so long unproved been
omitted from the list of pardoned prisoners? To punish
severely now would be merciless, but to prevent such
attempts in the future, decree that the punishment of those
who run away shall be increased one degree^ and that
of those who do not flee the punishment shall be lighten-
ed one degree. Pardon this time those who are still
unconvicted, and lighten the punishment of all who do
not try to escape. Do not search for any uncondemned
person who has escaped, for their flight was caused by
the cruelty of the magistrates and is a disgrace to the
government." But my advice was not followed.

It was decided to tie to a cross the decayed body of
a man who had killed his lord seven or eight years pre-
viously, and had died in prison. His body had been
preserved in salt. Such horrible lawless things call for
no discussion.

From the spring of last year child stealing was much

226 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki,

talked about. This is the case as it was finally decided r
— A chemist ot Suidocho named Seibei, of Ise province^
hired two young boys, Saburobei and Tobei, and the^
younger disappeared. In the spring the elder boy saw^
the lad in a beggar's house, and told his master who atr
once fetched his boy home again. Thereupon a ronirr^
named Yamada Masauemon appeared and claimed the
boy, saying " He was entrusted to me six years ago by
his father Dosan of Kdshu. I made him servant to a
doctor, but as he proved a worthless fellow I gave him
to this beggar." Yamada was very angry and entered a
complaint. Dosan and the lad were examined and both
died in prison before the trial ended. Then the question
was, what shall be done to Yamada? and I advised that
his punishment should be a degree less than death and
he was sent to an island. For during the trial when
Dosan and the boy met, the boy did not know him and
Dosan cried, "What! Not know your father !" and struck
him so that he fled ; but when a man was brought from
Ise the lad rushed to him, crying "Father!" and also
knew the men who brought the father. The case was
clear, but Yamada and D5san would not give in, and the
stupid merciless officers would not decide but let the lad
and Dosan die causelessly in prison. After their death
Yamada said " One hardly can say he was D5san*s son,
after so long a time!" We could not find what had be-
come of Dosan 's son.

The two daughters of Kusuke of Funatsu village, pro-
vince of Kii, were enticed away as follows. In Shotoku i
(171 1) Doju keeper of the Omiya inn, Shinagawa, Mu--
sashi province, gave Kibei, his servant, twenty gold ryo
and sent him to buy some maid servants. Finally Kibei

Knox : — Aiiiobiography o/ Ann Ilakiiscki. 227

:ame to Funatsu village and found an old couple with

ivo daughters. They were very poor. Kibei told them

is master would make them all comfortable if they

ould go with him. So they started. At Totomi was

^3. barrier which could be passed only by those who had

;Xpasscs, and the penalty for going without a i>ermit was

^crucifixion. But the simple folks did not know of the

arrier, and Kibei hired people of the neighborhood to

ead them around it by mountain paths to Mitsuke where

e rejoined them. Then he told the parents what he

ished of the girls, but they refused to let them be ser-

ants in an inn. However, as they could not go home

II went on to Shinagawa together. They arrived in the

ith month, but Doju pretended to be very angry and

rove them all out of his house, scolding Kibei for get-

ing such young girls. Kibei was in great trouble. He

pt and pleaded and at last was told, ** Sell the girls to a

rothel ! " There was no other resource, so a procurer was

lied and the girls were sold to the New Yoshiwara for

50 gold ryo. The procurer was given 34 ryo ni bu,

ibei 7 ryo, the father 7 ryoy and Doju kept the rest.

" -ihe girls were said to be from Suruga.

The parents had nowhere to go and became the ser-

"^^nts of their daughters' master, and there soon after, the

smother died. All who heard of this terrible condition

;^>itied the unfortunates, but the father was kept from

snaking a complaint by the guilt incurred in stealing past

"^e barriers. At last however, he went to Kii-no-Kami

'"^vho referred him and his complaint to the magistrates.

-All concerned were examined and during the dilatory

^nd unnecessary process the father died in prison. And

^tte magistrates decided : — *' The father's guilt was great

228 Knox : — Autobiography of,Arai HahisekL

because, thongh he did not know of the barrier at fii
he did not confess as soon as he found out about
Let his head be cut off, sent to his native village a
exposed there : let the men who guided the party p
the barrier be beheaded or crucified : let the girls rem.
with their master or be made servants and let the ii
keeper be driven from Shinagawa or banished to an
land." But my decision was this : —

" The man should have complained at once when
learned of the barrier, but his error needed no sev
reproof, such a simple old man and so misled ! The 1
of Gcnwa 5, (A.D. 1619?) restores stolen folks to 1
lawful owner, how then can the girls remain with
brothel keeper? I need not discuss the plain guilt
the guides. The inn-keeper's offence comes under
law which decrees death to those who buy and sell m
Why lighten his punishment?* He deceived these peoj
got them past the barrier, sold the girls to the Yos
wara and took the profits." So I decided and so it \
done. The girls were sent home to Kii.

The magistrates left the case to their clerk and
latter were bribed by Doju and the brothel keeper. Wi
is to be said when such officials have the awarding
punishments ?

A request came in from Kyoto in the name of the ;
dicatcd cmixiror, that the Todai temple in Nara be pern
ted to collect funds throughout the empire for the rebui
ing of a portion of the edifice. Precedents were s<
with the petition. Zcmbo Asson sent the petition to
expressing his dissent, but adding that he did not \
how we could refuse an emperor and an ex-emper
But I criticized the precedents and showed why wc ik

Ktiox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 229

not agree, arguing that the response would be small be-
cause of many extraordinary imposts on the provinces
and that such a result would seem disrespectful to the
Emperors. An answer was sent accordingly, and it ap-
peared that it agreed with the wishes of the Kyoto
rulers, but that they had yielded to the importunity of
the Nara priests. *

THE CHINESE TRADE: SOME CRIMINAL

CASES.

Last year the new commercial laws were made, and
this year the men from Canton and Fuken, who had
licenses, came and traded ,but on one came from Nanking
and Nimba. Later, one Ritoshi came from Fuien with
this tale, — The Nanking and Nimbu men have been ac-
cused of plotting against the government and adopting
a foreign " year-name " because the Japanese " year-
name " is on their licences. The accusation came from
men who failed to get licenses, and though the men
protested their innocence their licenses were taken away.
So they cannot come, but I went to Canton and sailed
from that port. So far Ritoshi ; and the Nagasaki
magistrates wrote, " It looks as if the Chinese wish to
break our laws .and send boats as before, but we are not
sure of the truth of this story and shall keep Ritoshi
until others come."

When Zemb5 Asson asked my opinion I told him that
there would be difficulty in enforcing the lawi Even at
home we had trouble in carrying out the laws about the

230 Knox : — Autobiography of Arm Hakuseki.

new currency, and it will take from three to five yeair
to enforce this one completely as it effects foreign lands
The leading men said the regulations for the Korea*
embassy cannot be carried out, but they were as the
Shdgun insisted. But now the Shogun is a child anc
it is impossible to mark out a determined course of
action.*'

Zembo Asson again consulted with the elders and I was
called. On the i8th April (17 16) Tadanaga Asson took
me to the Council of State. First Kawachi-no-Kami,
who was in charge of this business, and then each of
the others expressed his opinion, as follows ; — The laws
follow the wishes of the late Shogun but they will be in
vain if this request from Nagasaki is agreed to. You
were deep in the confidence of the late Shogun and we
are prepared to follow your advice. I replied, —

"As I told Zembo Asson, when the laws were made
I anticipated trouble, and as I am ill and old, do not
expect to live to see them completely enforced. But
they can be enforced, if they are all insisted on and
nothing changed."

Zembd Asson agreed, and after a while all agreed that
this was the only possible course. Then being without
excuse, I promised to attend to it, and wrote at once
to the Nagasaki magistrate to the following effect; —
" Under Heaven all evil is one, and as we will permit no
one to come in violation of our laws, we will not admit
Ritoshi, who confesses that he has violated the laws ol
his country by coming. Send him back at once."

The magistrates wrote that another man had come
with a Chinese license, but when I saw it I said, — ** It 15
not a license to trade in Japan for it does not confonr

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hahiseki. 23 1

to ancient usage. Send this man home also." So both
were expelled.

One morning a young samurai killed a robber on the
bank of the Baniu river and was arrested by the neigh-
bors and taken to the officials. On examination it ap-
peared that he was a samurai named Sakai Johachi, 20
years old, and that he had fled from his lord, Totomi-
no-Kami and was travelling to Suruga. Between Totsu-
ka and Fujisawa a big man joined him and, near the river,
thrust his hand into Sakai's bosom to take his things,
when Sakai killed him with one stroke of the sword.
The officials praised the deed but put Sakai in prison
for leaving his lord.

To me it seemed that thieves would take his impri-
sonent as a punishment for killing one of their number,
and so would be emboldened and increase to the injury
of travellers. So Zemb5 Asson sent for the minister of
T5tomi-no-Kami, and asked him if the matter could not
be arranged and said that it was a shame to punish a
young man who had killed a robber. So the minister
saw his lord and Sakai was declared innocent and
released.

About the same time Yamato-no-Kami said to Nori-
yuki the younger brother of Zembd Asson, " Your direc-
tions to that merchant cannot be carried out." "What
directions?" asked Noriyuki, and investigation showed
that his name had been forged to an order permitting
a merchant to coin gold, and that Noriyuki's wife was
implicated. Some of the men concerned in this were
crucified and others were banished. I said to Zembd
Asson. '* This comes from the prevalence of bribery and
corruption, and that is why the merchants are full of

232 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

these schemes. It must all be stopped or we shall have
these terrible scandals constantly." So Zembd Asson
consulted with the elders and a law was issued. (Even
I was offered 500 gold ryo last year by a priest in con-
nection with the Nagasaki affair, and a further promise^
was made of 300 ryo annually to each of my sons if the
desired plans were caried out. What then was probably
offered to men of high official rank?)

A complaint was made against some men living on a
plain between Ajiro village and Toguchi village, in Kam-
bara township Echigo province. Funakoshi Saemon sent
from Edo two constables who arrested a man, supposed
to be a robber, named Gouemon and his five followers.
The constable tried to hand over the band to the Ajiro
authorities, but these would not take chaise of them but
declared the men not under their jurisdiction. The
constables then went to Toguchi, only to be told that
Gouemon was a tenant of the Shogun. The constables
accordingly went to Kaiya on the Shogun's estates, but
were again refused. The Shogun's deputy was at
Idzumozaki, twenty miles or more away and two hun-
dred miles from Edo. A company of fourteen men or
more was collected* including the constables, prisoners
and men armed with swords and spears, and they start-
ed one day and arrived the evening of the next. Again
custody of the prisoners was refused, and the con-
stables were told the men should be imprisoned and
tried where the crime was committed. By this time
the constables* funds were exhausted, and they could not
take the robbers to Edo without passports and so, after
consultation the prisoners were set free and the con-
stables returned, to Edo with their excuses. Saemon

Kftox : — Autobiography of Ami Hahiscki, 233

^ent the constables back again with instructions for the
local ofiidals.

At the end of the next month the father, son and one
other man were taken, and given in charge at Toguchi
and soon after the others were arrested, and all were
brought to Edo.

Censors and magistrates made an investigation, and the
oiks of the villages were also examined and the results
sent to Edo. There it was proposed to send men to the
place, and have them discover to which village the rob-
bers belonged. But I told Zembo Asson, '' The exami-
nation only touches the leaves and branches of the case.
The residence of the men was put on the plain between
the villages, after consulting with the inhabitants of both
in order that it might be under the jurisdiction of neither.
The robber's testimony does not agree with that of the
villagers. His place, by the map, is only three-fourths
of an acre in extent and is separated from Taguchi by a
grove of cedars which the Taguchi folks say is their
boundary. But the boundary has been changed, evident-
ly, since this land was occupied, to avoid [trouble. But
in any case the villages were wrong in refusing to take
the prisoners. But the main point is different, — Are the
men robbers?" With that the boundary investigation
stopped.

The man's papers showed these facts: — He was born
in Kaya village and was the son of a farmer. His father
died when the boy was four years old, and he was cared
lor by the fourth brother of his mother, until his grand-
father died. Then the lad was cast adrift and became a
beggar. When thirteen he went back to his native place
^jid found an employer. A year later he went to his

234 Knox: — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki.

grandmother's and stayed four years. He married a \f
owed daughter-in-law of a neighboring farmer, and a s
was born, the son now under arrest. But the woma
temper was unendurable and Gouemon could not stay
his father-in-law's house, but left wife and child and w^
to the Kanon temple in Yotsuya and rented land fr
the priests. He brought his son to his new home a
took anotlier wife from the Gosencho village. But
had trouble with the people of that village over so
money he had loaned them, and when they threatened
kill him he took wife and child and finally obtained tl
land, twelve years ago, from these two villages, Aji
and Taguchi.

He built a house and cultivated the land. The villag
hired hini to protect them against robbers, for he h
been with robbers after leaving Yotsuya, and cou
obtain their promise not to molest the villages where \

lived. He had arms too and gathered followers, wandere
like himself whom he cared for. They farmed by da
and patrolled the villages by night. Gouemon becam-
prosjxri'ous and had no reason for stealing. : -

The story the villagers told agreed with Goucmoii*
papers, and it appeared that he had been the guardia/f
of fifteen villages, and that ten years before, when a
thief robbed a temple Gouemon found him and recovered
the proix,Tty. Gouemon's followers too told of his kind-
ness and the strict discipline of his household, not an
article being admitted unless a clear account of it were
given.

When asked, — '* Why did you confess yourself guilty at
first to Saemon?" Gouemon replied, " I could not endure
the torture. There \v^is no owe to help me and I wished

Knax : — AutobiograpJiy of Aral Hakuscki. 235

^r an immediate death. The villagers will testify to the

ruth cf my statements if they are asked."

On inquiry at the places where the crimes were said

:o have been committed, it appeared that there had been

lo such crimes. Especially to the point was the testi-

nony of the Mizoguchi deputy who said there had been

o murders in that domain, and that he would have been

:5n formed had any been committed ; and that the man

Jirosaku of Tsukioku village who is said to have been

xnurdcred died of illness three years ago.

Gouemon's innocence was established. It appears that

there were robbers and laws against them even in the

time of the Sage Kings, though their government was

_just, kindness prevailed and naturally, man's heart was

not inclined lo theft. The vulgar proverb says, *' Lice

on the body, rats in the house and robbers in the state."

Robbers will not cease to be, though so many are put

to death that their bodies are as hills and their blood

as rivers.

Gouemon has repented of his former misdeeds, and has
kept robbers away from those fifteen villages for twelve
years. He should not be put to death for former crimes^,
even if he committed them. That region has been full of
robbers always, and if he is punished for his old offences,
the people cannot sleep in peace at night. Besides, there
are many persorts who w^re once robbers but are now
good subjects. If they are led to think they are to be
punished, they will plan to Hve in luxury by any means,
for at least a day. Such restraint of robbers makes
robbers. The Great Learning says, ** Make new the
people :!' the Analects teach, *' Think not of old mis-
deeds :" the Book of Changes says, ** The superior man

236 Knox : — Aniobiography of Arai Hakuscki,

truly repents and reforms, the common man tries to save
his honor. It is well to forsake sin and live in righteous-
ness."

Let Gouemon be sent back home, restored to his posi-
tion as guardian and let his place be put under the Mizo-
guchi jurisdiction. And do not condemn the folks of
Ajiro, Taguchi and Kaihara. The two constables should
be praised. Why have they been imprisoned at home for
not bringing the prisoners the first time ? It was not the
officers* fault that their funds gave out and that they
dismissed their prisoners. All were finally arrested and
not a man escaped."

On all these points the final decision followed my advice.

THE VILLAGE WAR.

A statement came to the government, about the same
time, from a village, Koremasa, some twenty five miles
from Edo to this effect,-^The folks from this village, to
the number of 1400 or 1500 in the seventh month
of last year went to Shimo-koganai village and created
a disturbance, cutting down trees and bamboos and
grain, and carrying all away. Three leaders were put
in prison but escaped when the prison burned. Some of
the others were deported.

I wondered that nothing had been known of so great
an affair and ordered an investigation. It appeared there
had been a quarrel between two villages over a common
l>asturc for horses, and that on the sixth day of the

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakiiscki. 237

seventh month of last }'ear, the Koremasa folk stirred
up the people of the neighboring villages and attacked
Shimo-Koganai with bows, swords, spears, conch shells
and war cries. The inhabitants of Shimo-Koganai all
fled and the invaders broke down a house, destroyed furni-
ture and treasures, cut down the grove and trampled the
crops.

It was reported to the deputy but his summons was dis-
regarded. The next day there was another invasion, and
trees were cut down and crops trampled as before. In
all 57,700 trees besides bamboos were cut down, so that
20,000 men must have been present, allowing two or
three trees to each man. In the Shimabara revolt only
30,000 men were engaged, and if so great an affair took
place within twenty five miles, why has it been kept hidden
until now by the magistrates ? What were the magistrates
thinking of, as the laws of the Shogunate for generations
have strictly forbidden combinations ?

The deputy replied that he had reported to the finance
magistrate for that month Ise-no-Kami, as the villages were
on the Shogun* domains : that many witnesses had been
examined and that the offenders were so many that only
the three leaders were deported, and that the case was
settled on the 4th day of the eleventh month.

I asked if it was customary to decide such affairs without
reporting them first ; and the deputy replied, ** The govern-
ment is informed when the offenders are punished and
not before." But the statements of the different officials
did not agree, though all laid the blame on Ise-no-kami.
When Zembo Asson asked, " What shall be done now ?"
the officials replied, "The degree of deportation cannot
be changed." But we deckled that in addition the men

238 ' Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakuseH.

who had escaped from prison should be recaptured, or if
that were impossible that others should be punished in
their stead, and that payment must be made for the damage
wrought. Ise-no-Kami was imprisoned in his own house.
Many lower officials were found guilty and removed from
office.

Such matters are left to subordinates by the finance
magistrates, and so causes are not settled for years to the
great injury of the people. So I proposed a law requiring
all cases to be reported to the Shogun if not heard within
an hundred days. It was enacted; but on the death of
the Shogun, Ise-no-Kami and the lower officials were all
pardoned and the law was repealed, to the joy of officials

•

and the grief of the people.

This year the Shdgun was ill from early spring, and
medicine did not help him, he died at the monkey hour
(four in the afternoon) the last day of the fourth month
(19th June 1716). In accordance with my lord's words
Lord Kii was called to the cattle.

The Shdgun's death was announced on the morning of
the first day of the fifth month. On the seventh the body
was taken to the Zojo temple. (It was the anniversary-
of the fall of Csaka.caslle. * Of all days why did it
happen on this?) I had the same place as at the former
obsequies.

On the twelfth day of the month I gave up my special
apartment in the palace. Zemb5, Tadanaga Asson and
all the officials who had been in the confidential service
of the late Shogun resigned.

* The final victory of Ieya>u.

BASHO

AND

THE JAPANESE POETICAL

EPIGRAM.

3ASHO AND THE JAPANESE
POETICAL EPIGRAM.

Bv Basil Hall Chamberlain.

(Read 4th June^ igo2.)

Japanese ixxims are short, as measured by European
rds. l^ut there exists an ultra-short variety con-
of only seventeen syllables all told. The poets
»an have produced thousands of these microscopic
sitions, which enjoy a great popularity, have been
I, reprinted, commentated, quoted, copied, in fact
ad a remarkable literary success. Their native name
^Xv/ (also Haiku and Haikai*)^ which, in default
better equivalent, I venture to translate by "Epi-

using that term, not in the modem sense of a
1 saying, — ;/// bon mot de deux rimes oniiy as
I has it, — but in its earlier acceptation, as denoting
ttle piece of verse that expresses a delicate or
>us thought. I^fore entering into historical details,

be best to give a few examples, so as to make
^t once the sort of thing to which the student's
:>n is invited. For a composition begun, continued,
tided within the limits of seventeen syllables must

^- - - - - ^ '11-

ee pp. 254 and 260-1 for an explanation of these terms. The Chinese
rs serving to write them are g^, ^^^ ^|g.

244 BasJio and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

evidently differ considerably from our ordinary notions
of poetry, there being no room in so narrow a space
for most of what we commonly look for in verse.
Take the following as representative specimens: —

15 Naga-naga to
7 Kawa hito-suji ya

5 Yuki 710 hara^

A single river, stretching far

Across the moorland [swathed] in snow.

No assertion, you see, for the logical intellect, but a
natural scene outlined in three strokes of the brush for
the imagination or the memory. Just so in the next : —

* For the sake of those unfamiliar with Japanese prosody, it should be
stated that I. This language acknowledges no diphthongs : — wha* appear
to be such in a Romanised transliteration are really two independent
syllables. II. Final n always counts as a whole syllable. The reason is a
historical one, namely, that this final n generally represents the syllable
mu in the archaic language, which tolerated no final consonants whatever.
Thus the word aruran^ " probably is," counts as four syllables, and actually
sounds so to Japanese ears, llie m in such words as ambaiy amma^ comes
under the same rubric. III. To a similar cause must be ascribed the fact
that syllables containing long vowels count double : — they all result from
the crasis of two original short syllables, as kori^ " ice," from ko-ho-ri.
Some Chinese words with long vowels are written with three Kana letters,
for instance ^ choy " long," as chi-ya-u ^ -^ ^ . As the classical poets
admit no Chinese vocables, such cases do not present themselves in their
compositions. The epigrammatists count all long syllables as ^uivalent to
two short ones, irrespective of derivation and spelling, following in this the
modern pronunciation. IV. Such combinations as kiua^ ^w/z, shu^ cha^ etc.,
though written with two Kami letters, are also treated by the epigram-
matists as monosyllables, because so pronounced.

Applying the above rules, it will be seen that such a verse as No. 3
is perfectly regular in its prosody, because the long syllable yfi of yudachi
counts double. So is the following, where a novice might find it more
difficult to make the count : —

Bashb and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 245

(3)

15 Suzushisa yo
7 Yudachi nagara

5 Iru hi'kage

How cool the air! and through a shower
The radiance of the setting sun.

(4)

15 HitO'ha chirii
7 Totsti hito-ha chini

5 Kaze no ue

A leaf whirls down whirls down, alackaday !
A leaf whirls down upon the breeze.

This last requires a word of explanation. It is not
meant to call up any actual scene: — it is metaphoncaL,
The Japanese poets were in the habit of composing some
lines when taking leave of life, — a death-song in fact.
The tiny comjxjsition here quoted — itself a little leaf fallen
two centuries ago — was the death-song of one of the most
famous of epigrammatists. The words intimate his re-
gret at parting from life, whirled down like an autumn
leaf upon the breeze, to perish utterly and pa^^s out of
remembrance.

These specimens may serve to show the general
character of the Japanese epigram. It is the tiniest of
Wgnettes, a sketch in barest outline, the suggestion,

(2)

15 Gwanjifm ya
7 Kind no oni gii

5 Rei ni kum
On New Year's day, yesterday's dun
Comes to present his compliments.
On the other hand, No. 17 [in/, p. 265) has a redundant syllable, — viz.,
in the second line instead of 7, because the tno of rndshi-agiim counts as
^po. Such cases of imperfect prosody are, as will be noticed later on,
y no means uncommon.

246 Bashd and the Japamse Poetical Epigram.

not the description, of a scene or a circumstance. It
is a little dab of colour thrown upon a canvas one inch
square, where the spectator is left _tp_.^uess^ at_the picture
as best he may. Often it reminds us less of an actual
picture than of the title or legend attached to a picture.
Such a verse, for instance, as

(5)

Ura-kaze ya

Tomoe wo kuzusu
Mura-chidbri

A troop of sea-gulls, and a gust

Off shore that brealcs their whirling flight.

— might it not, without the alteration of a single word,
serve as the title of one or more of the water-colour
sketches shown at any of our modern exhibitions? Or
take this^ one by Basho, the greatest of all Japanese
epigrammatists ; —

(6)
Magusa oji

Hito wo shiori no
NatS7L-no kana

Over the summer moor, — our guide
One shouldering fodder for his horse.

Here anyone familiar with Japanese scenery sees mir-
rored the lush-green landscape, the sloping moor with its
giant grass man-high, that obliterates all trace of the
narrow winter pathway, while the bundle on some
peasant's shoulder alone emerges far off on the skyline,
and shows the wayfarers in which direction to turn
their steps. Across a distance of ten thousand miles
and an interval of two centuries, the spirit of the seven-
teenth century Japanese poet is identical with that which

BasJto and tlu Japanese Poetical Epigram, 247

tiforms the work of the Western water-colourist of
0-day. It IS intensely modern, or at least imbued to the
jII with that love and knowledge of nature which we
re accustomed to consider characteristic of modern times,
fore rarely figures take the chief place, as when Basho
ives us the following

(7)

Ckimaki yiiu

Kata-de m luisamu
HiUU'gami

She wraps up rice-cakes, while one hand
Restrains the hair upon her brow.

A picture this of a rustic maiden at some village fair,
ttending to her business of selling cakes and lollipops
D the holiday-makers, and at the same time not in-
ttentive to her personal appearance. Or take an instance
rom a higher walk in life, from the Samurai caste of
eudal days: —

(8)
Givanjitsu ya

le ni yusuri no
TaclU Iiakan

Tis New Year*s day: — I'll gird me on
My sword, the heirloom of my house.

This, to be sure, is but a single touch, a mere indica-
ion. Nevertheless, as the leading thought, the key-
lote, so to say, of the subject is struck — for was not the
word called " the living soul of the Samurai ? " — it
practically suggests the whole picture. Without any ver-
)ose addition, there rises up before us the image of the
varrior in his stiff-starched robes, ready for elaborate
eudal ceremonies, for war, or for harakiri.

248 Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram.

All the specimens hitherto quoted are on subjects com-
monly called " poetical." But the Japanese epigrammatists
by no means confine themselves to such. They turn
willingly to the homeliest themes. One of them tells
us how cold he was in bed last night: —

(9)

Samukereba

Nerarezu neneba
Nao samushi

So cold I cannot sleep ; and as
I cannot sleep, I'm colder still.

Another exclaifns

(10)

Yobi'kaesu

Fiina-tiri mienu
Arare kana

The fishmonger,^-©!! ! call him backl .
But he has vanished in the hail.

It is as if a window-pane had been thrown open, and
instantly shut again. We have barely time to catch a
passing glimpse of the circumstance hinted at.

A third grumbles, for that " the rainy season of June
has turned his razor rusty in a single night,*' while a
poetess, complaining of that same source of trouble, so
familiar to us residents in Japan, declares that her "em-
broidered gown is spotted before it has even once been
worn.** The washing, the yearly house-cleaning, Christmas
(or rather December) bills, even chilblains ( ! ), come
under the epigrammatist's ken. In fact, nothing is too
trivial or too vulgar for him. Many epigrams have to do
with packhorscs, inns, and miscellaneous incidents of travel.
Some contain historical allusions, or allusions to literature.

Bas/iD and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 249

Some are " epigrams " in the exact etymological sense of
the term, being inscriptions on pictures, fans, etc. Hard-
ly any deal with love, which is surprising, as love takes
liigh rank among the favourite themes in the other sub-
<livisions of Japanese poetry.

So much by way of preface and orientation. The Japa-
nese epigram has had a long and curious history. When
^t its 35enith, it allied itself with a system of ethical teach-
ing ; yet its origin can be traced to a paltry game. The
thing merits investigation.

We find, then, that at the earliest period of which trust-
^vorthy information has survived, — say, the sixth century
of the Christian era, * — ^Japanese verse already consisted
of the same extremely simple elements as characterise it
"«it the present day. So .simple and scanty, indeed, arc these
^^lements that one almost hesitates to employ the term
** prosody " in discussing them. Neither rhyme, quantity, /
3ior accentual stress was regarded, but a mere counting
of syllables, eked out in some degree by adhesion to a
traditional phraseology, more particularly to certain stock-

* The ** Kojikij* which is the earliest surviving work of Japanese
literature, dates only from A. D. 712. Rut its historical notices begin to
^>e credible when dealing with events of the fifth century, and some of the
l>oeins preserved in it may, with a fair degree of probability, be attributed
'^o the sixth century, if not earlier. For a discussion of the whole subject
"^f the credibility of early Japanese history, see the Introduction to the
"Translation of the « Kojikiy'' in the Supplement to Vol. X. of these " Transac-
"^ions ; " also a paper by Mr. Aston in Vol. XVI.

:^ • o lUishd and i/tc Japancsi Poetical Epigram.

'jfiithcts (\\\Q, so-called " pillow-words " *). The style was
naive in the extreme, and expressed the naive sentiments
of a primitive people, to whom writing was unknown or at
least unfamiliar, and literature not yet thought of as an
art. y\ll i)oems were brief, few extending beyond forty or
fifty lines, most to less than half that number. The rule
determining^ iheir construction was that lines of five sylla-
bles and seven syllables must alternate, with an extra line
of seven syllables at the c\\^, to mark the completion ol
the pf>cm. Hut even this simple rule was often violated,
esjx;cially in early times, for no apparent reason unless it
were want of skill. Frequently the impression left on the
ear is that of an almost total absence of metre. Anyhow,
the normal form of the Japanese poem became fixed at

5, 7, 5, 7, 5, 7, 7, the number of lines being thus

always odd. From the beginning, there had been an
inclinati<Mi to prefer poems of five lines to those of any
larger number. Thus the Tanka, or " Short Ode," as it
is termed, of 5, 7, 5, 7, 7 — or 31 syllables in all — was
established as the favourite vehicle of ix)etry. It never
was what we term a '* .stanza :'* — no Japanese poet ever
employed it as the material out of which to build up longer
[MXims b)' adding verse to verse, such composite versifica-
tion never having approved itself to the simple native
taste. When anything longer than thirty-one syllables
was wanted, an indefinite series of 5, 7, 5, 7 lines, with
one of 7 at the end, was resorted to, as already indicated.

An impulse towards such more ambitious efforts \vas
given in the seventh centur}*, by the sudden advance of
civilisation at that period under Chinese and Indian in-

* Kor di'l.iiN »»f tho pillow-wonU, st'c Vol. V., l*t. I. of these "Trans-
.iclii>n-«."

Basho ami the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 251

lence. The quickening of the national intellect through
c advent of a new religion, the remodelling of the govern-
t:nt, the introduction of innumerable new customs, wants,
d industries, the general diffusion of the art of writing,
d the study of Chinese literature, ended by invigorating
en poetry. The years between, say, A.D. 700 and 760,
icn the first anthology — the well-known " Man-ydslai *'- —
IS compiled by Imperial order, witnessed a veritable out-
rst of song. There were ballads, love-poems, elegies,
scriptive poems, mythological poems that sometimes rise
iiost into majesty of expression, occasional poems of
rious import evidently inspired by genuine sentiment.
le foreign influence docs not make itself obtrusively
,t ; it informed, without violently warping, the native
ste. What it contributed to the technique of verse was
liefly a knowledge of that system of " parallelism " which
as the rule in Chinese, and which the Japanese poets
>w adopted as an occasional ornament. Some of these
unpositions of the golden age ran into as many as 50,
), or 100 lines. Generally, however, a thirty-one syllable
irsc on the same subject was appended, showing how
iriously tenacious the Japanese taste was of that diminu-
vc form. Specimens translated literally, both of the
mgcr poems and of the short ones tagged on to them,
ill be found in Mr. Aston *s ** Grammar of the Japanese
C^ritten language " and in his " History of Japanese
literature.'* A contemporary critic might well have
lought that the poetical literature of Japan was marching
:> wards a great future.

Unfortunately, such was not the case. The wider in-
piration died out within a single life-time. The next
irne that an Imj^erial anthology was called for (the '' Kokin-

252 Bas/id and the Japanese Poetical Epigram.

j//^/' published A.D. 905), only five poems out of. a total
of over i,icx) attained to any length, and even these few
arc universally allowed to lack merit of any kind. All
the rest were diminutive pieces each of thirty-one syllables
only, and this continued ever after to be the classical form
of verse. Very dainty some of these little verses are ; for
here again Chinese influence had been active, and had
introduced numerous themes hitherto unthought of, besides
suggesting a far more skilful use of language. The snow,
the moon, the plum-blossom, even the chcrry-blosson which
is nowadays considered the national flower par excellence,
the autumn leaves, — in fact well-nigh all the subjects that
have ever since formed the commonplaces of Japanese
verse, are Chinese importations of the ninth and tenth
centuries. That the native prosody should have survived
unchanged under these circumstances, may appear odd.
The cause is doubtless to be sought in the profoundly
divergent phonetic structure of the two languages, which
,made the adoption of Chinese metres and rhythms physically
impossible. Here is a couple of representative specimens
of the thirty-one syllable stanza, as turned out by innumer-
able poets from the ninth century down to our own day : —

Fnyu nagara

Sora yori liana no
Chiri'kuru wa —

Kiwio no aftata wa

Ham ni ya aruran

When from the skies that winter shrouds
The l)K)ssoms flutter round my liead,
Surely the spring its light must shed
On lands that lie beyond the clouds.*

* The " blossoms " are of course the snow-flakes, which, by a graceful
Chinese conceit, are likened to the white petals of the cheny^lower.

Basfio and tJie Japanese Poetical Epigram, 253

Hana vw mitsu

Hototogisu wo mo
Kiki'/iatetsu —

Kono yo nochi no yo

Omou koto nashi

I've seen the flowers bloom and fade,
I have heard out the cuckoo's note :—
Neither in this world is there ought
Nor in the next to make me sad.

That is, the poet— a true Epicurean — has drunk to
the full the cup of life, and has no fears for the life
to come.

A somewhat free translation must bo excused, as our
English rhymed stanza is not easy to manage. Yet I
hold to it, as fairly representative of the Japanese original,
with which it agrees in length within one syllable (32 instead
of 31), and also because, when halved, it will serve better
than aught else to render the epigram. * In the case
of the epigrams, which are far easier to translate, all
the versions given in tWs paper are literal, — as literal, that
is, as the disparity between English and Japanese idiom

* The whole question as to the 1x:st equivalents for alien metres is a
notoriously diflficuU one. Some ingenious reader may point out that the
Japanese epigram has exactly the siime number of syllables (17) as the
hexameter, when the latter runs to its full length of five dactyls. Never-
theless, I should not select that form as an equivalent in the present case,
{lartly because the hexameter always sounds exotic in English, whereas the
Japanese measure to be represented is nothing if not i)opular and familiar ; but
still more because the Greek or I^tin hexameter possesses a grand reson-
ance, and is in itself a complete unit perfectly rounded off, whereas the
fonn of the Japanese epigram is essentially fragmentary, as will be explain-
ed later on. The somewhat jogging form which I haye chosen, with its
elementary metre and its suggestion of fragment arincss, appears to mc to
suit the case better.

254 Bas/io and tJie Japanese Poetical Epigram,

will allow. But in the specimen thirty-one syllable od<
here quoted it is rather to the form that I would invit

! attention than to the matter, because in this particular forr ^
O the epigram had its origin. It will be noticed that ^
dash has been placed after the third line of th<^
Japanese original. This is because the voice always pauses
in that place, after what is termed the "upper heiriistich"
Qap. Kami no ku, also Hokku, lit. ** initial hemistich "),
consisting of 17 syllables. The ** lower hemistich " {S/timo
no ku or AgekUy * lit. *' raising" that is '* finishing hemistich'*)
consists of 14 syllables. The slight pause made between
them for rhythmical purposes causes each to be recognised
as a semi-independent entity, even when the sense flows
on widiout interruption. This fact had an important result
in what came after.

And now the Chinese influence, which so far had acted
for good, took a baneful turn, introducing conventionality

V and frivolity. Poets — shall we rather say poetasters? —
were no longer to draw their inspiration from their own
hearts, and from the incidents of their lives : — ^they were
encouraged to write to order. The social state of Japan
at that period fostered the evil. There could be no popular
or national literature ; for the mass of the nation still lay
beyond the pale of the only literary influence then known,
— an alien one. The cultivation of letters was accordingly
almost confined to Court circles, a Court itself bereft of
political power, and where life had sunk into an effem-
inate round of ceremonies and diversions alike puerile and
tiresome. Poetical tournaments (uta-azvase) became a
favourite pastime. In imitation of Chinese usage, themes

* The Colloquial expression agekit fw hate /«', ** the end of it all," comes
from this, being literally "at the end of the hemistich."

Basho attd the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 255

^^^ ^^t, courtiers* wits were sharpened against each other,
^ Ptizes were adjudged. We even hear of gold dust
^f landed estates being bestowed on successful com-
^^^^ors; but real poetry had ceased to live.

T^he next step was the introduction, at these poetry
tournaments, of a Chinese game resembling our "capping
verses." At first, in the ninth and tenth centuries, the
lords and ladies of Kyoto composed Chinese verses as near-
ly as possible after the mode prevalent at the Court of
Nanking, on rhymes officially given out, and according to
the intricate rules of Chinese prosody. But when, in the
eleventh century, their first pro-Chinese ardour had cooled,
and the task of writing in a foreign tongue was felt to be
too irksome, they fell back on the traditional native stanza
of thirty-one syllables. The game, then, in this stage, con-
sisted in either fitting on a first hemistich to a second, or a
second to a first. This was termed Renga, lit. ** h'nked
verses.'* Sometimes, supposing a second hemistich to have
been given, ingenuity was exercised by the composition of
more than one suitable first hemistich, whose merits would
be discussed, and the palm awarded to the best by an
umpire. The independence of each hemistich thus became
accentuated ; and if the second and less important half were
to fall off, the Hokhi or first hemistich would remain as an
independent entity. This is what did in fact happen, and
the form of the epigram was thus determined.

Things, however, did not at first move in that direction.
For a long time — three or four centuries — the tendency
was the other way ; and here comes in the most curious
part of the story. Instead of producing an ultra-short
variety of verse, the new game seemed more likely to
lead to a long and intricate variety. It would certainly

• » .1
I'

256 Baslio and tlu Japmtcse Poetical Epigram.

have done so, had not the bent of the Japanese min^ ^
been too decid:dly towards the small, the sketchy, n^^
less in poetry than in painting and carving. The " linkecn^
verses,*' which, down at least to the year 11 24, had consist —
ed of two members only, — one upper and one lower*
hemistich, — were extended to a lai^er number, in imitation
of Chinese models. This change had taken place by the
beginning of the thirteenth century ; and as the ^arjEastern
^' \\^'^ mind habitually submitted all matters — even the most
trivial — to rigid rule, a code was drawn up for the
guidance of verse-cappers. This code appeared in several
recensions, of which the first dates from A. D. 1087, the
latest from 1501. According to it, the length of a set of
" linked verses " was extended to 8, to 50, and ultimately
to 100 hemistichs, and a certain order was prescribed for
the succession of subjects treated in each set. Thus,
if the Hokhi (** initial hemistich ") spoke of the spring with
special reference to January, the second hemistich must also
refer to January, and end with a full stop. The third
hemistich must introduce some idea appropriate, not to
January only, but to the whole season of spring, and must
end with the particle te, which roughly corresponds to our
English participles in r^ or /;/^; but should the second hemi-
stich have included a te, then one of the particles ni or ran^ or
the phrase mo nashiy must be preferred. The fourth hemistich
is a ** miscellaneous " one, that is, no mention must be
made in it of any of the four seasons. It should end with
some such easy, graceful verbal termination as nari or
keri. No. 5 is called the " Fixed Seat of the Moon,"
because here the moon must in any case be made mention
of; and this and Nos. 6 and 7 are termed the " Three
Autumn Hemistichs, — for the moon, which introduces

Baslw atui the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 257

these three, is the special property of autumn. All the
hemistichs down to No. 6 inclusive are termed the " Initial
Obverse " {Sho-omote^y because always written on one side
of the same sheet of paper ; and (according to one authority
at least) such subjects as religion, love, the shortness of life,
and the expression of personal sentiments are forbidden
therein. Hemistichs 7 to 12 (in some cases 7 to 14) -are the
" Initial Reverse " or *' Reverse Corner " {Sho-ura or Ura-
kado). No. 7, as already indicated, forms one of the three
Autumn Hemistichs ; but in No. 8 and those that follow, the
choice of subjects is left free. The final hemistich (Agekti)^
however, must return to the subject of No. i. The rules
vary somewhat, according to the total number of hemistichs
gathered together into a set. For instance, in one variety
of 36, whose name and number are derived from the Six-
and-Thirty Poetical Geniuses of mediaeval literature, there is
a division into two sets of 1 8 each ; and the first of these is
subdivided into an Obverse of 6 and a Reverse of 12 hemi-
stichs, while in the second subdivision, technically termed
the ** Leave-taking," the order is exactly contrary, the
Obverse having 12 and the Reversed hemistichs, while the
" Fixed Places " for the mention of the moon and of the
flowers are also exactly contrary, being respectively 5 and
n in the one, and 1 1 and 5 in the other. I have here
given only three or four of the technical terms with which
the subject bristles, and will not claim your attention for
the elaborate rules regarding the collocation of subjects and
the choice of words. Their minuteness almost passes
belief, as when, for instance, it is ordained that the word
*^^«, " how ? " may not be repeated except at an interval
of three hemistichs, nor the word bakari, " about," save at
an interval of seven hemistichs ; hototogisu, ** cuckoo," only

258 Bas/io and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

once in a set of 100, but fiobc, '* moorland/' and viatsu koi,
" love kept waiting," twice. Additional rules provide for
the preferential use of homonyms, — for instance, ka ^,
*' fragrance," instead of ka ^, " mosquito;" for anagrams
of proper names, for alphabetical sequence in the order of
the Ka^ta syllabary, — all this in certain fixed places, — ^as
also for the insertion of words upside down, as mitsu,
** three," for tsinui, ** sin,*' and for the introduction, not of
actual words themselves, but of certain others with which
they may form grammatical compounds. At this point
even the Japanese commentator breaks down, confessing
that the intricacies of the subject begin to baffle him. In
fact, he ventures so far as mildly to suggest that " these
rules, being too mechanical, must have interfered to some
extent with the poetical value of the pieces composed. "( ! )
Easier of comprehension is the classification of all the items
allowed to be mentioned under the caption of each nK>nth.
Thus, under January we find New Year's day, the New
Year sky, certain rice-cakes, a particular kind of wine,
ferns, the straw and other emblems used in New Year
decorations, various ceremonies, lotteries, gifts, the seven
herbs of spring, the plum-blossom, the willow, etc. Wc
also understand without difficulty, though perhaps with
wonderment, that an elaborate set of rules prescribed the
method to be followed in transcribing each set of poems on
paper, as some of the pages were to have more written on
them, some less. The j^aper itself, too, had to be folded
in a peculiar manner, and the various pages possessed
technical names, as already hinted at above.

All this is puerile enough. How far more absurd will
it not appear, when closer scrutiny reveals the fact that
the total of 36, 44, 50, 88, or 100 hemistichs thus tacked

Basho ami the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 259

on to each other by unalterable rule gave no continuous
sense ! In the Chinese models the sense ran on continu-
ously. But either these models were misunderstood, owing
to thjir being read in anthologies which gave only *' elegant
extracts " of the chief *' beauties," or else the Japanese
stanza— or perhaps we should rather say the Japanese mind
of that age — obstinately refused to lend itself to any but
the shortest flights. To be sure, the work was done, or
rather the game was played, under circumstances which
would have cramped more soaring intellects. Notwith-
standing the dominion of Chinese precedents over Japanese
literature, which has already been commented on, a rule
handed down from time immemorial forbade the use in
poetry of any but purely native words. Thus, more than
half the vocabulary was excluded ; for half the vocabulary
was Chinese, and these Chinese words comprised many
of those in most familiar use, besides most of the terms
denoting delicate shades of meaning. Their exclusion at
once limited the scope of poetical expression, helped to
make it artificial, and divorced it ever more and more from
real life.

In serious poetry the ban placed on all foreign terms
proved too strong to break, and has remained in force
down to the present day. The result was that this serious
poetry soon became fossilised in mannerism and vain re-
petitions. But even at Court, — solemn as the Court of
Kyoto was, — a revulsion took place. As early as A.D.
905, we find the compilers of the " Kokin-shu'' admitting
to a corner of their anthology a small set of stanzas of
more or less comic import, or characterised by conceits
which overstepped the limits set by the rules of serious
poetry. Such comic stanzas were termed IlaiJ^ai^^nd the

26o Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram.

taste for them gradually spread. The subjects might \m ^ be
taken from common life ; and common words — Chinese n^ ^^ no

less than native — were admitted into their vocabulary ,^

an innovation of far-reaching effect, for it gave free scopczz

alike to the mind and the tongue, which had hitherto bee •=^^=^^ti
bound in mediaeval fetters. After some time, it becani^c=~ -le
fashionable to compose " linked verses " in the new com^" — ic
or colloquial style, which accordingly received the nau= — le
of Haikai no Renga, that is, " comic linked verses." Tlr =3e

first extensive collection of these was made by one YanK
zaki Sokan, an ex-Samurai who turned Buddhist priest,-
priest, apparently, of the jovial sort, as he forsook t
world less to practise devotion than to be rid of the word'
of feudal service. He lived from 1465 to 1553, and
commonly regarded as the father of the Japanese epigra
although another poet-priest, Sogi Hoshi (1421-1^2) w;
his elder by more than forty years. A noticeable featu
of this period was the downward spread of the taste 1^
this class of poetry into the inferior ranks of society.

Although the custom long persisted — indeed it is
quite dead even in our own day — of linking verses togetim
according to the elaborate and puerile rules mention
above, the Hokku, or " initial hemistich," had gradual
come to be considered more important than all those
were tagged on to it. Its composition was habitually
trusted to the most skilful of the poets present at a
p<x:tr>' meeting, it was rcjxiated from mouth to mouth wh
the others were forgotten, and many anthologies w«
devoted to it alone. Thus did it happen that though t
word Ilokku projx^rly means ** initial stanza," and
no Rcnga properly means ** comic linked verses," t ^
two terms llokku and Haikai have practically run togetlm

Basho and t/te Japanese Poetical Epigram. 261

nto one signification. They, as well as Haiku (which is
cross between the two), indifferently denote what we
lave ventured to term the Japanese " epigram." This
pigram may be defined as a half-stanza originally of a
omic, or at least a colloquial cast, which in time came
o be composed in all moods, — ^grave as well as jocular,
esthetic as well as trivial, classical as well as colloquial.
Its permanently distinctive characteristics are two in num-
3er : — firstly, it is quite fi*ee in its choice whether of subject
Dr of diction ; secondly, it is essentially fragmentary, the
Fact that it is part only of a complete stanza, and that it is
consequently not expected to do more than adumbrate tlie
thought in the writer's mind, having never been lost sight
of. All thfough its history, inditers of epigrams have
devoted no small portion of their time to furbishing up the
missing second halves of their staves. A second stave is
always £here in posse if not />/ esse, — a fact important to
the would-be translator, because it shows him that in
selecting a form for his versions, he shouid prefer one wfilfch
is calculated to produce on the English car the impression
of fragmentariness. If he omits to notice this, he will
fail in his chief duty,— that of rendering in some sort the
movement of the original. The same consideration ex-
plains why the grammar of this style of verse is apt to be
elliptjcal^othe verge of obscurity, — past that verge indeed,
— so that great numbers of verses are unintelligible as they
stand. They are not (technically speaking) meant to
stand so; it is assumed that something ought to follow.
Accordingly, the reader is constantly called upon to supply,
not only missing verbs and particles, but whole clauses.
The Japanese themselves often grope vainly in the obscur-
ity thus caused, as the attempted explanations of the

262 Basfto ami ike Japanese Poetical Epigram.

commentators amusingly testify. IJttle wonder, then, that
the foreign student will be apt to find fully half, perhaps
three-quarters, of the epigrams submitted to his notice
enigmatical. Take this, for instance,

Hatsu-yiiki ya

^ Are mo hito no ko
Tarii'hiroi

lit. First snow, aye ! that too a child of man, picker-ap of barrels.

Such a collocation of words sounds to us like absolute
nonsense. But it is not nonsense ; it is only sense over-
condctised. The meaning is : *' That poor boy, walking
along the streets picking up cast-off barrels* in the first
winter snow, — he, too, and others like him, miserable
though be their lot, yet count among the sons of men,
and as such deserve our pity.'' The s^nrfication is clear
to tlie Japanese without periphrasis or comment, because
they are habituated to siich elliptical modes of expression.
In (act, this verse has passed into a proverb. Or again,

(12)

Yo no naka wa
1 JUikJta minu tna no

Saknra kafta

lit. iVs for the world, oh! cherry unseen darmg three days.

Tliis, too, is proverbial, being equivalent to some such
saying of ours as " The fashion of this world passeth
away." Interpreted more closely, the exact sense conveyed
is that *• The world changes as rapidly as does a cherry-
tree which one should not have visited for the space of three
daj's. He saw it in full bloom ; meantime the wind has
blown, and left not a single blossom on the branches."

Bas/id atid the Japanese Ihetical Epigram, 263

. too, Japanese readers would require no explanation,
arc, however, nunoerous cases in which the process
Icnsation has been carried so far as to baffle even
.iiein. This happens chiefly when the epigram refers tx>
>onie particular circumstance or event, which has been for-
gotten. No ordinary educated Japanese would understand
the following without explanation : —

(13)

Hirosawa ya

HitO'Sfdgurtini
Ntimataro

Hirosazva must probably, says the commentator, be

explained as the name of a place* — a large mere in the

neighbourhood oi Kyoto ; the grammar and metre of the

second line are both shaky ; and the last word Nuviatard

has, it would seem« been coiiied as an equivalent for Jiiild-

kui, a kind of wild-goose, which is here personified as the

eldest son {Taro) of the marsh {nutnd). Thus we arrive at

some such sense as

'< A wild-goose alone in a shower at Hirosawa "

which result, to say the least, sounds unattractive and un-
comfortable. The impression which the author meant to
convey — an impression of gney solitude and dreariness —
could haiie been conveyed with &r greater effect in intelligi-
ble language, — has in fact been so conveyed by other
epigranimatists over and over again, for instance in these
closely parallel lines ; —

(14)

Mozti no iru

No-naka no kui yo
Kaininazuki

lit. *^ Oh ! Che post in the midst of the moor, on whkh a Ivntcher-
biid nBiciKSd — November I "

264 BcisJio and the Japamsc Poetical Epigram.

that is,

" November, with a butcher-bird
' Perched on a post on th* open moor "

a graphic suggestion, truly, of a dreary autumn scene.

The legitimate use of condensation — legitimate because
of the vivid effect produced — is well-exemplified in the
following verse by the poetess Chiyo, which ranks among
the most famous productions of this Lilliputian literary
form : —

(15)

Asagao ni

Tsurube torarete
Morai-mizu

Lit. Having had well-bucket taken away by convolvuli, — gift-water i

The meaning is this : — Chiyo, having gone to her well one
morning to draw water, found that some tendrils of the
convolvulus had twined themselves around the rope. As a
poetess and a woman of taste, she could not bring herself to
disturb the dainty blossoms. So, leaving her own well to
the convolvuli, she went and begged water of a neighbour,
—a pretty little vignette, surely, and expressed in five
words.

But to return to the historical sketch of our subject,
which was interrupted by the need for explanation and
comment. It was mentioned a page or two back that the first
collectors of ** epigrams," as distinguished from the "linked
verses " of which these same epigrams were originally but
fragments, was Yamazaki S5kan, a Buddhist priest whose
long life extended from A. D. 1465 to 1553. Great num-
bers of priests belonging to the Zen sect of Buddhism devoted
themselves at this period, and for a couple of centuries
more, to the art of versification and to esthetics generally.

Basho and the Japanese Fdetical Epigram, 265

Some few Shintoists did likewise. A Shinto priest of the Sun-
Goddess's temple at Ise, named Arakida Moritake (1472-
1549), a contemporary of the just-named father of epigram-
matic poetry, specially distinguished himself; but his
compositions, and indeed all those of this early age,
retained a strong comic tinge. The composers themselves,
despite their ecclesiastical character, were much given to
eccentric frolics, and to all the sans-gette of a semi-lfc>hemian
life. To their honour be it added that, while fun counted
in their eyes for a great deal, money counted for nothing at
all. Yamazaki Sokan is said to have lived on ten cash a
day, and to have had no other furniture in his cell than a
single kettle. The prettiest of his verses that has survived
is the following, which is worthy of the later, classic age ; —

(16)

Koe nahiba

Sagi koso ytiki no
HU(htstirane

But for its voice, the heron were
A line of snow, and nothing more.

How often has not this subject been treated by the Japanese
painter, as a delicate symphony in white ! But, as already
remarked, almost all his compositions verge on the comic,
for instance this one, comparing, not inaptly, the posture of
the frc^ to that which a Japanese assumes when squatting
respectfully, with his hands stretched out on the mats to
address a superior : —

(17)

Te wo tsuite

Uta moshi-agttm *
Kawasn kafia

* Note the polite word moshi-agiiruy used in addressing a sujserior. ■

•.\

266 Bashd and titc Japmtcsc Poetical Epigram.

Oh ! the frog, with its hands on the floor, lifting up [its voice in]
song!

^ Puns were tnuch sought after, as in

(18)

Yo ni ftiru wa

Sara ni shigure no
Yadori kajia

where funi has a double signification : — firstly, construed
with yo, it means " dwelling in the world,'* while secondly
construed with shigure, it means " a shower falling," so
that the entire sense meant to be conveyed — though the
actual words merely adumbrate it — is that ** Man's sojourn
in this world is as transitory as a shelter to which one
may betake oneself during a shower." But to cap verses
cleverly was still the poet*s chief aim. Some one having
proposed as second hemistich the lines

Kiritaku mo ari

Kiritaku 7no nashi

/ I want to kill him, and [at the same time] I don't want to kill

him, —

Yamazaki Sokan immediately added the first hemistich

(19)

Nustibito 7U0

Toracte mircba
Waga ko nari

On looking at the thief whom I have caught, [behold] it is my
own child.

This epigram has remained proverbial for a wish, which,
when fulfilled, turns out to be anything but pleasant.

On another occasion — it was in the tenth month of a
certain year — the Shinto priest above mentioned, on enter-
ing the apartment where a poetical tournament was to be

Dashb afui the Japanese Poetieal Epigram, 267

held, and perceiving that tho whole assemblage consisted
of Buddhists, exclaimed in verse

(20)

O zashiki wo

Mireba izure mo
Kaminazuki

to which Sogi responded with the second hemistich

Hitori shigure no

Furi-eboshi kite

The task of making this intelligible to any one entirely

ignorant of Japan, its language, and customs, might be

abandoned as hopeless. Members of the Asiatic Society

will, however, easily perceive that the contrast insisted on

by the two ready wits is that between the shaven pates

of the Buddhists and the curious gauze cap worn by Shintd

priests over their natural hair. But this is not all : — there

are two puns to be taken into account, and Kaminazuki

is here the first important word. It signifies literally

** the month without Shinto gods." The tenth month of

the year is so styled in Japanese poetical and religious

parlance, because of a tradition to the effect that in that

month all the Shint5 gods and goddesses forsake their

other shrines in order to hold a conclave at the great

temple of Izumo. The sight of a party consisting exclusively

of Buddhists would naturally remind a Shintoist of the

absence of his Shinto gods, and furthermore, as kami means

"hair" as well as *' god," the syllables kami na[shi^

suggest " no hair," in allusion to the Buddhist shaven

heads, so that the upper hemistich comes to mean " On

looking round the ^apartment, I see none but Buddhists."

In the second hemistich the word shigurcy ** shower,"

which has nothing to do with the matter in hand, forms

268 Bashb aiid tite Japanese Poetical Epigram,

a sort of punning " pillow-word " to introduce y«n, which
has the sense of ** raining," and at the same time recalls
fiiniiy " old," thus giving the sense of ** Yes, but there is
one Shintoist among us in his old gauze cap." Both
hemistichs are decidedly clever in the original, though
the sparkle is of course lost and the point blunted by the
laborious process of elucidation in a foreign tongue.

A few more examples of the compositions of this,
the earliest, age of Japanese epigram will be found at the
end of the present essay. The authors above mentioned
each had numerous pupils, by whom their tradition was
continued. But no eminent names are recorded till the
close of the sixteenth century, when a Samurai called
Matsunaga Teitoku (i 571-165 3) became the legislator for
epigrammatic poetry by the publication of a work entitled
'* 0-Garagasal' in which its rules were detailed aj)art from
those that had so long guided the composers of ** linked ^
verses." Of the latter, too, he was the acknowledged
master in his day, and was accordingly nominated by
Imperial decree to the post of Hana-yio-niotOy which may
be rendered '* the Flowery Seat," — a laureateship which
carried with it the control over all minor teachers and
pupils in the poetry schools by the granting or withholding
of diplomas, etc.; for in the Japan of that age everything
was legislated for, — even verse and versifiers. This par-
ticular poet, though highly eccentric and finally blind,
left a flourishing school, from which shone out with parti-
cular lustre five disciples known to fame as the "Five Stars **
(j£ S)- ^^ven such a Confucian scholar as Hayashi Razan,
even so eminent a Japanologue as Kitamura Kigin, did
not disdain to take lessons from him in epigram ; and the
great Basho himself was, poetically speaking, his descend-

Bas/io and tlie Japanese Poetical Epigram, 269

ant in the second generation. His verses api^ear to mc
somewhat formal ; but he had the merit of avoiding vulgar-
ityi Teishitsu (i 608-1 671), one of the ** Five Stars,"
equalled, if he did not suri>ass, his master, though it is
related that he had so poor an opinion of his own pro-
ductions that he considered only three worth preservation,
and committed all the rest to the flames. One of these
three has been held by the best judges* to be the finest
epigram ever written. It runs as follows : —

(22) •

Korc wa kore zva

To bakari liana no
Yoshino-yama

The verse resists jll attempts at adequate representation in
English ; but the gist of it is that the mountains of Yoshino,
when covered with the cherry-blossom, baffle description
by their loveliness, and leave the beholder nothing but
inarticulate exclamations of wonder and delight. This
poet also had five specially eminent pupils, known in literary
history as " The Two Guests and the Three Men " (H^

* By such men, for instance,, as I^hu. But Aeha Koson, an ingenious
modern critic, has pointed out a flaw in the verse : — it is not characteristic
enough. Muiaiis muiandhy the same words might l>e applied to other unique
scenes, as AJy/v wa kore wa — To btikariyuki fw — Fuji no yafna, substituting
Fuji with its snows for Yoshino with its flowers. Among epigrams on
Yoshino, this critic would award the palm to the following (hy the ]Kx:t
Ryota), which could not be transferred to any other scene : —

(21)

Shira-kwno ya

Chiru toki hana no
Yoshino-yama
Its puipoit is to liken the falling ])etals of the cherry-blossoms of
Yoshino to a white cloud. Perhapw one might render it thus : " A white
cloud, — nay! the blossoms on Moimt Yoshino as they flutter down/'

270 Bashb mid the Japanese Poetical Epigram.

HA)- With them the first or introductory period of the

Japanese epigram, as cultivated at Kyoto, may be said to

close. Its latest members were contemporary with the rise
o

of two other schools, — the Danrin Ha at Yedo, which

plunged into intricacy, mannerism, and exaggeration, and

Basho's school which finally led Ja[>anese poetry back into

the paths of good taste and good morals.

The origin of the Danrin School was on this wise. A
^ Samurai from the province of Higo, named Nishiyama Soin
(1605- 1 68 2), whose lord had been cashiered, wandered off
to Osaka and Kyoto, where he shaved his head as a
Buddhist priest and prayed for poetical inspiration to the
god Tcmmangii, at whose shrine each of his compositions
was successively offered up. Such pious preparation would
lead the European student to expect some grave and
serious result ; but in Japan they manage these matters
differently. The result in this case was that the poet
went in for every kind of verbal jugglery and ingenious
conceit ! Meantime, at the then recently founded and luxuri-
ous city of Yedo, a similar meretricious taste had found
a home in a little coterie of versifiers who were weary
of the simplicity of the earlier Kyoto school. Their
club, which was known by the title of Danrin (^^), or
*' The Forest of Consultation," warmly welcomed Nishi-
yama to Yedo in 1664. He became its leader, and, by
roving all over the country from Nagasaki to the extreme
North, where one of the local Daimy5s enrolled himself
among his pupils, he spread the new mode far and wide,
assisted therein by his contemporary Saikaku, the favourite
novelist of the day, who may be best described as a
Japanese Zola, as his stories are alike admirable in style
and abominable in matter. His epigrams, fortunately — at

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 27 1

least those that I have seen quoted — do not appear to have
shared in this coarseness. Tradition credits liim with
having composed twenty thousand of them in a single
day. Here are a few examples of the verses of the
Danrin School : —

(23)

Naga-mochi ni

Haru kakure-yuku
KoromO'gae

A change of garments, and the spring
Goes into hiding in the chest

that is to say, ** When we stow away our heavier gar-
ments on the approach of summer, spring hides itself in
our trunks or closets till next year," — a conceit which
it doubtless cost the composer some trouble to excogitate.

(24)

Kumo no mine ya

Yama minn knni no
Hiroi'Vwno

A lucky find, — the i>eaks of cIoikI, —
For countries that no mountains see

that is, ** In flat countries, how glad the natives must
be to see mountainous masses of cloud 1" — another conceit
of like calibre to the first.

(25)

Moshi nakaba

t Clwcho kago no
Ku zvo uken.

Did it but sing, the butterfly
Might have to suffer in a cage

in other words, ** 'Tis fortunate for the butterfly that its
\oice is not as beautiful as its wings ; for in that

2/2 Bashb mid the Japanese Boetical Epigram.

case it would run the risk of being shut up in a cage
by those who would fain hear it sing."

(26)

Tsuki-yo yoshi

TachitSH itsu netsu

Mitsu-no-hcmta
The actual sense here conveyed is, " Beauteous is the
moonlight night at Mitsu-no-liama, whether one stand
up, or sit, or lie down." But the real point must be
sought in the sound of the words, — the three tsiis of
TachitSH itsu netstiy resumed in the word mitsu^ which it-
self signifies " three."

(27)

Sarcba aki

To mosu iware no

Nobe soro
Here again the matter signifies little; it is the manner
that amuses. The meaning, so far as there is any, is
merely that the aspect of the moor proclaims the autumn
.season. But, apart from a pun on the word nobe^ which
may mean either " to proclaim " or " a moor-side/* an
irresistibly droll effect is produced by the employment
of the stiflL .epistolary style, than which nothing can be
further from the spirit of poetry. One poetess even
composed her death-song in this mock epistolary style : —

(28)

Tsiiki mo mite

Ware wa kono yo wo
Kashiku kaiia
which may be rendered into fairly equivalent English thus :

And having seen the moon, I now
To this world have the honour to be

Baskb and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 273

that is to say» '' Having enjoyed the world, its beauties
and its glories, I now have the honour to remain your
humble servant, etc., etc., and to depart this life." It
seems a poor joke to die with.

Literary conceits are, of all things, the hardest to
transfer from one language to another. Still, even the
slight indications here given may suffice to show how
naturally and inevitably the fireworks of the Danrin
School would eclipse the productions of the earlier
epigrammatists, with their quiet prettinesses and their
innocent little puns. For a whole generation this sort
of thing hit the public taste, just as "smart" writing
has done in our own day among Anglo-Saxons. The
only question was as to who should express the most
far-fetched ideas in the most unexpected words. Some-
times it was a clever literary allusion, — a Confucian maxim,
perhaps, masquerading in modern Japanese guise ; — some-
times an astounding exaggeration ; at ocher3- something new
in the mere phrasing, — a horribly vulvar word, or else a
solemnly classical one, — ^anything in short, provided that
the effect was warranted tfii startle. As for the matter,
that was a quantite nigligeable.

Such was the state of Japanese poetry — for the epigram
was the only species of poetry that retained any life — when
a man appeared, named Basho, who was destined to infuse
into it a totally new spirit. This remarkable person was
born in the year 1644 ^^ Ueno, in the province of Iga. '

274 Bashd and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

He came of ancient Samurai lineage, ahd from boyhood
had been the favourite companion of his Daimyo's son.
This accomplished youth, himself no mean, scholar and
poet, was at once Basho's feudal lord, his teacher, and
his friend. When death prematurely removed htm, Basho,
then a boy of sixteen, was so distraught with grief that
home and the ordinary avocations of a Samurai could ho
longer restrain him. Despite the Daimyo's injunctions,
he fled privately, carrying with him a lock of his dead
young lord's hah* to the great Buddhist monastery of
Koya-san, and leaving behind him a very pretty verse of
adieu to the comrades of his youth : —

(29)

Kumo to hedatsu

Toino ka ya kari no

Iki'ivakare
The words are not susceptible of exact translation into Eng-
lish ; but their drift is that the writer is now severed for
life from his former friends, as the soaring wild-geese are
from each other by thd clouds, of heaven. In the au'.umn
of the same year he abandoned the world, in order to
throw himself into the arms of poverty and mysticism.
Many contradictory versions are given of the exact reasons
for his retirement. One, for which there is no shadow
of proof, but which has been made the theme of a popular
drama, implicates his moral character, telling of an intrigue
with his lord s wife. But the simplest explanation is to
be found in that pessimistic and ascetic tinge, which,
though dead in the Japan of the twentieth century, had
been impressed on the .national mind during the mediaeval
period of civil i war and misery, and which, long before
Bashd's time, had driven warriors and nobles innumerable

Bashb and ttie Japanese poetical Epigraih. 275

to lay aside worldly dignities.' After the final pacification
of the country about the year 1600, under the sway of
the Tokugawa Shoguns, the sarrie causes no longier
operated. But in their place, for all members of the
Samurai caste or military gentry, there came a grinding,
omnipresent routine, a ceaseless round of minute ceremonial
observances, which made life a burden to any but the most
prosaic spirits. Little wonder that heads of families be-
came inkyo, as it was called* — that is, retired from active
life, as early as possible, as the only escape from official

tyranny, the only means of following their own tastes,-^
while others, more impatient still, threw over the traces
even in youth by sheltering themselves under the shadow
'of the Buddhist profession, whose power in the land was
still a mighty one. Many became Buddhist priests in
form only, renouncing their hereditary names and titles,
shaving their heads, and donning priestly robes, but devot-
ing themselves to pleasure, nowise to religion. Such were
the esthetes who, as playmates of Shoguns and other
exalted personages, developed the tea ceremonies, planned
most of the beautiful gardens at Kyoto, and helped to
advance all the fine arts. Others were genuine converts ;
many seem to have stood lialf-way between mystic fervour
and artistic or literary culture. Basho's position was
peculiar. Genuinely converted, a mystic of the Zen sect ,
to; the tip of his fingers, his aim was yet strictly/ .practical ;
he wished to turn men's Ityes and thought3 in; 'a. better
and liigher direction, antl he employed Qne':braiKhpf
art, namely poetry, as the vehicle for the: etbiQSfl influ-
ence to whose exercise: he had devoted 'hi? ^if^. rr Tl^e
vefy word "poetry" (at least //^/-^^/>. whi^Jf^'we 'Hprust
here perforce translate by " poetry*'/ -rathier th^i):. by

2/6 Bashd attd t/u Japanese Poetical Epigram,

/ " epigram ") came in his mouth to stand for morality.
Did any of his followers transgress the code of poverty,
simplicity, humility, long-suffering, he would rebuke the
offender with a " This is not poetry " (literally, " not
epigram "), meaning " this k not right." But more often
he contented himself with preaching by example.

But to return to his biography. Having freed himself
in early youth from all official duties, and having deter-
mined to lead a life devoted to virtue and to intellectual
achievement, he went to Osaka and Kyoto, and wandered
with special delight amid the mountain fastnesses of
Yoshino, which had been the favourite retreat of his
^ favourite poet, Saigyo H5shi. There he bathed in the
/ brooks and rested in the shady valleys, and meditated on
the impermanence of human fate. This life and the
composition of poetry helped to calm his spirit. A
verse from those days preserves the memory of his early
struggles : —

(30)

Tsuyu tokurtoku

Kokoroffd fd uki-yo
Sosogaba ya

A^liere the dews drop, there would I lain
Essay to wash this frivolous world

that is, " I would wash away from me all taint of the
world by a plunge into pure nature." — ^The deep gulf
separating utterances like this from the futilities of pre-
vious epigrammatists need scarcely be pointed out.
Bashd s position as poet and as moralist is here taken
up, never to be relinquished. Soon afterwards we find
him at Yedo, where he studied all the literature then
accessible under the best masters, — masters whose names

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 277

have remained famous to this very day, — Chinese philo-
sophy and belles-lettres under Ito Tan-an, Japanese clas-
sical poetry and prose under Kitamura Kigin, modern
poetry under Yamaguchi Sodo, Buddhism under Butchd
Qsho. He constantly carried about with him one or other
of the chief works of the standard authors, and several
of these he knew by heart ; so that when he came to
employ epigram as his vehicle of .expression, he did so
with a mind full of ideas differing widely from the idle
conceits which had formed the stock-in-trade of his pre-
decessors in that art. But though so great a reader, his
favourite book of aU was nature, which he studied in
extensive wanderings almost all over Japan. From the
year 1672 onwards, his residence — so far as he can be
said to have had any permanent residence — was at Yedo
in a little villa, or rather cottage, in the garden of a
friend, a well-to-do citizen, where grew some banana-
trees (Jap. basho), which suggested the literary pseudonym
by which he is known to fame; for here be it paren-
thetically remarked that almost all Japanese artists and
poets take some such pseudonym, often several. The
whole literary world of the new metropolis seems to
have at once kindly welcomed him. Soon he became
the acknowledged leader of tliose who wrote verse ; and
the almost yearly publication of some new work led even
such as had hitherto practised other styles to renounce
them, and to proclaim themselves his pupils. Every
rank of society contributed its quota. The majority per-
haps were priests^ — at least priests in name; but we find
also doctors, tradesmen. Samurai, even Daimyos, and not
grown men only, but boy students, and ladies too of
various degrees enrolled in this truly democratic literary

2/8 Basho and the Japamse Poetical Epigram,

circle, which so strangely maintained its private liberty in
the midst of the rigidly fettered social organism* that
enveloped it on every side.

About the year 1682, Bashd seems to have experienced
a second conversion ; at any rate his study of the doctrines
of the Zen sect of Buddhism then became more earnest,
owing to continued intercourse with the Buddhist teacher
above mentioned, aided by conversations with the latter*s
personal attendant, who, though an illiterate man,
had attained to spiritual enlightenment. The learned
abbot endeavoured at first to wean him from the conl-
position of epigrams, on the ground of their frivolity.
The story goes that, as the two were strolling one day
in a country lane, the abbot said, " You, who turn every-
thing into idle verse, what useful thing could you find
to say about this mallow by the roadside?" Basho at
once responded with the stanza

(31) '■

Michi-fiO'be no

Mokuge wa mna ni
Knware-keri

The mallow-flower by the road
Was eaten by a [passing] horse

and the abbot owned himself vanquished in the dispute ;
for the moral lesson conveyed in those few words was
too obvious : — " Had not the mallow pressed forward
into public view, the horse would never have devouri^
it I^am, then, ambitious man, to be humble and retiring.
The vulgar yearning for fame and distinction can lead
nowhither but to misery, for it contradicts the essential
principle of ethics."

Baskd and tJic Japanese Poetical Epigram. 279

The fojiowing epigram, which every Japanese *has by
heart, also probably dates from this period:

(32)

FurU'ike ya

Kawasii tobi-konm
Mizu no oto

The old pond, aye ! and the sound of a frog leaping into the watcr«

From a European point of view, the mention of the frc^
spoils these lines completely; for we tacitly include
frogs in the same category as monkeys and donkeys, —
absurd creatures scarcely to be named without turning
verse into caricature. The Japanese think differently: —
the frog, in their language, has even a poetical name —
kenvazu — ^besides its ordinary name, kairu^ and his very
croak appeals to them as a sort of song. The picture
here outlined of some mouldering temple enclosure with
its ancient piece of water, stagnant, silent but for the
occasional splash of a frc^, suggests to them the medi-
tative and pathetic side of life. To them it appears natural
thjat the " attainment of enlightenment," as the Buddhists
call it, or conversion, as we say in Christian parlance,
should express itself in some such guise.
^ The foreign student may at first feel somewhat sceptical
concerning the moral signification attributed to many of
Bashd's epigrams. The justice of such a method of inter-
pretation is bf course difficult to prove convincingly.
Nevertheless, the testimony of tradition must be allowed
some weight, and I have been brought to believe that a
thorough study of the influence of the mysticism of the
2fen sect in Japan would bear out native tradition in its
attribution of ** inner meanings," not to Basho's writings
merely, but to the writings and even the actions of many

28o Basho attd the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

other men of that and previous periods. In any case,
whether this current method of interpretation be true
or false, it has been so widely received that no study
of the Japanese epigram would be complete without some
reference to it.

According to the accepted account, Bashd's change of
views, his conviction of the transitoriness of all things
earthly, and his consequent determination to have no
longer any fixed home, were accelerated by the impres-
sion left on his mind by the burning of his house in the
fire of January, 1683, which destroyed the greater
part of Yedo. It is said that he had to throw himself
into the pond in his little garden to avoid being burnt,
alive, a literal illustration of the text familiar to him as
a good Buddhist, which teaches that ** [man's life] is like
unto a house on fire," that is, equally sure of swift de-
struction. Though his pupils clubbed together to rebuild
his modest abode, though they even undertook to feed
him, he is to be found from that time forward almost
constantly on the road. The Tokaido, the Nakasendd,
the provinces around Ky5to including his own native
province of Iga, and above all the shores of beautiful
Lake Biwa, of which some of his favourite pupils were
natives and which have thus become classic ground in
the annals of Japanese poetry, — all these districts were
visited and re-visited, and commemorated 'in a series of
diaries interspersed with stanzas, such as the ** No-zarashi
Kiko^' the " Sarashina Kiko** the " Oi 710 S/idbun^'* and
various others, not to mention the *^ Saru-mno SJni" and
other anthologies, besides didactic works on the composi-
tion of epigram. His most distant journey was one to
the North, when, beginning with Nikko and the moor of

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 28 1

Nasu, he continued on to Matsushima, thence up the
river Kitakami, afterwards across country to the opposite
or Western const, and back through tlie provinces of
Uzen, Echigo, etc., into Mino. We know the exact day
when he and his companion started, — the i6th May,
1689, — we know the weather they encountered, the people
they met, the thoughts they thought, — for all this is
chronicled in a diary entitled *' Oku no Hoso-inichi" which
may perhaps be freely rendered as ** Our Trail North-
ward." The whole thing may sound not so very unlike
the tour of a modem globe-trotter. Mr. Aston, in his
charming "History of Japanese Literature," has accord-
ingly spoken of Basho as "a great traveller." But I
venture to think that this term, with its prosaic connota-
tion, may mislead. He always spoke of himself as a
pilgrim {angya). If he wandered up and down the
country, it was in order to commune with mountains, ;
and rivers, and forests, and waterfalls, in order to ponder
on scenes of antiquity, and in order to realize in himself
the Buddhistic ideal and to communicate it to his fol-
lowers in all parts of the empire, as much by the con-
tact of his personality as by the example of his verse. '
If he visited every place famous in song and legend and
history,— battle-fields as well as graves and temples and
places famed for beauty, he did so seeking not so much
information, as does the intelligent but cold-blooded
" traveller " of our own day and race, as edification. In
other words, his aim was " enlightenment " in the Bud-
dhistic sense, — ^a thing superficially akin to, yet fundament-
ally differing from, what we term ** information," because
the end in view is not scientific, intellectual, but ethical.
Sometimes he might take a lift on a horse, or even in

282 Basho tiitd tJie Japanese Poctiial Epigram.

a palanquin; but the plan generally followed by him and the
two or three pupils whom he permitted to share his
wanderings, was to go on foot, dressed in the poor garb
of a pilgrim, and carrying no luggage save a wallet
which contained his writing-box and a few books.
Sometimes they would sleep at a wayside inn, sometimes
at a peasant's hut, sometimes in the open air. Not in-
frequently, .owing to Bash5*s wide-spread reputation, the
hospitality of some great house was pressed on him ; nor
was it refused, though he knew on an occasion how to
rebuke the ostentation even of a host. For instance^
when spending a few days at the rich city of Kaiiazawa
on the northern pilgrimage just mentioned, a grand feast
was organised in his honour by the local leaders of
literary society. When it was over, he thanked them for
their kind intentions on his behalf, but added bluntly
that such feasting on rare and expensive viands wjis no-
wise to his taste, nor at all compatible with the poetic
life, that his own custom was to take his siesta on a
moor or to sit under a tree to avoid a shower, that if
•he required food he would ask for it, and in fine that
only on condition of perfect sobriety and simplicity, would
he consent to keep up intercourse with his present hosts.
The rebuke, tempered doubtless by the courtly, old-
fashioned manners for which he was noted, was taken in
good part. At the next meeting, nothing was provided
but tea, and there was all the more leisure for fruitful
discourse on poetry, and for the composition of verses
by all present, and for their correction, according to estab-
lished Japanese custom, by the master himself. At
length he suggested that the 'company might be feeling
hungry, and would be grateful for a little cold rice.

Bashd an I the Japanese Poetical Kpigrani. 283

hereupon no servant, but the master of the house him-

:lf, brought in the family rice-tub, and helped each guest

a bowl or two of rice, with pickles as tlie sole

crondiment. The whole company gathered round in a

crircle to share the frugal fepast, and Basho's thanks were

xvarnily expressed for the readiness shown in complying

xvith his recommendation of plain living and high thinking.

The severe simplicity observed in his cottage at

Yedo is described by a writer who visited him there in

the year 1684. The same writer afifords us a quaint

peep at the life led in those days by two of his pupils,

who afterwards rose to great celebrity, — Kikaku and

Rai^setsu. These youths, with one other, inhabited a

room of eight mats, bare of all conveniences save one pan

and one kettle, and having for sole ornament an image

of the infant Buddha stuck in a hole in the wall. The

three owned but a single quilt between them, from which,

as it was rather short, their toes; stuck out at nighty and

• • •

~ Avhen they felt col^i, they got up and composed verses.

Yet they came of parents well-born' and not specially

poor, and they had been trained in the best schools.

Some of the houses inhabited by the members of this

semi-religious, semi-Bohemian circle had rules written up

/Prescribing the conduct which all guests were expected

to observe. One excellent code, which was followed in

a. rich house near Kydto where Bashd was always a

iv^^i^lcome guest, forbade, among other things, ** arguing

axii.<i loud snoring."

INever to yield to anger was one of Basho's fixed
P*^i nciples. Another was universal charity, not towards men
^r-^. My, but towards animals. His vivid realisation of the Bud-
^•-"*- istic dpctrine of the essential identity of all sentient ex-

284 Basfio and the Japanese Poetical Epigroin.

istence, whether brute or human, seems to liave become
an ingrained feeling, to which many of his best-known
stanzas bear witness, for instance : —

(33)

Nana ni asobu

Abu na km so
Tomo-suzume

Sparrow, my friend, ♦ oh ! do not eat
The bcesf that hover o*er the flowers!

(34)

Hai-ide yo

Kai-ya 7to sldta no
Hiki no koe

' Tis a toad's croak. Come ! hop away
From underneath the fancier's house. %

He would not allow of unkindness to animals so much
as in thought. An anecdote will serve to illustrate this
point. As he and his pupil Kikaku were riding along
a country lane one day, the latter, espying a red dragon-
fly, cried out in verse

(35)

Aka-tomho

Hane wo tottara
To'garas/d

* One might also translate tonio-suzutfte by " companion sparrows/' i.e.,
sparrows flying in flocks. In the present connection, however, this is less
likely to have been the poet's meaning.

t Abu generally means the " horsefly." But another smaller insect if
also so called, — ai)parently a species of bee, which hums and is fond oa
hovering over flowers.

X liird-fancicrs calch toads, in order to fatten them up and use their
skins to make pouches of, or they sell the flesh of the creatures themselves
as medicine. The kindly poet wishes this toad to escape such a fate.

BasJid and tlie Japattese Poetical Epigram, 285

ie., "Pluck off the wings of a red dragon-fly, and you
liave a Cayenne pepper-pod." But Bash5 reproved him
for so cruel a fiincy, and corrected the verse thus : —

To-garashi

Hatie wo tsuketara

Aka-tombo
i.e., " Add wings to a Cayenne pepper-pod, and you have
a red dragon-fly. "

His ardent love of all sentient beings and even of
inanimate nature, especially of flowers, showed itself fur-
ther in a minute observation of natural objects and their "^^
ways, and this became a characteristic of the whole later
epigrammatic school, moulded as it was by his influence.
Doubtless an element of weakness as well as of strength was
contained herein ; for the perpetual observation of small
natural details encouraged a mode of thought prone to dwell
on the surface of the visible world, while neglecting the
depths and heights of human nature. This has always^ o
been a weak point in the intellectual armour of the Far-
Eastern nations : — they have never fully realised that
" the proper study of mankind is man," and accordingly
their art and philosophy alike have remained on a com-
paratively lower plane.

The purity of Basho's life — ^a thing far from common
in the Japan of those days — was patent to the world.
But he was no prude. On one occasion, at a country
inn irt" the" North, he found himself in the room next to
that where slept, or rather chattered, two unhappy girls,
— courtesans. They were bound on a pilgrimage to Ise,
in atonement for their ill-spent lives, and the man-servant
^who had accompanied them so far was to return from
that post-station, leaving them to pursue tiieir long

286 Bashb ami the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

journey alone. Next morning, noticing the priestly garb*
of their neighbour and of his companion, they begged
to be allowed to journey part of the way in .the
company of the holy men, or, if that were asking too
much, at least in sight of them. This Basho excused
himself from ; but he spoke kindly, assuring the girls of
the divine care for wayfarers, even such as they. The
epigram which he then composed has remained famous i—^

Hitotsu-ya ni

Ytijo mo Jietari
Hagi to tsuki
The literal interpretation of these words is ** Courtesans
[and I] slept in the same house, — the lespedeza and
the moon.*' The meaning is that " Occasion will make
the greatest strangers companions.-^a^ the moon in
heaven and the lespedeza blossom on earth,_ as priests
vowed to a life of sanctity and girls fated to a life of
shame. The happier should not altogether condemn or
disown the less fortunate, no, not even the guilty, who
may often be more sinned against than sinning. "
O Another of Basho's marked characteristics was a con-

// tempt for shams and for triviality of every kind. True,
he could not altogether free himself from the literary
conventions of his time and nation ; yet he did so to a
considerable degree. It was noticed that, of his many
thousands of epigrams, not one dealt with Mount Fuji,
or with the cherry-blossoms of Yoshino, or with the pine-
clad islets of Matsushima, — subjects which custom had, in
a manner, imposed on all Japanese writers of verse.
Moreover, Yoshino had. been one of his favourite haunts',
and Fuji of course a familiar friend on tramps innumer-
able. He even made a long journey (which was mor^

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 287

^han the majority of rhymesters did) to see Matsushima
"xvith his own eyes; but when he had seen it, he confes-
sed that all that could be said on the subject had been
ssaid already, and therefore would not write, having no-
t:hing new to tell.

To the so-called rules of composition he paid little .

lieed, — so little in fact that his followers, themselves

anxious for rules to guide their own practice, had to

allow that tlieir teacher stood outside the rules. He

appears to have instinctively felt the absurdity of all the

grave legislation which there had been for such little

cockle-shells of verse; but actual revolt was as foreign

t:o the Zen spirit in artistic matters as in social or

apolitical. Basho's theoiy and practice were resumed in

the four words ^ ^ 8fe ^f f^^'^f^i ryu-ko, which may be

freely rendered as ** unchanging truth hi fleeting form,'*\

that is, the matter must be such as has permanent in-

'.terest, the manner must be that of the writer's age, — as .

good a definition as could perhaps be given of a classic. .

Truth, he said, has ever been considered ** the marrow

CDf style," and he defined truth of style as consisting in

repose and in sifnplicity. Again, ** In composing, com-

fDOse not overmuch : — ^you will lose genuineness. Ixt

3/our epigrams spring from the heart rather than from

'* And to a correspondent he wrote, " Your zeal for

pigram is good news. But epigrams from the heart are

more important than erudition. Many men there are who

<::an turn a phrase; there are few who observe the heart's

"X^ules." Or take such utterances as the following: —

* * Style should be natural, with a graceful turn. Ingenuity

nd the search after what is strange are less to be re-

ommended Follow nature, and constantly turn to

288 Bashb and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

nature Let your epigrams resemble a willow-branch

struck by a light shower, and sometimes waving in the
breeze." Furthermore, he never wearied of impressing
on his pupils that they should lead the poetic life, for that
then the words of their poems would flow spontaneously ;
and it was observed that he rarely, if ever, discoursed on
art alone, but constantly brought in the ethical element,
for which above all he really cared, poetry being to him
a means rather than an end. Accordingly, as already
noticed, he paid little heed to traditional rules. Even
prosody counted for little in his practice. Though no
author had Japanese prosody — such as it is — in more
perfect command, none offers so many examples of rhythm
broken by redundant syllables, doubtless because his in-
stinct told him that the poetic form current in his day
and nation was unreasonably short, and because he there?
fore preferred breaking through the form to sacrificing the
sense. The following may serve as one instance among
many : —

(37)
Kare-eda ni

Karasu no tomari-keri

Aki no hire

The end of autumn, and some rooks
Are perched upon a withered branch

The second line has nine syllables instead of the regular
seven; but it would be impossible to convey more for-
cibly in one brief phrase the idea of autumnal desolation,
and that was all that Bashd cared for. This was an
** epigram " in the literal sense of the word, having
been inscribed on a sketch of three crows huddling on
a leafless branch. Other examples of lines with super-

Bashd and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 289

nous syllables will be found in the little anthology at
le end of this paper. The Japanese have never been
icklei's for prosodial accuracy ; but Bash5 allowed hirn-
;lf an unusual latitude.

Basho's healthj always delicate, seems to have been
orn out by his constant wanderings, which exposed him
' many hardships. He died at the age of fifty, while on
e road as usual, busy spreading his ideas, ethical and
)etical. He had been entertained at Osaka at the house

the poetess Sono-Jo, where some mushrooms poisoned
m. A minute account has been preserved of his last
lys. He lingered for a fortnight, his chief pupils gat her-
g round him and nursing him with filial care. When it
came evident that no hope remained, they requested him

compose a death-bed stanza, according to the universal
istom of Japanese poets. But he refused, being unwilling

sanction by his example a practice which he thought
d to vanity and deceit, for that insincere persons were
ant to get their so-called death-bed poems ready long
iforehandj wherewith to cheat the world at their last
)ur. Nevertheless, next morning, he called two of the
atchers to his bedside, and said, ** Last night, while I lay
^pless, the following stanza came into my mind : —

(38)

Tabi ni yamite

Yiwu zva kare-no wo
Kakc-mazvani

Ta'en iU while journeying, I dreamt
I wandered o'er a withered moor.

" Neither is this a death-bed stanza, nor is it not one.
blame myself for being still attached to my lifelong

4 .1

290 Baslw and the Japanese Poetical Epigram*

pursuit of poetry at this moment, when face to face with
the great change from life to death."

His state grew more and more critical. On the 27th
November, his favourite disciple Kikaku arrived. The
interview affected both to tears. Nevertheless, on the
next day, liasho was still able to be moved to laughter
by some trivial occurrence which suggested comic verses
to one of the party; so they took to composing turn
and turn about, in order to amuse him. On the
28th, out of his great love of cleanliness, he insisted on
taking a bath, after which he sat up in bed with his
chief pupils facing him, and the others ranged in a row
on either side, when one of them took down his last will
and testament in writing. He himself penned a letter to
his old home, sent verbal messages to various pupils,
charged those present to forgive one whom, for a grave
offence, they had ostracised from their company, then
folding his hands in prayer, recited the Buddhist sutra of
the Goddess of Mercy (** Kwannon Ky^ "), and sank back
dead as if asleep. He was buried in the temple grave-
yard of Gichuji, by the shores of Lake Biwa, on — ^as it is
specially recorded — a beautiful day in the Indian summer,
the 30th November, 1694, over three hundred mourners
attending. The catalogue of the possessions which he left
behind is recorded too, — one image of Shaka Muni, one
copper bowl, one cape, one wooden ink-box, and so on,
ending with a few books and scrolls.

Such, sketched in barest outline, was the career of this
amiable and accomplished man, whom some students of
his life and works might perhaps feel inclined to term
the Japanese Wordsworth. Of course it would not do to
press the comparison closely. Basho was not born under

Baslio attd the Japanese Iheiical Epigram. 291

^he same lucky star as Wordsworth. He inherited a
language incomparably inferior as a vehicle for poetry, ^
^md was restricted to a single form of verse, and that
tile poorest. From this cause, if from no other, his
poetical performance may no more be ranked with Words-
^vorth's than Skiddaw may be ranked with Fuji. Never-
theless, he succeeded in regenerating the poetic taste
of his day. His knowledge of nature and his sympathy
-with nature were at least as intimate as Wordsworth's,
sind his sympathy with all sorts and conditions of men
-was fer more intimate; for he never isolated himself
from his kind, but lived cheerfully in the world, though
not of the world. Accordingly, his contemporaries re-
ceived from him a moral no less than a literary influ-
ence; he embodied for them the Zen form of Buddhism.
TTiis subject — ^the Zen doctrine and its influence in China
5ind Japan — is one that has never yet been treated as
it deserves, and it is impossible here to treat it paren-
thetically. At least so much will perhaps have been
gathered from the foregoing, — that the Zen philosophy,
or religion, or whatever it may best be termed, is a
system in which the pessimism of original Buddhism is
^softened by wise concessions to common sense and to
"the needs and limitations of common life, in which ascet-
icism of the body is exchanged for a sort of mental
"detachment not inconsistent with the calls of social in-
tiercourse, in which, while the essential vanity of all
earthly pursuits is still recognised, some of those which
Appeal most strongly to the cultivated human mind,
^namely the various branches of art, are welcomed to an
Inonoured place in the plan of life, because they may be
vailed of as a means for passing to yet higher spheres

V-'

292 Basho atid t/tc Japamse Poetical Epigram.

of thought and conduct. The word Zen is a contraction of
the Sanskrit word dliydtia^ " contemplation. *' * The early
votaries of the sect used to pass their time in con templar
tion or abstraction. Of some it is related that they sat
for years gazing at a wall, scarcely even thinking any
more, but in a state betwixt rapture and unconsciousness.
E^xperience, however; showed that mankind was not serv-
ed by such unnatural excesses, and that the cultivation
of harmless pursuits was a preferable mental anodyne.
Of course they were never meant to be more than an
Jv-^ anodyne. They were to be what the Japanese Buddhists

term a /idbefi, a word not susceptible of literal translation
V" .^... into English, and which has most erroneously been 'J
translated as '*,pious fraud." The hoben is rather a way,
a means, an instrument. The parables of the New Testa-
ment, for instance, are Iwben, — stories not literally true,
but useful though fictitious, because pointing the way to
truth. \\\\ its modern form, the Zen creed had become
essentially tolerant and cheery.^ Under* its influence such
virtues as moderation, contentment, simplicity, kindliness
naturally flourished, together with that sobriety and good
taste which we have all learnt to admire in the exquisite
art of *' Old Japan. " Its danger was a tendency to de-
generate into hedonism. We have already seen that
some of its earlier professors studied simplicity less as a
virtue than as the easiest road to pleasure, and especial-
ly to individual freedom in society as then constituted.

There is a point often incidentally touched on in the
preceding pages, which may seem particularly strange to
anyone unacquainted with the manner in which the arts
are cultivated in Japan, namely, the great number of dis-
ciples who gathered around Basho, followed him about.

« 1 1 «

BasJio tiJid the Japmuse Poetical Epigram, 293

" Trended hkn. Basho, in fact, is commonly said to have
Xiad three thousand disciples. Another account says one
thousand, of whom two hundred principal ones. The
names of about one hundred are still familiar to educated
persons. Yet he had laboured for little over ten years.
Similar phenomena meet us in the careers of other poets
before and since, and of professors of various arts. The
explanation of this circumstance is rooted in one of the
fundamental doctrines of Chinese philosophy, as taught
by Confucius and developed more particularly by Mencius,
- — the doctrine of the essential goodness of human nature.
The prominence given to this doctrine leads to an extra-
vagantly high opinion of the value of education; for a
mind essentially good will of course require but right
• training" to attain to something very like perfection.
■ Hence also, by analogy, the power attributed to educa-
. tion of working, not moral marvels only, but intellectual.
Our Western saying that Poeta nascitury iion fit springs
from an entirely different mental soil. Here it is held
that every one can become a painter, every one can be-
come a poet, just as every one can learn to read and
write and to behave himself. To a certain extent this
I is true. What renders it doubly true in the Far-East (
is the absence of real genius, — as we Westerns understand
genius, — so that the interval between different degrees of
. xnerit is less than with us. In this manner, racial disposition,
-strengthened by a congenial doctrine and its attendant
fDractice, accounts for the enormous number of persons in
<3hina and Japan who can paint, poetise, and so on, after
^^. quite respectable fashion. Mediocrity does not dis-
ilease here^ which, is fortunate, seeing that the highest
xcellence is ; wanting. At the same time, it must be

294 Basho atid the Japanese Ihetical Epigram.

granted that the immense spread of the cultivation of
various arts has tended still further to debase the average
standard. Hundreds of so-called epigrams, in particular,
call to mind nothing so much as the performance of a
•poor amateur with a poor kodak.

Fortunately, the very worst performers rarely walk
quite alone, the usual plan being for the teacher to
touch up his pupils' productions before they are allowed
to circulate. For centuries past, in every branch of
art, a whole class of professional or semi-professional
persons, furnished with diplomas and ranged in a hie-
rarchy of gradually ascending excellence, has made a
livelihood by polishing the unskilful efforts of amateurs.
As such teachers of the poetic art place particular marks
against the words needing emendation or calling fof
special praise, they are termed "markers" {tensha), and
many have a bad reputation for avarice and corruption.
Basho was no friend to the " markers. *' His expression
of opinion on the amateurs of his day, given in a letter
to a friend, is characteristic. He divides epigrammatists
into three classes, namely : I. Those who spend their
lives wrangling with professional ** markers " over the
correctness of their diction. Even these, he remarks
with his usual kindliness and perhaps a little touch of
irony, do better than if they were to give themselves up
to evil courses; for their innocent folly helps in any
case to support the '* marker, " his wife, his children,
and his landlord. II. Rich men who take up epi-
gram-writing as an amusement, caring little whether the
" marker " gives them good marks or bad. These re-
semble children playing at cards. Their time is at least
better thus spent than in gossip. Their money and

Baslw and tJu Japanese Poetical Epigram. 295

patronage, likewise, not only support the " marker ** class,
but do really to some extent help forward the cause of
true estheticism. Ill, Those who study poetry genuine-
ly, devote to it all their strength, and employ it as a
means to enter on the true " way/* that is, on a
philosophical and ethical life. Of these last, he concluded,
tHere could scarcely be ten in the whole empire. Evi-
dently, Basho shared in no delusions as to the innate
goodness or cleverness of men in general. But he did
hb best towards helping as many as possible to be better
and to strive after a better esthetic taste, and he wisely
abstained from discouraging well-meant efTort, however
feeble. His philosophy was truly practical, — humanitarian
without fuss. He was the mildest, the least revolutionary
of reformers.

IV.

In the preliminary studies for this paper, notes were
taken for the biography and characterisation of each of
the leading ep^rammatists of the seventeenth and eigh-
teenth centuries. Independence and eccentricity having
always been' prominent traits of the class, many of these
eptgraitnnatists are the subjects of interesting anecdotes.
At least one of them, Omteura, was a truly remarkable
man, almost the peer of Basho himself, whose friend and
contemporary he was, though he survived to the year
1738. But the foregoing account of Bash5 has run to
such lei^rths that his successors must be dealt with sum-
marily, before passing on to some concluding remarks
of a miscellaneous nature.

296 Bashb and the Japmiese Poetical Epigram,

Bash5's two most eminent disciples — Kikaku and Rein-
setsu — have already been mentioned. These, with eight
more, named respectively Kyorai, Joso, Kyoroku, Shiko>
Yaha, Kokushi, Etsujiii, and Safnpu, are knowft collectively
as the Jit'tetsn (-f'^),— a title signifying not exactly the
" Ten Sages " nor yet exactly the ** Ten Wits, '* but
something between the two. Most of these died early in
the eighteenth century. Though hone came up to Ba-
sho's standard of moral philosophy, their fives testified in
many ways to the effect of his teaching, arid many of
their epigrams deserve to be placed on a par with his:.
In fact, these ten men — arid notably the first four on the
Hst — seem often to realise absolute perfection in this par-
ticular style, conveying through a mere pin-point of ex-
pression a whole picture to the mind. Examples of their
compositions will be found at the end of this essay.
Kikaku, though too independent and hasty to copy even
Basho, was himself copied by numberless pupils and ad-
mirers, forming the Edo-Za ox " Yedo School," which
subsists to the present day. Rinsetsu also left a school,
named after him the Setsu-Mon, Other schools, all
traceable to Basho, but tinged with local peculiarities,
arose on the shores of that beautiful Lake Biwa where
the master had spent so many happy days,*at Kyot5, in
the provinces of Mino and Owari, at Ise, and in the
North, in fact almost all over the Main Island of Japan ;
arid literary history has preserved careful genealogical
records of the succession in each, and of their occasional
complicated interminglings.

It would seem that at first, that is, during the genera-
tion that lived from about 1720 to 1750, a marked decline
in the standard of epigrammatic excellence took place.

Baslio and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 297

-A vulgar variety was evolved, wherein one person com-
posed the first five syllables, another the last twelve.
This, which was known as Kaininuri-ziikc, formed the very
furthest point to which the disintegration of Japanese verse
"was carried. Sometimes people turned the making of
<^igrams into a kind of lottery, in which the winner
gained a dollar, or they employed it as a vehicle for
xiddles and for caricatures of proverbs.

A second bloom of the true epigram occurred in the

latter part of the eighteenth century, when names meet us

:xiot unworthy of comparison with any of those that had

^sidorned an earlier age. Yokoi Yayu, for example, was

^3l, bom versifier. He went so far as to hold that all

^^hildren's speech falls naturally into sets of five, seven,

•siand five syllables. Because he himself had '' lisp'd in

umbers," he assumed that others did the like. In later

ife, he became still better known as a writer of what

s called Haibun, that is, epigrammatic prose, and in

;ociety he was idolised as a universal genius, an

'admirable Crichton, " — the best bowman, horseman,

swordsman of his day. When rebuked by his feudal

superior for wasting time on the composition of epigrams,

^e proved to the latter, by pouring them out extempore,

: hat he wasted no time on them, for the simple reason

hat they cost him neither thought nor trouble; and

e was known throughout his clan as the most loyal

f retainers, the most faithful of friends, and — unusual

ombination — ^the most economical of householders.

The greatest epigrammatist of the silver age (circa

770-80). was Buson, the bold painter whose lifelike

elineations of tigers and other striking objects adorn

ome of the Kyoto temples. It may be said of him, as

298 B0fsia^ ami tkejapamst Piutkml E^gfenm.

of Baslwi's. two greatest pupHs,. that he caYpfed th& awt o^
art up ta perfection point His technique is undur-
passed: — he literally psmks with wocdB^ and 1mm fisiw
wovds! See^ for example, Nos. 175,. 179, it stf^-^-eaeh
v^rside a peirfect little cameo, sometimes of heaa^^ aoifte^
"^ times of humour. The tradition was camied oft by. Isaa
/ (1763 — 1'8^7),. a former of Sbinshxu noted for eccentncity
^ and childlike simplicity,, and for kindltiies» which: went so-
far that he refused even ta kiU a flea. One of his
verses expresses, or rather indicates^ the spirit -of the
Zen' teaching more perfecdy perhaps than any by other
authors :—

(39)

Tsuyu tw ye* w*

Tstiyu n0' ye nagara
Sari nagara

Granted' this dfewdvop world is but

A dewdrop world^i — this granted, yelk

that is, ** Granted that all pbenomeiia are transitory and
valueless, like the dew that forthwith (&iesr up and'
vanishes, still, wheiv alli isi saiA and done, we camnt quite
aflbrd to throw life and' its joys away. There is some
element of penmatnence in ft yet, thoug'h it wene hand to<
define this element precisdjjr. *' — The wordb ini the orig-
inal are as pretty as the thoujjht itself is gracefoB aad:
true.
r Some' of the foremost epigrammaitbts: were wconen :
— The names of Mitsunjx!) (E7tb century), her popii
Sono-J)o (died 1726),. Chigetsu-ni (died 1706),. Shushiki
(died 1725), and above all KagaHio-Cldyo C^i-1775X
are known to all students of Japaaese poetry. Ohe of
CWyo's most celebraited epigrams has ah-eaidy bcem given, —

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigrofn. 299

ithat descrSbing the coovolyuli which twined about the well.
But her preeoiinocit superiority, alike in diction, in smnble-
wfttedaess^ and in depth of thought and feeling, claims
attention, even where so many famous names have to be
passed over in silence. In no other Japanese verse, per-
haps, is liie souod a more perfect echo to the sense than
in the following from her pen. The occasion erf" it is
thus relaled. A celebrated professor of the art, Rogen-
-bo, who happened to pass through the remote northern
town where she lived as a girl, and who was applied to
by her for instruction, gave her the cuckoo as a theme,
T>ut was rude eaough to pay no heed to her efforts and
to fall asleep till dawn. She sat there patiently all night,
^nd when the master at length opened his eyes, greeted
lim with the following : —

(40)

Hotatogisu

Hototogisn tote
Ake ni keri

"whidi 0iade him clap his hands and aver that she needed
:aio teacher, being already passed mistress of the art.
Ulendered into English, the dines merely mean ** Day has
^dawned to [the sound of] * cuckoo! ' 'cuckoo! '" But the
apanese scholar will TeaKse the mastery necessary to
ut together those six seemingly simple words.
This poetess's married life was summarised in three
pigrams. The first

(41)

Shibukaro * ka

Shiranedo kaki no
HeUsU'chigiri

* Short 0 for long 0 on account of tlic metre.

300 B as/to and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

which was presented by her to her husband on their
wedding-day, defies translation into English owing
to its terseness. The meaning, however, is clear. The
poetess compares her marriage vows to a persimmon.
No one can tell whether a persimmon be astringent
or not until he bites into it, nor can happiness in
wedlock be assured till trial of it has been made.
Chiyo had no illusions ; but she bore her griefs with
ortitude. Her elegy for her husband, who died early, was

(42)

Okite mitsu

Nete mitsu kaya no
Hirosa kana

Whether I lay me down or wake,
How large seems the mo«>quito-net !

that is, "The very sight of my widowed couch, when I
retire to rest and when I wake again in the morning, re-
minds me of my loss and of my solitude. " But she
was to be still further bereft. Perhaps the reader, with
his mind now better attuned to the Japanese style, will
grasp the sad purport of the last epigram of the three: —

(43)

Tombo-tori *

Kyo wa dokora ye
Itta yara

Where may he have gone off to-day, —
Tlie hunter after dragon-flies?

Her little boy, too, had died, the bright lad who used
to run after dragon-flies in the sunshine. To what un-

♦Another reading gives Tomho-isun. If we accept it, the second line
of the English must nm thus, *< The fisherman for dragon-flies." Japanese
children do, as a matter of fact, often catch these insects with toy lines
and hooks.

Bashd and tlie Japanese PbetUal Epigranu ■ 301

known land has he wandered off?— Surely this tiny
composition were almost worthy a place in the Greek
Anthology, so true is it to nature, so perfectly simple,
and yet saying, or at least indicating all that can be
said so fully that any word added would be superfluous.
But to finish this thumb-nail sketch of Chiyo's mind, the
humorous side, which in her, as in so many others, jostled
the pathetic, claims a moment's notice. When left alone
in the world as a woman of a certain age, she made a
living by teaching of the poetic artj and it is related that
her figure became unwieldy. One day, as she was quitting
the mansion of a noble personage who had entertained
her at dinner, the servant-girls, astonished to find that
the pretty name of Chiyo belonged to a fat, plain, mid-
dle-aged woman, began tittering in the passage behind
her. Instantly the poetess wheeled round, and admonish-
ed her pert critics in the following impromptu verse \- —

(44) , ; , ■;

HiiO'kakae

Aredo yanagi iva
Yanagi kana

A willow may an annful be,
But 'tis a willow all the same«

That is, " I may be fat, but I am a lady, and expect to
be treated as one, '* — the willow-tree, with its slender
gracefiJness, being of course symbolical of womanhood.

With the generation which passed away about 1780,
the art of composing epigrams was gradually lost. The

302 Batkd 4md Mie iap0tuse Aetkad Epigram

acIioqIs nvliiofa eodeaiffoured ito preserve die dbd mamier
ilwnme foiwilisod, >yjiiie fOvt-oMoors tise f<Man of tdie
efngmni feH into vui^par .hands >v4iiGh busied tbes^aelvics
JHidiliiQg tvvihat a«e Gained, ^om die iia«ie of^dietr tnwenter,
^iS^nqri {liifid d 790),— ^voraee •which Jiave this on common wkh
Ahe ^fjeram, libat ishepr coasint tof aevoniscui sytUables, but
Mfjstch .»fe vulgar^ often e«9eo ^008, tn tnatter* and equally
Jtomr in •didiarL No laeed te ^eftt bese dther of idaem or
(Of A «cvhcGd[-*4dfte 60-f:aUed SfegVi^^t-Hyhich is in /progress
an our iMim 4ay:. Tihis last ^|ibase (cannot well be judged
ittU unore «f jte ooturse «hatl hay» been f tm. Neireotfaeless,
iflom tiie ispsctmons io be Ibmid .in almost e\«ry
mewspaper, dae <vttic tiviU 'jKwJtole to attribute to \t
•tntich importanoe. It seems rather that all 4:hat cam be
raaid twathin the narrow limits set hy tsuch liiUqnitian
neratc^, or «entt-veraicles« has been said long ago, and
that we aineady atand at jl suficiont idtatance of ttime
from the best and most representative epigrammatists to
be able to view their productions as a whole.
( Notice,in passings the •curious xjrder in which the phases
\ of the Japanese epigram succeeded -each other: — first, a
] frivolous stage ; then the appearance of a reformer who
j put thought and feeling into the empty shell ; then a stage
V^f, so to say, art for art's sake; lastly, fossilisation.
European precedents would have led us to expect a
certain sturdy and simple genuineness at the beginning,
extravagance at the end. But the epigram is not the
only Japanese art which shows the exactly reversed
sequence. The tea ceremonies offer another marked in-
stance; for there, too, luxury and bad taste ran riot at
the begimiing, followed by Sen-no-£ik^u*s reform in the
dinection tof «iwpfa'fi!ty^ and eadtng in itdne fosstUsattion of

tkat aimfrficky. This> p^euiiaarity oS the JapiBui«9e eslhetie
devclopcnciit mtnt be left lo others to explaML Meve
afipropriate to the subject of tilie poesent essajr m- it ta_^
enqaire : — ^what i» the valtfe of tlie ^^apanese epigram^ as
litevatoce? Doubtless a foreig^ev unaided might well distvust
Ms afeUity' to- answer this questioiu Bat the native com.-
inentators — sucb men a» Aefea^Itesop, one of the kadkig
Iktirmieurs efthe pment dagri* sMd SUki,.aiid Kdyo Sanjin— *
hd)^ us ovei thi» difficukj. Not only liawe they cempiled
uaefial* anthokgies^ and written ho6k% exphining the aietual
text of cof^ideiaUe numbeit^ of famous* epigrams ; sonie of
their editions indicate the classic sources, botl> Japanese
and Chinese, from which Basfao drew, and thus enable
us to appreciate his erudition. One on Buson's epigrams
gives the opinions of a whole circle of his modem admirers
on most points, while others supply as with biographies,
anecdotes^ etc^r ^U helping: not enlj lO' elucidate an enigmat-
ical style, but to fii i» the pictufe of a vanished aigyr..

Bui while the native commentaftors- are indispensable helps
taa cDmprehenBion of the subject^ it may be doubted whether
ai^ European! stflMlent could bring himself to adopt thcic
estiflMteSi. Medeni' Js^«esc critics do not intend that
theie national literature shalL 3ridd the palm to that of
any otbei land. Accordingly, they have set themselves
to discover Japanese Shakespeares, Japanese ScottSy
Japanese Victor Hugos,, etc.,. etc., etc.* In fact, they

^ Theit Ifine* bad sonrcsly been penned^ when a newspaper appeavedf
aDDOBDcing^ amoag othes kitenstixig items, the death of *^the Japa.
nese Rousseau," Mi; Nakae Tokusuke. As this gentleman was a violent
atheist and matenalist (his latest work bore the title " Neither God
nor Soul"), the nature of his intellectual kinship to the author o^
'< Ijt, VicaiM'Safeyaid " soems somewlMt problemoticaL Eximo-disee omnus.

304I Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigrdm,

are busy turning all their geese into swans, with the
help of the technicalities of European art criticism, — the
"subjective, "the "objective," and all the rest of the
jargon. They inform us that Basho's verse was a mirror
reflecting the universe within a frame of seventeen
syllables. They discover a criticism of life — the whole
2j^xi philosophy in fact— itl that single stanza of his on
the old pond and the frog jumping into the water, which
has been quoted on page 279 ; and in the next specimen (by
one of the ''Ten Wits") they admire "that absolute transpa-
rency and truth to nature which are of the essence of
the epigram : " —

':'■''■ ' >s).. :

Susus^isa ya

En yari ashi wo
Bura-sageru

Oh ! how cool, dangling one's legs over the verandah,!

Similarly do they judge in countless other cases.

At the same time^ and though nothing would be easier
than to make fun of the extravagantly laudatory critics,
and even of the epigrammiatists themselves, to do so
would surely prove little but that the foreign investigator's
own critical sense was deficient, but in another direction.
For is he not called on to treat his subject sympathetical-
ly, or, as Pope puts it, to

\ < u fead each work of wit

. - With the same spirit that its author writ ? " .

And is this not more than ever necessary in the case of any
Oriental literary product, because the conditions under
which if came into existence differ toto ccelo from those
of our own literature ?
The leg^dangling epigram must of course, be given up.

Bdsha 0^ tlu Japanese PoeticUt Epigratit^ ^05

and with it scores and hundreds of "the baser sort/* —

trivialities traceable to the unhappy assumption that

every one is capable of writing vjrse'.: But when ihe

European critic has made alt reasonable deductions; wlron

lie has eliminated the prosings and the quibbles and the

vulgarities of those poetasters whom Japanese tolerance

admits to a niche in the national temple of fame, iks; is

yet left with a remnant wherein many tiny prettinesses

sparkle. If he cannot here discover intact that mitror

Tcflecttng the universe of which the Japanese ri comment

tators speak, he does find thousands of fragments 'of

shattered glass, among which some of shattered crystal,

each reflecting at a different angle some n;\inute comer of

a scene, a brief note of some fact in ' nature, or maybe

an indication of some sentiment or fancy. . The Japanese

Epigram at its best is a loop-hole opei^ed foe Jm instant

on some little natural £ict, some incident of daily lifef. \

It is a momentary flash, a smile half-fbmied, a sigh sup*-

pressed almost before it becomes audible/ Take; for

instance, Basho's lines composed on one of Jstpan''^ most

.fiimotis battle-fields, now a desolate moot(:«--^

(46)

Natsurgusa ya

Tsuwa-ntonfhdofno nb'^
Yunte no ato '

Haply the summer grasses are ,

A relic of the warriors* drean^' .'?r^r';. '^

TTiat u|| "Of the warriors' dream of poVirer and gloiy,
nought femains but the high grasses wavitig^ o'er the

~ ' • • •

vnoor ^hat is their tomb. " Or this oth6r; already quoted
ait the beginning of the present^ paper, and which is
typical of the art at its highest point of perfection 1—

hU.

.Mi

::;/;

30$ Basko and the Japanese Poetical ^igram,

A single river, stretching far

Across the moorland swathed in snow.

Such shorthand verses, if so they may be called, sp^iig
from idle same mental soil as that on which stftild
many Japanese artists, who have — not painted, or
evea sketched, — but hjptgd ^t, a flight of birds, a ika-
coast, a pine-tree, with but two or .three strokes of the
brush. The result is not great, perhaps ; but we woddejr
at the production, with such scanty means, of any rcMlt
at all ; and we cannot refrain from wishing that the itlto
who performed these feats in little .had tried his
skill on a lai^er canvas. Practically, the classical or
semi^classical poets of Japan, for over a thousatid yieto
past, have confined themselves to pieces of 31 syllabi^
or of 17, whereas even our sonnet, which we look on
as a trifle, has 140, and our system of stanzas strtUig
together enables us to cos^inue indefinitely till the whole
of a complex train of thought has been brought, before
the mind. But it may well be that, even had Euro^
been available as a model, no such sustained styb
would have had much chance of permanently establishiiiit
itself in Japan. When an artist — when whole generations
of artists have produced one sort of thing, it must
always remain extremely doubtful whether, after all, they
could have produced another. The tendency to ultra-
,/ brevity is too persistent a characteristic of Japanese
esthetics to be accidental in any given case. Remember
that there was no want of longer models. Such nKxids
were at liand in Chinese poetry ; there were a few^ a^
we have seen, even in the ancient poetry of Japan itself*
But somehow these mpdelis. failed to attract.

Granting, therefore, as a sober judgment forces us to

Basho ami tlu Japanese Poetical Epigram, 307

do, that' Japanese poems arc but slight cfibrts,— ^not

pearls, but only tiny beads, — a critical esthnate of Basho,

and of the Japanese epig^mmatists generally, reduces

itself to two points:—* I. What is each individual tiny bead

Tv<Mth? and II. Are there enough of these beads, and are

they varied enough, to make up a valuable sum total?

The foregoing essay will, it is hoped, have put the reader

sn the way of forming his own opinion on both these

ssues. Possibly he may deem that the nearest &iglish

•suialogues of the molecules of description, fiincy, or morality

Jeft us by the best Japanese epigrammatists are such

TTennysonian half-stanzas as

'^A single church below the hill
Is pealing, folded in the mist. "

*<The last red leaf is whirl'd away,
The rooks are blown about the skies.**

*'Bbt'in my spirit will I dwell.

And dream my dream, and hold it true.''

^7he difference between the two cases — and doubtless it
2s a vital- difference^ — lies in this, that the Japanese pro-
duction b isolated, fragmentary, whereas the European
gjruis part of a grand organic whole. On the one side»
• * In Memoriam " and whole " Palaces of Art ; ** on the
other, a litter of single bricks, half-bricks in fact The
Snvest^pttor of Japanese literature, for all that his task is
^(d arduous, has not the satisfiiction to be rewarded by
fcbc "uhearthtng of any sublime or epoch-making monu-
Kuents. He must take sundry small finds, and be thankful.
-S^e is in the position of a botanist whose . specialty
^bould be mosses or Kchcns, and who therefore coukl
rmot h<^'t6:didight either himself or the public with any

50§ Bdsho and t/ie Japanese Poetical Epigram,

grand, ■;] discoveries . in the way of new flowers ,or
fruits- ;' 'fitiU; a careful monograph on- a new ,moss
would/i possess a certain interest and value. The
intecest :t)fr:such an enquiry as that here undertaken
\\x& lin thj^ fact that, of all the divisions of Japanjese
poetry^ the : 'epigram is the most thoroughly popular,
national/ therefore characteristip. By the investigator
of ^Ijie': Japanese mind k cari be studied almost as
the subject-matter, of a natural science can be studied;
arid, it- yields as ,its result a picture of the national
character. , We, see this character at work while it
is, so to say, at play : — we see it ingenious, witty,
good-natured, much addicted to punning and to tom-
foolery; we see it fanciful but not imaginative, clever
but not profound ; we see it joking on the gravest sub-
jects ; we see it taking life easily and trifles seriously ; we
see its minute observation of detail, its endless patience
in accumulating materials, together with its incapacity for
building with them; we see its knack for hinting rather
tban describing^,, — ^a knack which, when it becomes self-
conscious, degenerates inta i trick and is often carried past
the limit of obscurity, not to say absurdity, as when a
tso-called drawing is so sketchy that the beholder
cannot, with the best will in the world, tell whether
wJiat he is invited to look at be a rock or a bit of pine-
bark. ^ We see likewise the essentially democratic ^spirit
of the nation, no less in the pell-mell choice orno choice
•of subjects, than in the manner in which all classes joined
in the fun. We see that comparative weakness of the
feeling for colour which characterises Japanese art reap-
'piearing here as a want of feeling for rhyme and rhyttim
'^nd sfanzaic arrangement, for all, in fact, that goes to

Bas/u) and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 309

make up the colour of verse. I^astly, — ^and some may
deem this the most curious feature of all, — we find a
way of looking at nature which recalls the method of our
own modern water-colour artists, and which thus constitutes
a point of likeness and sympathy between ourselves and a
vanished Japanese world of long ago. What, for instance,
could be more absolutely modern than this vignette of
Basho's ?—

.r - (47)

Tonibo ya

Tori'tsuki'kaneshi
Ktisa no ue

A stem of grass, whereon in vain

A dragon-fly essayed to light ! - ■

Anyone -strolling along a country lane at ^ttie proper
season* may verify for himself this minute lait in natural
history, as some gieiss-stalks are too slender to afford
foothold even to a dragon-fly. May not the Japanese

- • • • •

epigram itself remfnd us of these frail objects? It

iappears,"now as a tiny Tierb or flower oh our fiath, now

, ■ , ' .... • ' '

as some brilliant insect which hovers f6r a moment, and,
ere we have well noticed it, flits aw^y out of sight and
memory.

ADDITIONAL SELECT EPIGRAMS.

In order to put the reader in touch with native taste,
the choice of all the epigrams quoted in the present essay
has been guided by native standards, such beia^ preferred as
have, gained the admiration of the Japanese themselves.
The translation aims, not only at being literal, but at pre*
serving the spirit of each original, — poetical where it is
poetical, prosaic (e.g. No. 6i) where it is prosaic The
different poets are placed, as far as possible, in chronologi-
cal order. The numerous specimens of Basho's work are
likewise so anrat^ed.

EARLY EPIGRAMMATISTS.

(48)

Yo ni furu wa

Sara ni shigure no
Yadcri kana

^ ,. (Sogi, 1421-1502)

Ah ! yes, my passage through the world
Is a mere shelter from a shower.

*31ie poet*s death song. He oompares brief hanian life to a momentary
Furu contain! a pun on « passing through" (the world) and
5iig."

(49)

Tsuki ni e wo

Saskitaraba yoki
Ucfmva kana

(Sokan)
Add but a handle to the moon,
And what a pretty fiin it makes !

(50)

Cfm no mizu no

Ware to futa sunt
Kori kana

(Sokan, 1465-15 54)
Behold the water for ,the tea
Make for itself a Iki of ice !

3 1 2 Basho and the Japanese Epigram,

(51)
Rakkwa eda ni

Kaeru to mireba ,

Kocfid kana

(Arakida -Moritake, 1472-1549)

Fairn flow'r returning to the branch, —

Behold ! it is a butterfly.

I.e. For a moment I fancied it to be a fallen petal flying back, by
some miracle, to its native branch^ But lo! it was a butterfly.

(52) : • ;

• Samidare ni

Hi no ante majiru
Hotam kana

(Arakida Moritake)
, Oh ! fireflies, what a fiery rain
i i -Commingling with the summer shower !

(53)

Asagao ni

Kyo wa iniyuran
. ^\ Waga yo J^ana

lj(^ ' > (Arakida Moritake)

\j^ f^ Ah ! yes, as a convolvulus

* ' To-day my lifetime will appear.

The poet's death song. Life is fleeting as the convotvultis, " which
blooms in the morning (asa) only to wither at eve. What the translation
renders by " my lifetime " is literally " my world. "

(54)

Kaze keznrii

Vanagt ya kishi no
Hitai'gami

(Arakida Moritake)
The willows which the breezes comb, -
, ^ N Are they the forelock of the bank ?•■- ' •

Early Epigrammatists. 313

The poet likens the catkins of the willow to a lady's tresses, and the
wind to a comb. The " bank " is the bank of the river on which the
willow-trees are growirj^. Tlie modern critic Acba Knson considers
this artificial verse highly characteristic of its composer.

(55)

Chi-nomi-ko ni

Yo wo watashitaru
ShizuasH katia

(Shohaku, 1444-1527)
Oh ! the December in which the heritage is handed on V
to a suckling !

This is a lament on the death of a man poor and in difficulties, who
has left an infant heir. The end of the year is the season when debts
and bills must be paid, and when ix)verty consequently presses hardest.

(56)

Nakdzarcba

Koroshite shimae
Hototogisn

Nobunaga.
The cuckoo, — kill it, if it sing not.

(57)

Nakazarcba

Nakashite misho
Hototogisn

Hideyoshi.
The cuckoo, — I will show it how to sing, if it sing not.

(58)

Nakazarcba

Naku made mato
Hototogisn

leyasu.
The cuckoo, — I will wait till it sings, if it sing not.

(

.r ^

3 14 Bas/to and thi Jafanese Epigram,

TheM thne epigrams^ which have passed into household words^ are not
specially well- written, neither are they the con^xisition of the three
celehiated rulers whose names they hear. They are sometimes attributed to
Shdha, an epigrammatist who died in the year 1600, and who meant to paint,
each with a single graphic touch, the characters of the three heroes of his
day, — Nobunaga, impetuous and cruel; Hideyoshi, clever; leyasu, patient,
because well*knowing that, as we say, ** All Comes to him who waits. "
The empire came to him, and remained in the hands of his descendants
for over two and a half centuries.

(59)

Ham tatsiiya

Ni'hon viedctaki
Kado no vtatsii

When spring comes, the two pine-trees [stand] by the

Yi ^^ > ' gate for luck.

"^ . /^ (Saito Tokugen, circa A.D. 1640.)

y .- Or — for ni-kon contains a pun (ll;tt and Q ;Jt) — " When spring comes»

the pine-trees by the gate bring luck to Japan, " — an allusion to the
customary New Year decorations.

(60)

Manzcd ya

Mau mo utau mo
Vokti no koto

,' (Baisei, 1611-1699)

v> ' ^ * Even the morris-dancers* steps

^ ^ And songs spring from cupidity.

The desire for money rules all things, even what superficially looks
like innocent mirth.

(61)

Masa-masa to

Imasu ga gotos/ti
Tatna-matsuri

(Kitamura Kigin, 1624-1711)

Serving the spirits of the dead

V ^ ' ^ Exactly as if they were living.

\y'

Early Epigrammatists. 315

Tlieie words arc transcribed almost literally frum a maxim in the <' Con-
^^cian Analects. "

(62)

Noku ni sae

Warawaffa ikani
HototQgisu

(Mitsu-Jo, 1572-1647) X

[So lovely] even in its cry, — /^ i ^ ^

What were the cuckoo if it laughed ?

Japanese, like English, employs the same word {nakn^ *' to cry ") for
weeping and for the sounds uttered by birds and some other animals. Cry-
ing disfigures the countenance. If, then, the cuckoo enchants us even when
it cries, what would not he the beauty of its smile or its laughter? A
good example this of the conceits in which the epigrammatists before
Basho's reform took such delight.

(63)

Cfw karoshi

Koro wa kiru mono
Hitotsu kana

(Koshun, 1650-1697)
Light goes the butterfly, what time
A single robe is all we don.

(64)

Yo 710 akete

Hana ni hiraku ya
Jbdo-mon I •

(Seibu, 1 606- 1 678)
The daylight dawns, and, like a flower^ ^ , ^

Open the gates of Paradise.

IVe poef s death song. JbiUi literally, " the Pure Land« '' is one of the
Baddhist heavens, fabled to exist in the West.

-X

3 1 6 Basho and the Japanese Epigram,

(65)

Tsuki hana no

San-kti-me wo Una
Shiru yo kana

(Rippo, 1600-1669)
The moon, the flow'rs, ah ! no\v*s the time
To learn the third name of the set.

The poet's death son^. He alludes to the.^^thetic txva^Uuki haua
yuki^ " the moon, the blossoms, and the snow, " which are esteemed the
, , loveliest things in nature. Yuki^ " snow, " however, is homonymous with
\ \ yukiy "going," here taken in the sense of "dying": — it is not the snow,
^" * but death, which now comes to complete his exjierienccs.

(66)
Orafida no

Moji ga yokotau
Ania tsii kari

(Nishiyama S5in, 1605- 1682)
The wild-geese in the firmament, —
These are Dutch letters sideways stretching.

The flight of the wild-geese athwart the sky suggests to the epigram-
matist that outlandish method of communication practised by Europeans,
who write across the page instead of up and down it, as the Chinese and
Japanese consider natural. lu those days any scrap of European WTiting
would be the greatest rarity at the Japanese capital, and the mention of
it in verse a daring novelty.

Yo no naka ya

Choc/io tomare
Kaku mo are

(Nishiyama Soin)

Impossible to translate, owing to the punning insertion of two words
which have no direct relation to the sense of the rest of the verse. The
gist is : " ITie world is just what it is. It is an uncertain quantity •
Don't take it -that is, don't take life — too seriously." Written across tliis

.v^

-v-v I

Early Epigrammatists, 317

mcipal assertion, as it were, are the words Chdchd totnare^ " Butterfly,
ght ! " Besides adding the ornament of a pun, this graceful unage
Ips to reinforce the assertion of the flimsy, flighty character of human life.

(68)

Sldra-tsuyu ya

Mu'fumbetsii nam
' Oki'dokoro,

(Nishiyama Soin)

Lacking in all discernment as

To where they light are the white dews.

This is considered one of the best compositions of the leader of the
Danrin school. His admiration of nature is conveyed in the form of
portive blame : — instead of seeking out Ixiautiful places, the dew shows so
itllc discretion as to fall everywhere alike.

(69)

Natsu-yase to

Kotaete sliinobii
Namida karia

(Nishiyama Soin ?)

Alas ! the tears which she restrains,

Saying the heat has made her thin.

Hiding grief under a pretence of illness. This epigram has passed
nto a proverb,

(70)

Kaya-bara-ni

Oshi ya sutc-oku
Tsuyu no tama

(Sute-Jo, 1635-1698)

Pity the dewy pearl be thrown

Away upon the grassy moor !

The poetess Sute-Jo was bom at Kayabara (the name means
'* grassy moor") in Tamba, where the Daimyo of the province visited
ber and composed this complimentary epigram, which includes puns
)n her name and the name of her birthplace. Over thirty of Sute-Jo's
friends — all nuns — ^used to follow her about in her wanderings.

, *

)

318 Baskd and the Japanese Epigram,

(71)

Yuki no asa

Ni nv ji ni }io ji fio
Geta no ato

x^ (Sute-Jo)

Q^^\h A snowy morning,— everywhere

^ ^^ The figure " 2 " left by the clogs.

^ This epigram — a perfect specimen in its way — was composed by the

poetess at the early age of six. Every resident in Japan has seen snow or
mud or sand thus marked with the Chinese numeral ZL ** two, ** by the two
underpieces of wood that support the clogs which are the commonest foot-
gear among the townsfolk of this country.

(72)

Kado-^natsu ya

Meido no tabi no
IcJu-ri-zuka

(Raizan, 1654-1716)

Literally, " The pine-trees by the gate [which are set up as New Year
decorations] are mile -stones on the journey to the nether world. " — Some
one added the following second hemistich :

Aiedetaku tiio ari

Medetakti tno ttashi
i.e. " they are both lucky and unlucky, " — a lueky omen on account of their
connection with the New Vear rejoicings, an unlucky one because of their
marking a stage on the way to death. The lines are popularly thus
quoted as a thirty-one syllal^le verse, and are erroneously ascribed to the
priest Ikkyu Osho.

(73)

Ike mirunm

Koro to ya tewo no
Atama-ehmo

The season when the pond grows warm,

To judge from all the fishes' heads.

A panting summer's day, with the fishes' heads at the suriioe <tf tke
water, gasping for foieath.

BAHSO AND HIS .SCHOOL.

(74)
Toshi kurenu

Kasa kite waraji
Haki-nagara

(Basho, 1 644- 1 694)

The year has closed while still I wear

My sandals and my pilgrim's hat.

Written on one of his many pilgrimages.

(75)

Yama-ji kite

Nani yori ynkashi
Sufftire-gusa

(Basho)

Coming this mountain way, no herb

Is lovelier than the violet.

The Japanese violet, which possesses no fragrance, is << the meanest
flower that blows. " Basho evinces his love of lowly natural objects by j | f i ' '

singling it oat for mention. According to one commentator, however, the \ f\v ^ '

lines are metaphorical : — Bash5 having, to his joy, met a Buddhist ancho-
rite in the depths of the forest, compares him to the violet which shuns
the sunlight.

(76)

Yoku mireba

Nasuna haiia sakii
Kakine kana

(Basho)

On looking carefully, behold

The caseweed flowering near the fence !

Another example of his ^>preciation of humble natural objects;

320

Basfio mid tlu Japanese Epigram,

\ ;

ill)

Iza • saraba

Yuki-mi ni korohu
Tokoro made

(Basho)

Well then, we'll off to see the snow,
Far as we can without a tumble.

(78)
Hebi kuu to

Kikeba osaroshi
Kiji no koe

(Basho)

V \ When told that it will snakes devour,
How frightful is the pheasant's voice !

' This epigram lias l^ecome proverbial for l>eauty marred by miscondi

(79)
Oki-yo oki-yo

Waga tomo ni sen

Nurn kocho

1/ (l^h5)

Awake ! awake ! I'll make of thee

My comrade, sleeping butterfly.

(80)
Yagate shinii

Keshiki 2va miezu
Semi no koe

(Basha)
Nothing in the cicada's voice
Gives token of a speedy death.

This w.is Basho's parting word to one who visited him in his hut 1^-
Lake Biwa. The implied meaning seems to Ixj that human life is sho*"
and uncertain, despite present joy in scenes of l)eauty.

BashiK 5^1

(8i)

Tako-tsubo ya

Hakanaki yumc wo
Natsu no tsuki

(Basha)

As literally as a play upon words will permit (ttalsuy " summer, '' from
liich n/ixM, *' to do," is mentally supplied), this may be rendered, " Octopus
»t, aye ! and a brief dream while the summer moon [is shining]. " The . I i *

topus pot is an earthenwiire vessel with a \u^ opening, which is sunk . v^^ .

the sea. Hie octopus, deeming it a quiet retreat, crawls inside it, and
thus easily drawn up and caught. The creature's dream of happiness is |

ort. How dreamy, too, is its whole scarcely conscious existence ! Equal-
brief were the dream of one who should fidl asleep on a moonlit
{ht in summer, when the nights are at their shortest. There is an im-
ed comparison with the evanescence of human life : — maivhimself is
e a moonbeam, like a fleeTing dream, like a creature only half-,
nscious.

(82) . i

Omoshirote

Yagatc kanashiki f, C-

U'bune kana

(Basho)

Oh ! cormorant fishing-boat so gay,

And then again so melancholy !

I1ie cormorants start off gaily ; but their mirth is changed to melancholy
len the fish they have caught are forced from them by the fishermen
lo hold them in leash. This was composed in 1 688, on passing through
fo, which b still the locality where the curious method of fishing with
e aid of tame cormorants may best be witnessed. See <' Things Japa- f
se," s. v. ** Cormorant Fishing. "

(83)
Uki ware wo

Sabishigarase yo
Kanko'dori

(Basha)
Cuckoo ! for melancholy me
Oh ! make still deeper loneliness.

320

Baslw attd Hu Japanese Jif

(77)
iMa-saraba

Tckoro

.le Rasho was
/ourite disciples,
jncholya and of lei.**'
^en his l)est-loved fric:

\ ■>■

Well then, we'll ^ J'^'

Far as wc ca«' ^^^^^ ''' yokotau

(liasho)

^, and the Milky Way

{ 1^"^.^ across to Sado's isle.

f on the coast opfiosite Sado one starry night, whe «'
O'^^finxt^ ^^^ ^^^ the loneliness of his pilgrimage oppr^

(«5)

Hiya-hiya to

Kabc wo fumactc
Hiru-nc kana

Oh ! those siestas, with my feet
Tressed fearsomely against the wall !

(Risho)

'I^his verse and the next illustrate the poverty and simplicity of Rasli
mode of life So fragile is the mud wall of his hut that he fears to hn
throu}{h it when ])ressing against it with his feet.

(86)

Ik'ka viina

Tsue ni shiraga no
Ifaka-main

The household at the graves assembled,
White-haired, and leaning on their staves.

(Risho\

Kahslib. 323

^avci uf ancestors at stated intervals is an act of pitty pre-

ial custom. \Vc here sec a whole family of aged

lo honour to thase whom they themselves will soon

Id. The picture is more solemn than any other

(87)

Knnio ori-ori

Hito ivo yasumem
TsHki'tni kafia

(Basho)

"1 ! the moon-gazing where some douds
' *"om time to time repose the eye !

^Ki beauty is best appreciated when occasionally veiled.

(88)

Meigetsu ni

Hatui ka to mute
Wata-batake

(Basho)

n the br^ht moonlight what appeared
e flowers is a cotton field.

he Ibok for a grove of lovely cherry-blossom is Init a common
it «^ ^'^ X^iUutatioD after all. Unpo^icalas the fact is, he states it because

(89)

Yasu-yasu to

Idete isayon
Tsuki 710 ku9no

(Basho)
I clouds about the nKx>h, from Whence
fidtem fortk-scMicbonnair!-- • ^

322 Bashb and the Japanese Epigram,

Composed on a rainy day in early summer, while Basho was staying
at Saga near Kyoto, in the house of one of his favourite disciples. What
y he mjeaps to express is his_ love of a ^ei^tU melancholy^ and of lejsure for
communing with nature not intruded on by even his Jjest^loved^ friends,

(84)

Ara-umi ya

Sado ni yokotan
Ama-no-gawa

(Basli5)

A rough sea, and the Milky Way
Stretching across to Sado's isle.

Comix)sed on the coast opposite Sado one starry night, when the
waves were running high and the loneliness of his pilgrimage oppressed
his spirit.

(8s)
Hiya-hiya to

Kabe wo fmnaete
Iftnhne karta

Oh ! those siestas, with my feet
Pressed fearsomely against the wall !

(IVisho)

This verse and the next illustrate the poverty and simplicity of Basho*s
mode of life So fragile is the mud wall of his hut that he fears to break
through it when pressing against it with his feet.

(86)

Ik'ka viina

Tsue ni shiraga no
Haka-mairi

(Basho)
The household at the graves assembled,
White-haired, and leaning on their staves.

Kahslio. 323

1 u visit the gravei of ancestors at stated intervals is an act of pitty pre-
iljed by immemorial custom. We here sec a whole family of aged
rsons assembled to do honour to those whom they themselves will soon
low to the other world. The picture is more solenm than any other
it Hosbo has left us.

(87)

Knvw on-ori

HUo ivo yasumerti
TsHki-mi katut

(Basho)

Oh ! the moon-gazing where some <!loud.s
From time to time repose the eye !

Kven beauty is best appreciated when occasionally veiled.

(88)

Meigetsu ni

Hana ka to micU
Wata-batake

(Basho)

Jn the bright moonlight what appeared
Uke flowers is a cotton field.

liat he took for a grove of lovely cherry-blossom is but a common
^ plantation after all. Unpoetical as the fact is, he states it because
«- fact.

(89)

Yasu-yasu to

Idete isayon
Tsiiki no kumo

(Basho)
h ! clouds about the moon, from wTlence
he falters forth- so-dcbomiair'!--- x -

324 Bas/io and the Japanese Epigram.

(90)

Nagaki hi wo

Saeimri'tarann
Hibari kana

Oh ! skylark for whose carolling
The livelong day suffideth not !

(9>)
Hototogisu

Koe yokotau ya
Mizu no uc

Athwart the surface of the stream
There lieth stretched the cuckoo s voice.

(Basho)

llic first redaction of this epigram was IItto-ko€ no—K (^) ///
yokotau ya — Hototogisu, The translation is founded on both.

(92)

Hi no michi ya

Aoi katmnuku
Satsitki-a/ne

(Basho)

A rainy day in June, and yet

The sunflow'r bends to the sun's course.

(93)

Tsnku kane no

Hibihi yd nari
Semi no koe

Like to the booming, of a bell
When struck, is the cicadic's voice.

(Basho)

Bas/to.

(94)
ARsu-abura

Nakute nern yo ya
Mado no istiki

As, lacking oil, I lie abed

At night, the moon my window lights.

(95)
Kokono'tabi

Okite ma tsuki no
Nanatsu kana

Despite that I have nine tii>ies risen,
Tis but the fourth hour by the moon.

325

(Basho)

In Japanese, the « seventh'' hour, their seven o clock (old style) cor-
x>nduig appfoximateljr to our 4 A. M. (see ^ Things Japanese, " s. v.
ime ")r The poet has risen repeatedly to gaze at the beauteoas moon,

still the dawn oomes not.

(96)

Mngi-vieshi ni

Yatsururu koi ka
Neko no tsuma

(Basho)

Is it hard fare, or is it love

That makes the cat's goodwife so lean ?

The term mugi-meshi^ here translated <* hard fare, *' in order the I)etter

indicate the sense of the verse, is literally " rice mixed with

ley. " This dish is considered poor eating as compared with rice pure

I simple, and is therefore often resorted to by the lower classes for

nomy^s sake*

> ■■,

3 26 Bashd aud i/ujapam'se Efiigram.

(97)
Momiji fit wa

Taga os/ue-keru

Sake no kan

(Kikaku, 1661-1707)

Who was it taught the maple-leaves

To heat the liquor in the bottle ? '

'Ilie allusion is to an old Chinese story — acted in another fonn on the

Japanese stage — in which a fire is made of maple-ledves or twigs, to heal

\ the sake for a carousal. It is related of this poet that at poetry meetings

he was often drowsy from drink, but would wake suddenly and compose

better verses than any of his competitors.

(98)

Ume ga ka ya

Tofuiri wa Ogjiu
Soemon -

(Kikaku)

This more resembles an epigram, in the colloquial sens6 of that tenn,
tlian any other of the Japanese " epigrams" quoted in the present collection.
Kikaku, though afterwards famous as one of the ** Ten Wits," was a mere
lad when he composed it. He happened to live next door to no less a
personage than the Confucianist OgyO Sorai (Soemon), the Dr. Johnson of his
age and country. Most dwellers in a land where the proprieties, and above
all erudition, were so highly honoured, would have trembled in his pres-
ence. Kikaku merely indited the above impertinent verse, which says
that ** The perftmie of the plum-blossom (i.e. estheticism, as represented by
himself) has for its neighbour one ()gyu Soemon. " Tlie poetical diction
of the first line, and the flat prose of the rest form a witty, but untransla-
table, contrast. ...

(99)

Yari-kiirete

Mata ya sauiushiro
Toshi fio hire

(Kikaku)

Bashos School,

327

For all my contriving, here I am again at the end of
the year with [nothing but] my strip of matting.

This poet's wild Bohemian life often caused him to l)e out-at-
elbows.

(100)

Kiraretani

Yume wa makoto ka
Nomi fio ato

(Kikaku)

Is my dream true ? Am I cut down ?
Or was I bitten by a flea ?

(10.)

Nikumarde

Nagaroru hito
Fuyu no hai

A man who is disliked, and who
Lives to old age, — ^a winter fly.

I)isagreeal)le folks live longest.

(102)

Yu-suzumi

Yokti zo otoko fit
Umare-ketm

Taking the cool at eve, I do
Rejoice that I was born a man.

(Kikaku)

Because men are^— and more especially were in Old Japan — allowed
much greater freedom in th^ matter of nigUgi garments than is permitted
to the other sex.

328 Baslio and the Japanese lipigravi,

(«03)
Gwanjitsu ya

Harete siizume no
Mono-gatari

(Ransetsu, 1654-1707)
Aye ! New Year's day, with a clear sky,
And conversation among the sparrows !

Rasho declared that, as an epigram for New Year's day, this could
not be improved upon, and modern critics eDdorse his judgment. Re-
member that the Japanese New Year, till the reform of the calendar in
1873, generally fell about the middle of February, when spring is really
in view. We in England place the birds' wedding on St. Valentine's
I>ay, 14th February.

(104)

Ume ichi-rin

Ichi-rin hodo fio
Atatakasa

(Ransetsu)
[Slowly] it mildens, as the plum
[Ventureth forth,] blossom by blossom.

The plum-blossom is the earliest of all the flowers of spring, coming
out, in fact, while the snow is still on the ground. — For hotfo, some read

Zll/Sll,

(105)

Hana ni kaze

Karoku kite fnke
Sake no awa

(Ransetsu)
Come, breeze, and lightly blow upon
The flowers, — ^bubbles in the wine !

Apjxirently the poet's request to the zephyr is that it shall at the
same time gently move the blossoms so as to spread their fragranoe, and
waft to the other side of the cup the liubbles of the wine which he is
drinking.

Basftd*s School. -, 329

(106)

Hyaku-giku soroe-keru ni:

On a chrysanthemum show (literally, on a hundred
Krysanthemums assembled).

Ki'giku shira-gikn

Sono hoka no tui wa
Nakti mogana

(Ransetsu)
Yellow chrysanthemums, white chrysanthemums ; —
Would there were no more names than these !

This verse, though irregular in metre, is considered a perfect specimen
)f the epigrammatic style. Japanese gardeners, like our own, bestow some
ancifnl name on every artificial variety of flower produced by their art.
rhe poet, impatient of these, wishes that there should be no other
lames — perhaps no other flowers — than the natural white and yellow.

(107)

Kiku sakeri

Cho kite asobc
EnogU'Zara

(Ransetsu)
The asters bloom. Come butterflies,
And dally o'er the colour dish !

The exigencies of metre must be our excuse for writing << asters '' in-
tead of « chrysanthemums. ** These flowers are here likened to a painter's
Kilette.

(108)

Junrei ni

Uchi'inajiri-ytihi
Ki'gan kana

(Ransetsu)
Behold the wfld-geese wending homeward,
Mingled with the pilgrim bands !

330

Bas/to and the Japanese Epigram.

V-

A picture of two simultaneous processions, — the homeward-bound
pilgrims on solid earth, and the wild-geese in the sky above .them. The
flights of wild-geese — northward in spring, southward in autumn — are among
the most characteristic sights of the Japanese landscape. ^;

(109)

Omoshiro

Fuji ni sujikan
Ham-no kana

(Ransetsu)

Oh ! flowery moor, stretching athwart
Mount Fuji's slope so pleasantly!

The luxuriance of the wild-flowers on Fuji's lower slope— especially on
the western and southern sides — in the month of August, is astonishing.

(MO)

Sliiri'bito ni

Awaji awaji to
Hana-mi kana

(Kyorai, 1651-1704)

No friends, oh ! let me meet no friends

When I am gazing at the flowers !

(in)

Nani'goto so

Nana viiru hito no
Naga-gatana

A sabre ! what has such to do

On one who comes to view the flowers ?

(Kyorai)

Ikcause esthetics and war agree ill together.

Baslios School, 331

(112)

Kokoro naki

Daikivanjo ya
Hototogisu

(Kyorai)
The heartless Government OflRce, — ^ay ! and the cuckoo.

A hiimnmiis juxtftpnsitinn of in^on|Truiti^s.

(I '3)
Isogaski ya

Oki no shigure no
Ma-lio kata-ho

(Kyorai)
What haste ! a shower in the oflRng,

And sails set straight, and sails set slant.

A vignette ('f a fleet of junks caught in a sudden squalL The sailors
shown running hither and thither, and trimming the sails, now to set
ir craft running before the wind, and anon to put her on the port or
board tack.

(114)

Tsuki-vd sen

Fushimi no skiro no
Sute-gurtiwa

(Kyorai)

I will contemplate from Fushimi's

Abandoned castle^grounds the moon.

Fushimi near Kyoto was the site of Hideyoshi's great castle palace of
moyama, the most splendid edifice ever reared on Japanese soil. It was
en over to the flames soon after its builder's death.

(nS)
Vu-gnn ya

Hage-narabitani
Kuffio no mine

(Kyorai)
Tis evening, and in .serried file

Stand the bare pinnacles of cloud.

332 Basho ixjtd the Japanese Epigram,

(116)

Uki tomo m

Kantarete neko no
y Sora tiagafne

V:' = (Kyorai)

Bit by a sorry mate, the cat

Intently gazes at the sky.

Crossed in love, the tom-cat gazes sentimentally at the firmament.

("7)
Ikn-tari ka
\ Sliignre kake-nuku

Seta no liashi

(J5s5, 1 663-1 704)

How many may be hurrying through

The drizzle on the Bridge of Seta ?

The immensely long Bridge of Seta, near Lake Biwa, is a favourite
theme with the poets and artists of Japan. Here its length b suggested
by the mention of a countless multitude.

(118)

No nw yaiPta mo

Yuki ni torarete
Nani mo nashi

G^so)

Nothing remaineth ; for the snow
Hath blotted out both moor and hill.

0/9)
Kitsutmki no

Kare-ki sagasu ya
Hana no ttaka

What ! mid the flowers tlie woodpecker
Is seeking out a withered tree.

(Joso)

Highly unesthctic of the bird to neglect the blossoms aDd prefer a

withered trunk.

BasMs SckaaL m

(120)

Nuke-gara m

NlaraMe shinuru
Aki no setm

(Joso)

In autumn a cicada dead
Beside die shell that it cast off.

Antninn, a cicadaS cast-oflT shell, even the cicada itself dead, — a set of
aiy images typical of the nothingness of human fate.

AKna-soko no

Iwa ni ochi'tsuku
Ko no ha kana

((.

(J6so) , (,

Behold the leaf that sinks and clings
Below the water to a rock !

Thej)bsgryation of a liny fiict in nature. So is the next ; for any if

*fu\ eye will have noted tiie ami^ingly knowing look on the face of
jck when raising its head after a dive.

(122)

Alina-s&io wo

MUe kUa kao no
. Ko-ganto kana

(Joso)
The teal, with face fresh from the sight
Of what below the water lies.

(123)
Kyu no ten

Hinu ma vio samushi
Ham no kasi

(Kyoroku, died 1715)
iterally, ** Cold, too, is the interval before the moxa
dots dry, — ^spring breeze."

i I*'-

334 Bashb and tlie Japanese Epigram.

This verse is here quoted liecause it refers to a curious custom, for
which see ** Things Japanese, '* s.v. *< Moxa, "" adding to the account there
given the following particulars : — ^The usual plan is for the patients to
disrobe to the waist, before the chief practitioner — often a Buddhist priest,
as the scene, too, is often a Buddhist temple — marks in sepia on their
persons the spots that are to be treated.. They then remove to another
apartment, round which they squat in a line, while the priest's disciple
or acolyte goes from one to another applying the cautery to each in
turn, one dot at a time, so that if a patient has several spots to be burnt,
there is at least an interval between the steps of his torture. It is of
course a chilly process from beginning to end, as the patient has to sit
half-naked.

(124)

Kata-eda ni

Myaku ya kayoite
JJjne no liana

(Shiko, 1665-1731)
Plum-blossoms ! is it that the sap
Still courses through that single branch ?

The subject of this epigram was doubtless a plum-tree, all whose
branches save one were dead.

(125)

Shira-kuvio ya

Kakine wo watarti
Yuri no liana

(Shiko)
Oh ! the white clouds ! nay, rather blossoms,—
Lilies that bend across the fence.

The poet likens his ncigh1x)ur's lilies to white clouds.

(126)

Uki koi ni

Taete ya neko no
Nusumi-gui

(Shiko)

Bas/tos School. 335

Weary perhaps of dolorous love,
The cat has stol'ii a bit to eat.

(127)

Neko no koi

S/tote karanaite
Aware nari ^

(Yaha, 1663- 1740)
A cat's amours : — from the beginning
He caterwauls ; he's tp be pitied.

(128)

Clioinatsu ga

Oya no na de kuni
Gyokci kana

(Yaha)

Lo ! Johnny, in his father^s name,
Come to present congratulations !

Namely, on New Year's Day. Aeba Koson singles out this verse for praise,
pictures to us the self-importance of the little fellow, dressed in
i best and charged with so ceremonious a mission.

(129) ;

. Haki'Soji

Shite kara tsubaki
Chiri ni keri

(Yaha)

After I've swept and tidied up,
Adown fall some camellias.

He has been getting his villa ready for a poetry meeting; but when
seemed finished, some camellias suddenly tumble from thei stalks on to
t garden path, and make the place look untidy. This peculiarity of the
mellia is referred to by several poets; — , for instance in No. 169*

336 Bashb and the Japanese Epigram,

(130)

Uguisu ya

l-^

Kado wa iaina-tama

KJ^'

Tofti'Uri

(Yaha)
The nightingale and, at the gate,
The unexpected bean-curd vendor.

The advent of the petty tradesman just as the nightingale is singing
makes a humorous contrast.

(131)

Yuku kumo wo

Nete ite mini ya
Natsu'ZasJuki

(Yaha)
A summer room where, lying down,
I see the clouds as they go past.

The poet, taking his siesta on a July afternoon, watches the clouds
float lazily across the sky.

(132)

Yake fii keri

Saredoino hana wa •
C/dri-sufnashi

(Hokushi, died 17 18.)
I am burnt out. Nevertheless^
The flowVs have duly bloom'd and faded.

The first Tpe of the English rendering is absolutely literal, including
the prosaic work << nevertheless. " The words corresponding to the second
line say literally no more than that " The flowers^have fallen unconcerned-
ly ; " but the sense is as here given. The story goes that Hokushi's house
having been burnt down one day, his friends flocked to present their
condolences. But he, like a true Bohemian, only laughed, and sent^them
away with this epigram. Its gist is that so trifling a matter, which did
not interfere with the course of nature, was not worth a aecond thooght.

Bashos School. 337

(133)
Meigetsu ya

Yd akuru khva mo
Nakari'keri

(Etsujin, dates uncertain.)

A brilliant moon ! there was no marge »

Betwixt it and the dawn of day. \ '

On such nights, the brightness of moonlight passes into the brightness
of sunlight without our being able to tell where night ends and day
begins.

(134)

Avie no tsuki

Doko to mo fiashi m
Usu-akari

(Etsujin)

A rainy moon, and everywhere

Alike a &int irradiation.

The poet's theme is that universal pale light, coming none can tell
whence, which sufiuses the sky on a night which ought to be moonlit,
but is rainy.

('35)
Yafna-dera ni

Kome tsuktt oto no
Tsuki-yo kana

(Etsujin)

Oh ! moonlight, wth the sound of rice

A-pounding in the mountain temple !

Moonlight nights axe often availed of by thrifty householders for
pounding rice. |

(136)

•Eri-maki ni

Kubi hiki'iretc
Fuyu no tsuki

(Sugiyama Sampu, 1 648-1 733)

33^ Basho and tht Japanese .Epigram.

Moonlight in winter, and I draw
My neck within my comforter.

The substitution of this homely detail for the conventional raptures
on the moon pro<luces a liumprous effect.

' (U7) \ •/.

Ko ya matan '

Amari hibari no
Taka-agari

(Sugiyama Sampu)
Oh ! how its young ones must be waiting, —
For all too high ascends the lark I -

(«38)
^ Shigure-keri

i Hasfuri'iri'keri

\ * . - •

V Hare ni keri

'^\ (Izembo, died 1710.)

A shower canie, and so I came
Running indoors ; then blue sky came.

Bom rich, this poet despised wealth, and si)enl his time strolling
about in tattered peasant's garb, reciting verses. His diction was eccentric
too, si^ecially affecting the repetition of some single word.

(139)

Omofasa no

Yuki haracdonio
Haraedovio

(Izembo)
Oh ! what a heavy weight of snow,
Sweep as you may, sweep as you may !

These words are not to be taken literally.' The ix)et sent them to
his daughter as an epigram on worldly vanities.

• ' ' Baskos ScUooL . 339^

(140)

Kami-sort ya

Ichi-ya ni sabitc
Satsuki-ame

(Hancho, dates uncertain.)

My razor, in a single night, . .

Is rusted by tlie rains of June.

(141)

Yo Jio luika wa

Sckirei no o no
Hima mo nashi

(Hancho)

The movement of the world of men

Is ceaseless as the wagtairs tail.

The bad. assopance of « wagtaiPs tail " docs not disfigure the original
l*anesc.

(142) . .

Iza sakiira

Ouwi'tatsu hi wa
Kut9iorti to mo

(Ryoto, 1660-1717)

Off to the cherry-flowVs ! the day

Was fix*d ;-'«nd what, though it be cloudy ?

(143)
Waga nari nw

Aware ni miynrii
Kare-no kana

(Chigetsu-ni, 1634-1706)

Alas ! the withered moor, whereon

My figure., too, looks pitiful.

^ST^is poetess had become a nun after hcc husband's^ death : — hence the
r^g^rison between the desolate autumn moor and her own poor garb.
^ she and her son Osshu were pupils of Basho. THey belonged to the
- 3iwa school pfoperl^ so-called, being bom at Otsu on its shores.

<."

340 Basliio and the Japanese Epigram.

(144)

Mugi'Wara no
V le shite yaran

Ania-gaeru
\^ (Chigetsu-ni)

ril take some barley straw and make
A house for you, little green frog !

"Green frog" is in Japanese literally, "nun frog," so that the bond
between the poetess and her fratigi was one of name as well as of
kindliness.

Cms)

Kore de koso

Inochi oslukere
Sakura-bana

(Chigetsu-nl)
The cherry-flowVs ! for them alone
Is It that life is dear to me.

(146)

Um yama no

Tori ftaki-tatsum
Ftibiiki kana

(Ch^etsu-ni)
Oh ! snowstorm, at whose blast the birds
Begin to cry o'er sea and hill !

(147)

Neti itU

Fuyti kara tsubomu
Tsubaki kana

(Kyokusui, died 1720.)
How carefully begin to bud
In winter the camellia-trees I

The buds of the camellia are smgnlarly long ut fotmiag.

Bashos School. 341

(148)

Yudachi ya

Clue sama-zania no
Kaburi'iPiono

(Otsuyu, died 1739.)
A show'r, and skill of every sort
In things to put upon the head.

A vignette of people caught in the rain :— one bethinks him perhaps
bis fan, another shelters his head with his long pendent sleeve, etc.,
This_ verse, familiar to all Japanese, excellently iUostrates the light
gi^hic_ touMCh proper" loThe epigram.

(H9)
Hate tua mina

Ogi no hone ya
Aki no kaze

All come at last to be a fan's

Old sticks when blows the autumn breeze.

(Otsuyu)

We all grow old, as a fan does, which is in constant request during
summer heat, but gets torn and is reduced to little but its sticks by
time the autumn breeze begins to blow. The Japanese talk, not of the

icks, " but of the <* bones '* of a fan, which makes the comparison of a

1 old man to a dilapidated fan still more natural.

(ISO)
Nani tori no

Kono ato naku zo
Hototogisii

(Otsuyu)
He was the cuckoo. Say what other
Bird may sing now he is gone.

Such is the sense, though, literally translated, the words are only,
'Vhat bird will sing indeed after this? — cuckoo!" This was an elegy

I '■'"V '

r /

342

Basho find tite Japanese Epigram.

on the poet Ryoto, head of the Ise school. It was considered so
beautiful that the headship of the school was forthwith bestowed upon
its composer.

050
Mikasuki ni

Fuka no ataina wo

Kakushi'keri

(Shido, dates uncertain.)

There, by the crescent moon, the shark

Has hid his head [beneath the wave].

LATER EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

052)

. Haka-bara ya

Aki no hotam no
Futatsu initsu

(Edo-za School)

A cemetery

And autumn fireflies two or three.

This was a true ** cpipam, " being an inscription on the picture of a
skeleton. Fireflies chiefly haunt dark and lonely places : — hence their men-
tion in the present context.

(•S3)
Asa-shivw ya

Tsue de e-gakishi

Fuji 710 yama

{. ' . (Edo-za School)

The morning hoar-frost, and Mount Fuji

Drawn on it with my walking-stick.

(«54)
Hana ga iu

Shibai mite hmi

Hito nikttshi

(Josen, died 17 15.)

The blossoms say, " We hate the folks

' Who come here from the theatre. "

344 Baslio and the Japanese Epigram.

A rmitra-stjyiwcpn nnt^^nnd^tly Philistinism of artificial amusements.
Remember 'that in Old Japan so strong a taint of vulgarity attaciiea^o
the drama that no Samurai ever entered a playhouse, — at any rate openly.

(155)

Miski yume no

Samete mo iro no
Kakitsubata

(Shushiki, 1683-1728)

yV The dream I dreamt has faded, but

(^ ' ^ ( The iris keeps its colours yet.

(1/' That is, though I die, the world remains. — ^The poetess's death song.

(«56)

Aril hodo no

Date shi-tsukushite
Kami'ko kana

(Sono-Jo, 1 665- 1 726)

Who carried foppery to extremes

\ Alas ! now wears a paper coat.

The miserable end of empty-headedness and extravagance.

(157)

Ota ko ni

Kami naburaruni
Atsusa kana

(Sono-Jo)

Such heat that, when the child I bear

/ Upon my back plays with my hair,

A picture of intense summer heat,/ which the slightest touch of another
makes unendurable.

(158)

Nui-mono ya

Ki mo sede yogosu
Satsuki-ame

(Anonymous)

.-^^

Later Eighteenth Century. 345

Embroideries not e'en yet worn
Are tarnished by the rains of June.

(•59)
MonO'Sugo ya

Ara oinoshiro no

Kaeri'bana

(Onitsura, 1 661-1738)
Uncanny and yet pleasing arc
These flow'rs that blossom out of time.

This poet has a great repatation, tome going so far as to assert that
he unites the excellencies of all the schools. Bash5 and he knew and
respected each other, and Onitsura arrived independently at very much the
same conclusions as Basho did. As early as 1685, he wrote: *< Apart from
truth, no poetry. All the rules hitherto obeyed lack reality. Truth must
ever be the aim, though if one were to follow truth slavishly, something

aJien to truth would result Though^ the jwords may be shallow, the

sense must be deep Consider not whether a style he antique or

moderhl^^^^tlTc" modem will become old ; the old is ever new." — Onitsura
was evidently a vigorous thinker and a sane critic. Pity that fate had not
given him a wider field to work in. That he really penetrate below the
surface of things to the lacrima rerum, is shown by such epigrams as
Nos. i62>i64, while No. 160 displays his delicate sense of humour.

(160)

Natsu tva mata

Fuyu ga masfu ja to
Iwarekeri

(Onitsura)
And in the summer, folks opined
That winter was to be preferred.

(.61)

Nyoppori to

Aki no sora nam
Fuji no yama

(Onitsura)

346 Basho and tlu Japanese Epigram.

Without a word of warning, there,
In th* autumn sky, Mount Fuji stands.

(162)

Gaikotsu no

Uc wa yosotc
Hana-mi kana

(Onitsura)

Oh ! flower-gazers, who have decked
The surface of their skeletons !

This was composed on seeing some magnificently dressed ladies and

gentlemen gazing at the blossoms.

('63)

Mata hitofsu

Hana ni tsufc-yuku
Inochi kana

(Onitsura)

^ Together with one blossom more,

Oh ! life, thou goest on thy way.

This was composed on seeing some falling blossoms.

(164)

Saku kara ni

Mini kara ni hana no
Chiru kara ni

(Onitsura)
They blossom forth, and so I gaze.
And so these flowers fade, and so

Composed on seeing some luxuriantly blossoming flowers. The world
is a roundjof perpetual change, and all phenomena are evanescent.

('65)

Oi no aki

Ake mutsu ivo kiku
Omoshirosa

(Rita, died 1755.)

Later Eighteenth Century, 347

The old man's autumn, who with joy , ,

Hears the six strokes that tell the dawn.

Old people who, sleeping little, weary for the daylight, rejoice when
: stroke of six on the temple l)cll announces that morning has at length
ne after the long autumn night. There is an implied comparison of old
: to ^he autumn season.

('66)

Hana no yumc

Kikitaki cho ni
Koe mo nashi

(Reikan, dates uncertain.)
It has no voice, — the butterfly,
Whose dream of flowVs I fain would learn.

Suggested by~a l)utterfly asleep upon a blossom. But the " !)utterfly*s
am of flowers '* was already mentioned in ancient times l)y the mysti-
Chinese philosopher Chwang Tzu.

(167)

Sendo no

Kenkwa wa sunde
Kccivazu kana

(Yuya, dates uncertain.)
And when the boatmen have made up ^

Their quarrel, oh ! then 'tis the frogs.

Noise succeeding to noise.

(168)

Toniarite mo

Tstibasa loa ugoku
Koc/id kana

(Ryubai, dates uncertain.)
Oh ! little butterfly, with wings
Still moving even when it lights !

fl V

348 Basho and tlie Japanese Epigram.

(•69)
Chiru made mo

.' ^ , 0 Chiranu kes/iiki wo

Tsubaki kana
y\ '* (Shosei, dates uncertain.)

Oh! the camellia, which ne'er
Appears Hke dropping till it drops.

An instanQfi_^ jniiiute observation : — the blossom of the camellia,
without withering, is apt to startle one by suddenly falling to the
ground. The Japanese sometimes, therefore, compare it to a deC24>itated
head.

(170)

Hyaku-nari ya

Tsurn ftito-suji no
Kokoro yori

(Chiyo, 1703-1775)

I'his is a poetical rendering of the Buddhist text A ft P|l -^ ^ Iti^
«* myriad devices simply one heart, " which means that one intention wil-
manifest itself in innumeral)le fonns, one misconception will lead to inl
numerable errors, etc., etc. A text of kindred import, which the poetess perhaps
had in mind, is Rifi* — ^H^ to be freely paraphrased as " Religion is
one, forms are many." This difficult epigram is here given on account of its

i celebrity, and also because it is typical of a class. In the impossibility of

translating it literally, the following must suffice as an appfoximation : —

X-> \ A hundred tendrih>, yea! and all

^\ From the same vine that is their heart.

Another reading for hyaku-tiari is sen-fuin, the name of a species of
climbing gourd or calabash, which is commonly* grown on a trellis to
support the quantities of pendent fruit.

(«7i)
Hini'gao ya

Dochira no tsuyu mo

^ Ma ni mvazu

(Yokoi Yayu, 1 702-1 783)

Lakr Eighteenth Centtiry. 349

Alas ! the noon convolvulus,
That neither dew may aught avail !

The asa-gao (lit. " morning face, " called in America the '* morning
ry," in England ** convolvulus") is washed by the morning dew ; similarly
■ y^'gtio (lit. " evening face ") by the dews of eve. But what of the
u-gao (** midday face ") ? What can it rely on for its refreshment ?

(172)

Yanta-dera no

Yo-ake ya kane ni
Cltim karasu

A temple on a hill, whose bell
At break of day startles the rooks.

(173)
Bake- mono 710

Shdtai initari

Kare-obana

(Yokoi Yayu)

I've seen the bogie's veritable
Shape : — ^it*s merely withered grass.

I had taken it for a goblin, and lo ! it was nothing but a clump of
t eulalia grass which grows man-high on the Japanese hill-sides, with
nds that look like beckoning hands. — This epigram, originally aimpe at
eacher whose great reputation did not maintain itself on closer ac-
lintance, has l)ecome proverbial for disenchantineut.

(174)

Mijika-yo ya

Ware ni wa nagaki
Ytimc samenu

(Yokoi Yayu)
Is life then short ? This dream of mine '

Seems long enough that now has faded.

The poet's death song.

■'' (

3SO

Bas/id a^id the Japanese Epigram,

(175)

Ugtiisu ya

Kanai sorotc
Mcshi'jibun

(Buson, 1716-1783)
The nightingale and — dinner-time,
With the whole family assembled.

A humorous contrast of the esthetic and the commonplace.

(•76)"
Kwaikyu

(Memories of the Past)

Osoki hi no

Tsuinorite toki
Mukashi katta

(Buson)

Oh ! distant past, made up of slow
But ever accumulating days !

{^77)
Soko-soko ni

Kyo vii'Sugoshinu
Tanishi'iiri

(Buson)

The snail-man, hurrying along,
Saw not the city which he traversed.

Others come to gaze at the metropolis. The poor vendor of edible
snails hurries along without seeing its wonders, and then trudges home
again, — a lecture of the hard life of the poor.

(178)

Ika-Jiobori

Kim no sora no
Ari'dokoro

(Buson)

Later Eighteenth Century, 351

kite flies in the self-same spot
cy where yesterday it flew.

these lines mean nothing more than that the kite is l)eing
r where it was flown yesterday, they have olitained great praise
2 of combined ingenuity and simplicity.

(179)

Ham-savie ya

Motio-gatari-yuku
A'lino to kasa

(Buson) ^ ^^
owV in spring, where an umbrella
rain-coat walk along conversing.

>rous sketch this of two pedestrians, of whom the spectator,
m probably from behind, sees nothing hvX their outer pro-
nst the weather.

(180)

Uznmi-bi ya

Tsui ni 7ua niem
Nabe no mono

(Buson)
smothered coals and, at long last,
gruel simmering in the pot.

e see pourtrayed some recluse sitting up on a winter's night
er, at which with difficulty he cooks his simple meal. The
-e the prominence given to the word toHmi-bii << ash-smothered

(181)

Uguisu no

Koe toki hi mo
Kure ni keri

(Buson)
I is the long spring day, wherein
nightingale did sing afar.

/ >..c

.»\'

352 Basho and the Japanese Epigram.

(182)/:;

Machi-bito not -
Ashi'Oto tbki
Ochi'ba kana

(Buson)

How distant on the fallen leaves
His footstep sounds for whom I wait !

(183)

Mizn'tori ya

Kare-ki no naka ni
Kago ni'chd

r (Buson)

Some water-fowl, and ij^»the niidst

Of withered trees two p^anc^ms:

Fourteen pages of discussion ai^'devbted in the oommentary to this
thumb -nail sketch of a desolate sceiueV- Was there any one in the palan-
quins? Were they run-away lovers? Were the bearers thj^^ or had
t/ifY run away ? Is the scene laid on the border of a marsh r ^c, &c.

(184)

Fugti'jiru no

Ware ikite iru
Ne-zame kana

(Buson)

Pokon-fish soup last night, yet lo !
I wake to find myself alive.

The fugti is a delicious, yet often highly poisonous, fish of the gemis
Tetrodon, whence a proverbial saying to which this epigram makes allu-
sion : Fitgu 7va kuitashi, itwchi wa oshishi, *• I want to eat poison-fish, yet
I grudge my life."

(185)

Ha7ia ni yote

Kacrusa nikushi
Shira-byoshi

(Buson)

Later Eighteenth Century, 353 \

The flow'rs have made mc drunk : — I loathe j ^ ', - (

The singing-girls on my way home.

TTie idea is closely similar to that of Ko. 154: — natural^ hcautyjiis-
gusts one with meretricious charra.s (and in this case the word " mere-
triciouft " may he taken in its literal sense).

(186)

Hana ni kite

Hana 7ii inevipf.u

Itoina kana

(Buson)
Coming to see the flow'rs, I sleep

Beneath the flowers, being free.

The commentators praise the 4eli .ate esthetic feeling here displayed
by the poet, who, instead of vulgarly profitii^ by every moment of time
to gaze at the blossoms, contrariwise rested and wasted some of it, as he
had the leisure ; for thus may beauty penetrate more deeply into the
soul.

(187)

Ara musnkashi no kana-zukai ya na / Jigi ni gai
arasumba, aa niama yo /

Ume sakinu

Dore ga imime yara
Ume ja yara

(Buson)

** Oh ! what a hard thing is orthography ! If there be no injury to the
sense, let us spell as we like !" — After these introductory words in prose,
the poem goes on to say literally: "Tlie plum-tree is in blossom. Which
[blossoms] are mtwu, and which ume ? " (Different ways of spelling the
Japane^ word signifying " plum-blossom. ") We are reminded of the
saying, "The rose by any other name would smell as sweet." Japanese
spelling, after centuries of neglect, was beginning to l)e discussed and
correctness insisted on in Buson 's time, which, curiously enough, synchronised
with the period when Dr. Johnson fixed our own English orthography.

354 Baslto and the Japanese Epigram,

(188)

Samidare ya

Aril yo hisoka ni
Matsu no tsuki

(Ryota, 1 7 19-1787)
In the June rains, as if by stealth,
One night the moon shines through the pines.

Ryota, the third head of the . Setsumon School and author of no less
than sixty works, was one of the most famous of the eighteenth century
revivalists. The epigram here quoted has the honour of being the only
one that ever attracted Chinese notice, and was paraphrased into that
language. The paraphrase is as follows: —

Ax^sft aiffttHK i»iii»ti«^ «i$ite«

i.e. literally, " 'Tis midsummer, and my grass hut is dreary ; every evening I fall
asleep to the sound of rain. Suddenly the moon hangs [in the sky]; and
the shadow of the pine-tree falls on my. garden."

(>89)
Meigetsu ya

Uvtare-kawaraba

Mine no vtatsn

(Ryota)

Oh! moon, if born again, Td be

A pine-tree on a mountain peak.

In order to be. the first to behold the moon rise. Remember that, to
the Japanese, the moon is the loveliest of all y^a«^«i«^> 9bjcc>s **^^'*^Ty jind
incomparable. No sunset, no rainbow, ho stars of heaven share her praise
here, as they do in Western lands.

(190)

Roku'givatsu ya

itam tokoro mina
Yu no nagare

(Ranko, 1 728-1 799)
'Tis July, and on every side
Nothing but rivers of hot water.

Later Eighteenth Century, 3JS;

This wi^ (composed at the sulphur baths of Kusatsu, the strongest
and among 1)^^ hottest in the world. See Murray's " Japan I landbook "
for a description of the curious method of lathing under a quasi-military
discipline whiol; is there pursued.

('90
Aka-aka to

Shitfio kori'kcri
Soba no kuki

To ice all crimson red has frozen
The rime upon the buckwheat stems.

(Ranko)

This is one of the numerous class of epigrams testifying to ol)serva-
t ion of minute facts in nature: — the thin crimson stems of the buckwheat
may be seen cased in ice on some day or other almost every winter, at
least in the uplands.

Kare-ashi no , ,

Hi ni hi ni orete

Nagare-keri

(Ranko)

The withered reeds, that day by day
Break off, are floated down the stream.

(193)
Mutsti Dono no

Suzumi'dai nari
Chi'Matsushima

(Gydtai, 1731-179O
On Matsushima s thousand isles
The Lord of Mutsu takes the cool.

Mutsu is the name of the province off whose coast lies the little
pioe-clad archipelago of Matsushima, famous for its beauty.

,i'

356 Basho and tlu Japanese Epigrant.

(^94)
Ama tsHtau

Hoshi no hikari ya

Naku cJudori

(Gyotai)

Where shine the stars that wend along

The heav'ns, there doth the sea-gull cry.

This is to be interpreted allegorically. The poet — a mere wandering
Samurai — had been summoned to the Court of Kyoto. Accordingly he likens
himself to a sea-gull, — a common, worthless l)ird, — and his new surround-
ings to the glorious starry vault.

(195)

UguisH wo

Modosu-}ia ume ni
Kakine shite

(Shird, 1 736-1 8 1 2)
Around the plum-flow*rs make a fence,
To stay the nightingale*s return.

A nightingale had actually come and perched upon a plum-tree in
the ix)el's garden. He would fain resort to violence to prevent its flying
home.

(196)

Inciznuia ya
i ' ^j litsujin to ni-ji

■ A ^ Kaku ma tiaki

(Etsujin, 1760-1836.)

A flash of lightning, and no time
To write the one word *' Etsujin. "

Tlie i)oint of this epigram lies in the extreme simplicity of the
characters with which the name " Etsujin " is MTitten, namely Q \
which any one could dash off in am instant of time. — This poet is to be
distinguished from his namesake (one of the " Ten Wits," sc^ pp. 296
and 337), whose name is written j^ J^.

Later Eighteenth Century, 35 7

(297)
Ware to kite

Asobe ya oya no / *'

Nai siizufne

(Issa, 1 763-1 827)
You little sparrows left without
A mother, come and play with me.

This is said to have been composed by Issa at the age of Hve, when
3 had just lost his own mother.

(198)

Nan no sono

Hyaku-man-gokti mo
Sasa fio tsuyu

(Issa)
What then? what are his million bales?
M^sne dewdrops on the bamboo grass.

The circumstances under which this ver^ was composed may serve
» illustrate the oddity and independence of spirit which characterised,
>t this poet only, but many of his brother epigrammatists. The I^rd

Kaga, richest of all the Daimyos, whose revenue was assessed at a
illion bales of rice, summoned Issa to his presence one day ; but the
tier refused to go. Thereupon, the Daimyo despatched his henchman
ith a gold-lacquered box containing His Highnesses album, to request the
vour of Issa^s autograph. This, like^%'ise, Issa at Hrst refused ; but being

length over*peffiuaded,. he took his own cheap broken ink-slab, moistened
te Indian ink stick with his saliva, and penned a line of poetry as
iquired. " If you don*t like it, you can tear it up," said he, on being
•monstrated with for his rudeness. The Daimyo, by no means displeased,
nt him ten gold coins in acknowledgment ; but Issa could only with
ifficulty be persuade to keep three shillings, the amount of his rent.
aXtx on, the D&imy5 presented him with a beautiful sandal-wood ink-box ;
at Issa was so much wearied by the visitors who flocked to gaze at it
lat he handed it over gratis to a cUrio-dealer, who took it to Yedo and
3ld it for several hundred dollars. Issa, himself absolutely indifferent to
ioney, composed the above epigram as a vent to his feelings on the

3 5 8 Baslto and the Japanese Epigram,

occasion. While his philosophy was strictly practical, his cppn^ssion ^or
all^ living jytjatures was so profound that he demurred even to killings a
flea. I lis style, though it could rise into the classical on an occasic'n,
was for the most {)art colloc[uial, as in No. 200.

(199)

Yase-kawazii

Makerti'tia Issa
Kore ni art

(Issa/)

Emaciated frog ! be not
Worsted in fight : — Issa is here.

(200)

Yard nakii-tia

Sore Iiodo bnji de
Kaeru kari

(Issa)

Hallo ! you shouldn't cry, you storks,
Returning home so safe and sound !

(201)

Kaerusa no

Yu'hi'zakura ya
Minie ni tsue

(So-a, dates uncertain.)

A typical cjcample of the class of Japanese epigrams most difiicult to
translate. The words arc literally, .** Home-going** evening sun cherry-
trees, and staff to chest." The picture is that of some aged man, who, having
sf>ent the day among the cherry-blossoms, is now returniDg home, but,
rapt by the beauty of the sunset glow upon the flowers, remains gazing at
it, his body bent and leaning on his staff. Something like the foilowing
may serve as an approximate rendering : —

Cherry-flow'rs sunset-lit : — I turn
And gaze, my breast upon my staff.

Later Eighteenth Century, 359

(202)
Sei daseba

Kdm ma mo nashi
Mizit'gnnnna

(Keirin, dates uncertain.)
If but the wheel be diligent, '

The water has no time to freeze.

This verse has become proverbial for industry.

(203)

Uguisu ya

Hana naki ki ni wa
Oranii ]iazn

(Gomel, dates uncertain.)
Of course the nightingale stays not
Upon a tree bereft of flowers.

I'he elderly poet composed this epigram on calling to see his mistress
and finding her abroad. A pretty young woman could not be expected,
he suggests, to care for a withered gallant like himself.

(204)

Koi-shinaba

Waga tsuka de nake

Hototogisu
Cuckoo! ifl should die of love,
Oh ! [come and] sing upon my tomb !

X^Miiposed by a courtesan in the Yoshiwara at Yedo, who, having
bedi ifeuidered to her lover, was abandoned by him and reduced to des-
pair.

(205)

Kuchi akeba

Go-so no miyurn
Kcnvazn kana

(Anon.)

36o

B as/to and the Japamse Epigram,

Behold the frog, who, when he opes
His mouth, displays his whole inside !

Proverbial in tljie sense of -<< Do not blurt out all your
thoughts." — The term go-zby here rendered the *• whole inside," is literally
the " five viscera."

The literature of the Japanese epigram is valmniiioiis and ccMiBtantly
growing. The following works have been consalted in the prepafaHoii of
the foregoing essay : —

JS^/J^jt '' Rtmpai Shoshi;' by M. Sasa, one thin yoL, 1887, ^^^^
with the history of Haikai and Rcnga,

^fkiL% " I^tnkai ShiJen,'' by S. Okooogi and M. Nunokawa, I toI^
1884, gives short biographies of all (he principal q)igiainmatiatSy with
specimens of their work, following chronological order according to schoolsi.

m^-^tm ** ^<fi^» //yos/iaht," by Kat6 Heki-godo, one small vol., 1889,
with a sequel entitled JKil^tltf fV ** Zoku Haiku Ilybshaku^ reproduces the
epigrams of the y|](||^ " Sant-mino Ska^* anthology, and aooompaoifs each
with a short commentary.

^Klft " Haikai-roii^^ l)y Aeba Koson, an article of 46 pages pnbltshed
in a magazine entitled ^fBPQJt^^ " Waseda BwigaJht," This distinguish-
ed man of letters here gives i>erhaps the best general view of the subject
in a concise form.

ftSt^AI* " ^^'^^ ^V'« ^^'^f" ^y Gengen-ichi, 3 vols., 1816^ with
sequel entitled JtftSit^Att " ^"^^'f -^^^'^ A^^ ^an" 3 vols., 1832,
illustrated. Biographies of epigrammatists.

lS''^^5itJSIS " ^'okott JIaika Itsttwa^" by Shigure-an, one thin vol.,
1 90 1. Anecdotes of epigrammatists. Many similar collections exist.

^^APl '' Haiku Nytmum;' by Takahama Kyoshi, a lighi pf the
Shimpa or contemporary school, I Vol, 1898. This litUe gukls to the
composition of epigrams is interesting for its general remarks on style.

^KS4^ *' //"'k'/'c?/ Dokugaku^'' issued by the Hakubun-kwan publish-
ing firm. This guide to the analysis and composition of epigrams enters
into grammatical and other details, but is not to be reoommended. The
European student desirous of embarking on the study of the Japanese
epigrammatic style should find a careful comparison of the originals
quoted in the present essay with their translations far more useful. The
favourite ellipses and other grammatical i>eculiarities of the style will be
more easily mastered in this way than by the presentation of any set of
rules.

Literature. 361

'jfM'^^ ** <Mff^<u' Aostin" ftii anthology hy Miyakc Shuzan (died
1801), m the edition entitled ffpf|#||TlrJi ** Hyoshaku Haikai Kaan;'
published by Kimura Kokfi in 1900, which adds a short commentary on
each epigram. Only the first half of the original work has yet appeared
in this form. Still this volume, published at 25 sen, is likely to l>e more
useful to the foreign student than any other, except the ^^fff|l
«* Haiku Uy^hakH^ " which it closely resembles in form.

Wtt^HmW ** Biison A'uskTt AT^V' only 2 vols, yet published in
book form, 1903. The rest b appearing gradually in a magazine entitled
** ffoioiogisu,^ Buson's epigrams are here discussed seriatim by a select
circle of admirers, whose criticisms are given exactly as delivered in Cdlo-
quial. The obscurity of many epigrams is here well exhibited.

ft]l3ltW ** Haikai Bunko,'' 24 large vols., 1887-1901, issued by the
llakubun-kwan publishing linn. This cncycIop4'edic compilation includes
matter new and old, — general treatises, biographies, the complete works
of many epigrammatists, anthologies arranged according to subjects,
ancodotical matter, prose works by the epigrammatists, their essays, notes
of travel, etc., etc, etc. The present writer does not profess to have
done more than touch the fringe of this gigantic compilation, but he
has at least profited by Uchida Fuchi-an*s biography and critifjue of
Basho, entitled «S «(«« t i« " Basha-an Tosei Den;' and t£ « » »
«* Bashb Kbden^^ by Aeba Koson's biography of Vokoi Yayu entitled m^
-ibiWlK/fV " Yokoi YayTi O no Den," by the l)iographical sketch appended
to the collection of Issa^s epigrams entitled -''^^% " fssa Zenshu^' and
by Ono Seichiku*s historical sketch of the subject entitled ^ iff -S. jt
« Haikai JRyakushir

Besides the aliove, there are the well-known general literary
histories. IIaga*s WA9^ii'W^ ** Kokubun-^^aku Shi Jikko," or " Ten
Ijectures on the History of our National Literature," has Ixjcn found
suggestive. It has, moreover, the advantage of l>eing written in Colloquial.

So far as known to the present writer, the only European authors who
have treated, however briefly, of the subject hitherto arc : —

I. IK G, AstoUy who, in his " Grammar of the Japanese Written
I^anguage," 2nd edit., p. 203 (1877), inserted 3 specimens of epigrams with
literal translations, and later, in his " History of Japanese Literature,'' pp.
289-297 (1899), gave a summary of the subject (but without touching on
origitte$\ together with literal translations of 19 specimens.

IL B. H, Chemtherlain, " Handbook of Colloquial Jai)anc3e,'' 2nd.
edit., pp. 453-4 (1889), 4 specimens — text and literal translation.

362 Baslw and tlu Japanese Epigram,

III. Lafcadio Hearn, ** In Ghostly Japan/' pp. 156-164 (l999), text,
of 8 epigrams, with literal translation and explanation. — Since the prcseoC
essay was completed, the writer's attention has been drawn to Mt.'Heam'^
two latest works, " Shadowings," pp. 69-100 (1901), and « A Japanese Mi»-
cellany," pp. 92-118 (1901), containing respectively collections pf epigrams-
on the curious subjects of cicad*x and dragon-flies, — no less than 107 in.
all, or more, if those arc counted of which not the original text, but.
only the translation is given. Some of the renderings are in the metres^
of the elegiac distich, which, owing to the far larger number of syllable^-*
of that form of verse, necessitates more or less expansion of the ■^rgfr^t^'
Others, rendered literally, though less attractive as English — or Anglicised-— ^-^
poems, possess superior value for the scicntiHc enquirer. All well exhibit=^
the endless dexterity with which the Japanese epigrammatist can iiiodulat<
the trilling of his tiny pipe.

A Brief Sketch of the History of Political

Parties in Japan*

By a. H. Lay Esq.

[Ready 4. Dfc. igo2,'\

The idea of popular representation in the Government
>f Japan may be said to have had its birth with the
:lestoration. Prior thereto indeed the minds of some
houghtful men had been turning in this direction. For
xample, Yoroi Heishiro, Shonan of Higo had for some
ears been a strong advocate of national progress in all
lirections. And Yamauchi Toyonobu, Daiviio of Tosa,
/ho had endeavoured strenuously to bring about the re-
ival of the Imperial authority, presented a memorial in 1867,
1 favour of the establishment of a deliberative assembly..
His Imperial Majesty the present Emperor, in his
Oath on the occasion of his accession to the Throne,
[lade known his enlightened desire that men should
neet in council from all parts of the country and all
flairs of state be determined in accordance with public
opinion, The achievement by all classes of the people
►f their legitimate desires and the prevention of discontent
irere necessary. Unprecedented reforms for the welfare
)f the nation were to be effected. This pronouncement
nay be regarded as the starting point of the movement
owards Parliamentary Institutions. The Imperial wishes
n regard to the opinion of the people and the necessity

*The Go Seimon (ftlSlfc) °^ ^^^ \^\\i day of the 3rd monlh of the
St, year of Mciji (April 6 1868).

364 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

for their aid in carrying on the affairs of the nation were
further notified from time to time. In a notification of a
few months later * it was declared that public sentiment,
as expressed by the councillors selected from all parts,
was to be the directing power in the future because the
private caprice of any one individual should not be allowed
to control the Empire. Again, t early in 1869, His
Majesty proclained that he was about to proceed to the
East where he would summon together his Ministers and
the Chiefs of the People in order that the popular opini-
on might be consulted, that the foundations of the nation
might be laid upon a basis which should insure national
tranquillity. All these notifications show what was in the
mind of the Emperor and His advisers in the early days
of the re-instatement of the Imperial Rule.

The spirit of the Meiji era throughout has been re-
form, and progress, and consultation of the popular will
as far as possible, within certain fixed limits, and the
enlargement of the rights of the people. In the main,
the Government has tried to fulfil the aspirations of the
people although it has at all times felt bound to act as
a drag upon over impetuosity and undue haste. With
regard to the ultimate form which Representative Institu-
tions should take, the authorities have differed and still
differ from the generally expressed desire of the people.

In considering the steps taken after the Restoration to
perfect the organs of administration, we find that when the
Government of the young Emperor was organized at Kioto,
its members were composed of 3 classes, i, Sosai (Hi^)
who had supreme control (Prince Arisugawa Satsu, assisted

*8th month of the ist year of Meiji (September 1868).
t 25th day of 2nd month of the 2nd year of Meiji.

Lxiy : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan, 365

l)y Princes Sanjo and Iwakura), Gijo or Gitci (^/£, con-
sisting of Princes of the Blood, Nobles of the Court, and
Tl^erritorial Nobles, who assisted in the direction of affairs,
conducting business that was not of the highest importance,
-and Sanyo (^|^), councillors, consisting of nobles of the
Court and retainers of the daimios chosen from various clans.
"* Eight Departments were created under the Dajokwan or
Government. The arrangement having been hurriedly made
at a time of commotion was not found workable, and accord-
ingly in June 1868 the Dajokwan issued a notification remo-
delling the system of Government. It was therein laid down
that all matters were to be settled by public discussion. The
Government was divided among seven Departments, one of
which was termed the Gisei, (^&), the Deliberative assem-
bly. The Department exercised legislative power and was
subdivided into an Upper House (_h^) and a Lower
House (T*^). The upper House consisted of Gijo, Sanyo,
Secretaries and clerks, and the Lower House had two
Presidents of debate and f ordinary members whose duty
it was to discuss, under the orders of the Upper House
af!airs relating to the Revenue, relations with foreign
countries, the coinage, colonization etc. Here we have the
germ of the present House of Peers and House of Re-
presentatives. Towards the end of 1868 a Bureau for the
investigation of matters connected with public deliberation
on affairs of state was opened % under the control of
Yamauchi Toyonobu. A Parliament called Kogijo (J^IS^f)
place for public discussion was opened at Tokio on April
18, 1869, when an Imperial Message of instruction was

* Seven if we exclude the Sosai kiokti.

tR± (Koshi).

J 19th day of 9th month of ist year of Meiji (November 3, 1868).

366 Lay : — Tlic Political Parties of Japan,

read. The opening was originally fixed for March 27,
but the ceremony was postponed in order to allow all
the members to reach the Capital from the Provinces.
The idea at first was to make representation depend upon
the importance of the clan, but this too was at the last
moment altered, and each Daimiate was instructed to
furnish one representative. In all there were 276 mem-
bers. The chamber was not actually representative of
the people but of the Governing authorities in the various
localities. Members were elected, by order of the Em-
peror, by the Councillors who carried on the affairs of
the Feudal Principalities. Akizuki Ukionosuke was the first
President. The Kogijo became known as the * Shugi-In
(jJ^H^gS) on t August 15, 1869. Among matters discuss-
ed by this so-called Parliament were questions regarding
new laws. Petitions were also received from the people.
It had been largely the desire to fashion the Japanese
constitution on western methods, and the hope that the
administration could be conducted most smoothly by
ascertaining the will of the majority, had led to the
creation of a deliberative assembly. But the constitution
(^f the SJiiigiln rendered it from its nature prejudiced and
unprogrcssive, and after a trial of a year or two the venture
was found to be unsuccessful. Its sittings were discon-
tinued from J October 4, 1870, and thereafter its business
was limited to the receipt of petitions ; but it was not
actually abolished in name till June 24, 1873.

'^' S'lTti^i-In is the name applicil to the present House of Representatives,
llu" only dirTorcncc Ix-'ing that the first of the three characters is written
«lirt'ercntly in each case. The modem term is written (ll^SIK)*

t Slh day of the 7lh month of the 2nd year of Meiji.

\ loili <Kiy of oth month (»f the 3rd year of Meiji.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japaji. 367

Extensive changes in the Dajokivaji were effected in * Sep-
tember 1 87 1. The Sei-In (iH|5c), chief College or Council
of State, the Sa-In (£Bt')» I-^^ College, and the U-In
(>&l^)» Right College or Executive, were established.
The Sa-In was intended to be a deliberative and legisla-
tive chamber with limited powers, and replaced the Shugi-
In. The members were nominated by the Emperor and the
Council of State. Goto Shojiro, who subsequently played
a leading part in Japanese politics, was the first President.

Various measures issued about this time tended to re-
move social barriers between the people, and indirectly
contributed to help the nation at large to a share in the
conduct of national affairs. By the abolition of the Feudal
System on f August 29. 1871, on the advice of Kido
Takayoshi, and its replacement by the organization of Pre-
fectures, centralization of the Government was brought about.
Also the permission granted for marriages between all
classes of the people, and the abolition of the terms da
and hiniii in October, aided in the removal of rigid social
distinctions and disqualifications.

The history of political parties in Japan from their in-
ception up to the present time may be conveniently divid-
ed into four periods, (i). The period from the Restora-
tion up to 1882 while as yet they were in embryo. (2).
From the year 1882 when they for the first time took
actual shape, until the year 1887.

(3). From the organization of the Daido-danketsu in 1887
until 1898. (4). From the date of the amalgamation of the
two strongest parties under the name of the constitutional
party, (Kenseito JKi^jR) until the present moment.

* 29th day of 7th month of 4th year of Meiji.
f 14th day of 7th month of 4th year of McijL

368 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

The stirring events of the Restoration, and the spread
of the doctrines which had brought about the reinstatement
of the Imperial authority in deed as well as in name/ led
to a great awakening of thought in the nation. The
popular mind was open for the reception of new ideas,
and fastened with avidity upon everything that appeared
to make for national advancement. The people eagerly
took up the work leading to the establishment of consti-
tutional Government which had been started under Im-
perial and official auspices.

Public opinion was divided into two currents, that of
gradual and that of rapid progress, and, in spite of a
slight backwater of conservatism, the general flow of
feeling was steady in the direction of reform.

Foreign influence soon made itself felt in Japanese do-
mestic politics. Tlie Special Mission despatched to Europe
and America at the close of 1871 was headed by Iwakura
Tomomi, Udaijin, having as assistant ambassadors Kido
Takayoshi, Councillor of State, Gkubo Toshimichi, Min-
ister of Finance, Ito Hirobumi, Vice-Minister of Works,
and Kamaguchi Naoyoshi, assistant Vice-Minister of For-
eign Affairs, and had for its main object the revision of
the Treaties. It was, however, understood in official circles
that observation of the political institutions in the countries
to be visited would form part of the duty of the Embassy.
On his return to Japan, Kido, in narrating the various cir-
cumstances which had fallen under his notice abroad, stat-
ed that the most urgent need of the nation was to estab-
lish the constitution on the basis of the Imperial Laws,
and to frame laws having something of permanency, not
* issued in the morning and revoked in the evening. He

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 369

expressed the opinion that although Japan had not yet
reached the stage when all matters could be submitted to
the decision of the public, the Government should be
conducted upon the principle of consultation of the wishes
of the people. Of the alien influences which helped to
mould the shape which it was destined that representa-
tive institutions should take, that of the United States
was first apparent. Then followed a period when the
views of those who had studied political problems in Eng-
land were predominant. And subsequently * French in-
fluence became for a time paramount. But in the end
German theories of Government prevailed and left their
stamp upon the Japanese Constitutional system.

In the year 1873 there were to be found among the
ranks of the higher officials of the Government two
well defined parties, the one desirous of gradual progress
at home, and a conciliatory policy towards other nations,
the other advocating rapid progress in domestic matters
and a resolute foreign policy. The line of demarcation
was accentuated by the discussion which arose as to
whether the conduct of Korea towards Japan in the re-
fusal to receive the letter from this country and in the
treatment meted out to the Japanese Envoys demanded
an appeal t > the sword. The peace party supported by
Okubo and Ivvakura gained the day, and the war party
severed their connection with the Government. Amoncr

* French thought made its inflfeence greatly felt in 1 88 1. The return
of Marquis Saionji from France in the early part of that year helped to
turn attention to French political and social theories. He started the
7cyd Jiyu Shhnbun, &long with Matsuzawa Kinsuke and Matsuda Masa-
hisa, in order to ventilate his opinions on the subject of freedom. The
principles of Rousseau because popular and obtained many converts in
particular the celebrated Nakae Tokusuke (Chomin), recently deceased.

370 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

those who followed the example of Saig5 Takamori in
resigning were Itagaki Taisuke, a samurai of the Kochi
Prefecture, *Soyejima Taneomi, a samurai of the Saga
Prefecture, Eto Shimpei, a samurai of the Saga Pre-
fecture, Goto Shdjiro, a samurai of the Tokio Yw, These
men were Councillors of State and had repeatedly memo-
rialished the Government of a popular assembly during
their tenure of office. Thus the Government was left in
the hands of those of more moderate inclinations, while
the ardent advocates of the rights of the people took
their place outside the ranks of officialdom, there to
labour more eflectively for their cherished object. They
met from time to time in consultation, and were joined
by Komuro Nobuo, a samurai of the old f Mi5d5 Prefec-
ture, Furusawa Uro, a samurai of the Kochi Prefecture,
both of whom had just returned from P'ngland filled with
admiration of English Parliamentary Institutions, and with
a desire to transplant them in Japan, Okamoto Ken-
zaburo, a samurai of K5chi Prefecture, and others. One
point in the conduct of the administration which they
strongly resented was the abolition of the appointment of
representatives of the clans to the deliberative assembly,
notwithstanding the fact that they were not in the true
sense representative of the people. They considered that
the abuses of a bureaucracy had ensued. The idea of
striving for the foundation in Japan of an assembly com-
posed of representatives elected by the people appealed
strongly to these reformers. Fired with zeal for the cause

* Resigned the office of Minister for Foreign affairs October 31. 1873
on the plea of ill-health.

t On August 21. 1876 the Mi6d5 Prefecture was divided between the
Iliogo and Kuchi* Prefectures Awaji going to the former Awa to the latter.

Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 371

they lost no time in taking steps to render the reali-
zation of their dreams possible. In the one direction
they addressed a Memorial to the Government, while at
the sajne time . they laboured fi)r the spread of their
doctrines among the people. Mere we have the genn
of the political parties which in the course of no vcxy
long time developed and flourished.

The important memorial just referred to, which is said
to have, been drafted by Furu.sawa and then submitted
to Soejima for his amendment, bore the signatures of
Itagaki, Goto, Soejima. Et5, Komuro, Furusawa, Oka-
moto, Mitsuoka Hachiro and Yuri Kimmasa, a samurai
of Tsuruga Profecture. It was presented to the Sa-In
and bore date January 17, 1874. At the same time
publication of it was effected in the Nisshin slmi ji shi
(HHiR^ftfe)* ^^ which numerous articles of interest bear-
ing upon the same and other subjects appeared at the
time. Much popular discussion was caused by its publi-
cation. In the preamble, allusion is made to .the! failure
on the part of the authorities to undertake measures to-
wards the establishment of political institutions in Japan
in spite of the return home some time previously of' the
Special Embassy. Mutual distrust had of late arisen be-
tween rulers and the ruled, the mind of the people was
agitated and there were evident signs of pending trouble,
simply because the general opinion of the Empire as as-
certained by public discussion had been suppressed. The
memorial itself goes on to say that the Governing Power
was neither in the Imperial House nor with the people,
but in the hands of officials who occupied a place between
the two. Not that these men neglected to pay respect
to the Imperial House or to protect the people. But the

372 Ijay : — The Political Parties {f Japan.

Crown was losing the reverence due to it and there was
much making and changing of laws, and favouritism pre-
vailed. The people could not make their voice heard
nor could they express their grievances. The merest
child could perceive that under the circumstances tranquil
Government was an impossibility. Reform must be eflkct-
ed or the nation would come to ruin. The remedy lay
in the promotion of public discussion which was to be
brought about by means of a Council cliambec elected
by the people. Taxpayers had a right to a voice in the
conduct of public affiiirs. It was not too early, as some
maintained, to take the step indicated, and a long ai^gunient.
in support of the contention of the memorialists followed.

In reply to the Memorial the Sa-fn returned a con-
ciliatory message on January 23, 1874. That College was
cimvinced that the principle advocated was excellent, and
having already received sanction to a proposal of a similar
nature emanating from themselves, had drafted a set of
regulations. The suggestion would therefore be adopted,
but it was recommended that the Home office just con-
stituted should first of all be called upon to express an
opinion, and that the question should be taken up after
the Local assemblies had met in view of the instructions
issued in 1873 relative to such Assemblies. But there were
not wanting those who sneered at the proposal. Kat5
Hiroyuki drew up a memorandum in criticism of the
memorial, in which doubts as to the advisability of es-
tablishing an elective assembly were uttered. To him
Itagaki, Goto and Soejima replied, jointly, on February
20, pointing out that no sudden change was in contem-
plation. At first the franchise would be bestowed only
upon the Samurai and richer fermers and merchants.

Lay : — The P^Htical Parties of Japan, 373

They had proved worthy of the right, for they it was
vfYio had produced the leaders of the revolution of 1868.

It was also urged by opponents of the movement that
the bulk erf the nation was indifferent to the proposed
change and that the samurai alone were interested. No
doubt this was more or less true at the start, but it was
not long before the new propaganda gained favour with
a large section of the nation. Before long two certain
writers asserted that the &ults of the government lay
with the few clans who controlled its conduct and that
the whole nation ought to take their place in directing
public business.

Now that the progect of a popular assembly had been
expressly brought before the attention of tlie public and
had elicited a large measure of approval in different quar-
ters, the natural sequence of events was the setting on
loot of associations formed for political purposes which
should eventually grow into political parties proper. Thus
the earliest pcditical Society from which the Jiyu^to
(Liberal Party) subsequently spr.mg, namely the * aikoku
ko to (j^H^JK)' ^^ Patriotic Society. Its aim was set
forth to be the maintenance of popular rights and to
enable the people to be self governing, free, independent,
unfettered, the first meeting was held in the Kofuku An-
zensba in Ginza, Tokio. A large number of persons
enrolled thennselves members of the Society.

But these were still early days and the cause suffered
severely at the outset from the mistaken zeal of some of
its friends. Early in 1874 occurred the attack upon
Prince Iwakura at Akasaka by Takaichi Kumakichi of

* Also known a» the Aikokmhu.

374 L'ly : — The fblitical Parties of Japan.

Kochi and eight other partisans of the side which advo-
cated war with Korea. The outbreak shortly afterwards
of Et5 Shimpei and his resistance to the forces of the
Government on the plea of patriotism and the subjuga-
tion of Korea, which cost him his life, also furnished its
enemies with excellent weapons to fight the popular
movement. Itagaki returned to his native Province,
vowing, however, that he would devote his life to the
cause of the inauguration of representative institutions.
He there established shortly afterwards the first local
political association which he named the Riss/iisha (4^
ft), showing his determination to adhere to what he
considered to be his life's work. He declared that the
time of transition which had arrived when old fashions
Avere falling into desuetude, and the administration
system had not been perfected, required that the enci^ies
of the people should be employed for the Emperor and
the nation.* We thus have Kochi and later on Hizen
among the clans which helped to bring about the Resto-
ration, working for the extension of the power of the
people, while the Government was in the main conduct-
ed by Satsuma and Choshu men.

A step towards the creation of a Representative As-
sembly was again taken in the establishment of a De-
liberative Assembly of Local Authorities by an Imperial
Decree of May 2, 1874 wherein it was affirmed that the
Imperial desire was eventually to assemble representatives
of all the people and to determine tlie laws in ac-
cordance with public opinion. t The Chamber was to

* Other political associations also were formed in Tosu, such as the
X Count Inoue Kaoru, \vli()>e laLnjurs in connection with the progress

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 375

have been opened on the loth of September 1874, but
in August of that year postponement was decreed for
the reason that Dkubo, Minister for Home Affairs, was
then absent in China as High Commissioner Extra-
ordinary endeavouring to arrive at a settlement of the
Formosan affairs with the Chinese Government. Before
calling the Local Officials together it was necessary to
ascertain whether it was to be peace or war, lest ex-
citement in the provinces should lead to mischief.
Eventually the Assembly met on the 20th of June i875»
the ceremony being performed by H.M. the Emperor
in person. An incident which aroused the ire of the press
was the refusal to allow newspaper representatives to be
present. Kido was the first President of the Assembly
and the attention of the members was as a commence-
ment called to the matter of Roads and Bridges. The
question of a Popular Assembly came up for considera-
tion in July, and, to the great disappointment of those
who supported the cause of the people, it was decided
that the condition of the country was not such as to
warrant such a step in advance, the Local Authorities
giving the weight of their influence in favour of Assem-
blies of Ku cho and Ko cho instead. Meetings were to
be held annually, but owing to the Satsuma rebellion
they were suspended for a few years. The second
session opened in April 1878, Ito being President.

In 187s a temporary reconciliation took place between
,the statesmen in office and those who had given up
their official positions. A meeting between Okubo, Ito,

of Japan, must be borne in mind, when Acting Minister of Finance*
summoned the Local Authorities to Tokio in 1872 to deliberate upon
matters oomiected with local financial administration.

3/6 Lay :^-Tke Bditical RwtUs cf Jafon.

Hido, and Itagaki, was brought about at Osaka on Jan-
uary lo, and it was agreed that a pariiatnentaiy system
should be erected as being the best means to meet the
national rcquirements. Itagaki and Kido then accepted
their old offices of Councillors of State. On the 17th of
March the four officials mentioned were commanded to
make investigations together regarding the constitution
of the Government and, as a result of their report on their
Enquiries, the Sa-In and the U-In were abolished and the
Genro in {jtM^) Senate was established on April 14, 1875,
and also the Dai Shin In (High Court of Justice).

On July 5, 1875 the Emperor delivered a speech 00
the occasion of the opening of the Genro In in which
He declared its establishment as a legislative Body of
Gikwan (Delibeiative officials). Among the members of
the Genrd In were G5t5 Shojiro, Vice President, Yanagi-
wara Sakimitsu, sko shit, Katsu Yasuyoshi, sho sJUi,
Ogue Tsune, jusAii, Yuri KuitmiSSi, jusAH, Mutsu Mune-
mitsu, S/id g(hi^ Torio Koyata, and Miura Goro, skd go4
and sko skit of the War Department, Kono Tashikawa,
sho go-i, and Kat5 Hiroyuki, jugoi.

But the reunion in official circles was not of toog
duration. In the Autumn of 1875 the " Unyo kan" was
fired on by Koreans in the vicinity of Kokwa (jl ||||)
island and the question arose whether or not war should
be declared against the Peninsular Kingdom. Itagaki
favoured vigorous measures. He was also dissatisfied
with the measure of administrative reform attained.
Accordingly, on October 12, he presented a Memorial
to the Emperor urging the separation of the Council of
State from the Executive Departments. Shimazu Hisa-
mitsu, Sadaijittf a few days later, presented a similar

Lay : — The Ihlitical Parties cf Japan, yj'j

Memorial in which he expressed his concurrence with
the views expressed by Itagaki. The outcome was that
both of them were on the 27th relieved of office at their
own request on March 28» 1876. Inouc too was similarly
relieved of his duties.

1875 also saw the liberty of the press, of public speech,
^nd of publication considerably restricted. The Govern-
ment, not without reason, feared the consequences of
complete freedom of expression of public opinion while
the newspapers complained that they were hampei^
^nd fettered, and, in at least one instance, were punished
merely for complaining of the severity of the law. The
jiew Press Laws were promulgated on July 28, and
^heir stringency created widespread consternation. One
newspaper .stated that they had at once put a stop to
^Dublic discussion throughout the Empire. Even tlie
Tiioderate Nichi Nichi Shimbun fell under the ban of
official displeasure. Imprisonment of editors and suspen-
2sion of newspapers were matters of common occurence.*
Jt was no wonder that constant attempts were made to
<ievade the laws as, for instance, by substituting the
viame of some other country for Japan in an article and
^hen giving vent to their feelings in reference to that
ther country so that any one reading between the lines
ould see that Japan was meant. The complaint was
lade that Japan was a pure absolute monarchy and that
^ihe real legislative and judicial powers lay with the
^Dabinet Ministers.

But, in spite of all this apparent reaction, the course

• At one time there vrere over 30 newspaper contributors in prison
I Tokio alone.

37^ Lay : — ^754^ Pblitical Parties of Japan,

of events tended generally towards the goal of Con-
stitutional Government.

According to an Imperial message made known by
Prince Arisugawa, President of the Genroin, to it«
members on September 6, 1876, that body was entrusted
with the duty of drafting a Constitution by an extensive
consideration of the legal systems of foreign countries
and the employment upon mature reflection of the ideas
therein embodied when suitable. A Committee of investi-
gation was appointed consisting of Nakajima Nobuyuki,
the first President of the present House of Repre-
sentatives, Yanagiwara Sakimitsu, Bukuha Bisei. But
an unfortunate check was given to progress by the
troubles which arose the following month and which
preceded the outbreak of the Satsdma rebellion in Jan-
uary 1877.

While the civil war was in progress it was feared that
disaffection might spread to other parts of the Empire
and Itagaki had returned to Tosa in order to exercise a
restraining influence upon his followers. The Risshi sha,
acting in concert with the Sciken sha held consultations
regarding the conduct of the Government and the need
for an Elective Assembly to cure the evils the
State was suffering from. On May 14, 1877, Kataoka
Kenkichi, as representative of the Risshisha^ presented a
lengthy Memorial to the Imperial Court at Kioto. It
was pointed out therein that when the Feudal Princi-
palities were converted into Prefectures, an Assembly of
samurai should have been convened and public discussion
further developed. But instead of that the Government
behaved in an arbitrary manner and to this could be
traced all the ills of the present maladministration. Neither

iMy : — The Political Parties of Japan. 379

!ie Genro In nor the Daishin In had fulfilled the natural
xpectation raised at the time of their institution.
ustice had not been done to the Samurai, Their offices
ad been abolished but no laws had been framed for
leir protection, nor were they admitted to a share in the
eliberations of the Government. Other grievances such
5 the financial conditions were also touched upon. In
Dnclusion it was represented that the establishment of
1 elective assembly and the enactment of Constitutional
aws were the means by which a free and independent
)i:it could be fostered among the people and they
)uld receive settled ideas upon politics.

The attention of the Government had been anxiously
>ced upon Kochi for some time as it was feared that
ibellion might spread thither from the South. Measures
ere taken to prevent any recourse to force, and arrests

men who had come to the front there and in other
irts of the country w6re effected. For example, Kata-
va Kenkichi, Hayashi Yuzo, * Oe Taku, Takenouchi
suna, Mutsu Munemitsu, a samurai of Wakayama, and
tcrwards Minister for Foreign Affairs, and others who
id been taken into custody were sentenced to various
rnis of imprisonment in the summer of 1878. After
le rebellious outbreak had been quelled, the power of
le central Government was found to rest upon a firmer
isis than ever, and the movers in the cause of popular
:presentation deemed it necessary to institute a political
impaign throughout the country, to revive the interest in
le question which was languishing. It was decided to
!suscitate the Aikokusha which had practically ceased to

*A Samurai of Kochi Ken.

380 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

exist except in name, and Sugita Teiichi, Kuribara Rio
ichi, Ueki Emori, Yasuoka Michitaro, in April 1878 pre
ceeded on a tour throughout the country to re-awakei
the people, visiting the Kinai, Hokuriku, Sanin, Sanyc
Shikoku and Kiushu Provinces. The cause of public dis
cussion was, however, for * the moment brought into dis
credit by the misguided act of certain of its adherents
Okubo, who had for so many of the years of the ne^
life of Japan been a pillar of the State, was killed o
May 14, and his six murderers issued a paper settin;
forth the alleged crimes of their victim, in the forefror
of which was the charge of obstructing open discussio
and trampling on the rights of the people. The death c
Dkubo prevented him from beholding the reforms calcu
lated to further the growing and widely expressed desir
for representation which he had largely contributed t
bring about, and which were announced two months latei
On July 22, 1878 were published * three enactment
passed by the Chiho-Kwan Kwaigi having a most iiti
portant bearing on the conduct of local affairs and making
for localization. These were the Fu Ken Kwai Kisok
(Regulations relating to Fu and Ken assemblies), the Cht
hpzei' — Kisoku (Regulations relating to local Taxation), an(
the Gun Kticho sonhenseiho (Law for the formation c
country and City Districts, towns and villages). A larg
measure of local autonomy was thereby conceded.

While liberal principles were thus asserting themselve
within the Government, the idea of the people obtaining
a share in the direction of affairs spread and even mad<
converts among the higher officials in the Provinces

♦The San Dai Shimpo (H:^JfS).

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 381

Sympathy on the part of several of the Local Authorities
was hailed with rejoicing, as they were regarded as the
representatives of the people of the Prefectures. In Sep-
tember 1878 a large meeting of sympathizers with the
popular aspirations was held at Osaka and in its sequel
the Aikokus/ia came to life again Similar societies ex-
tended throughout the Northern Provinces, Shikoku and
Kiushu. The Aikokiisha held a second largely represent-
ative meeting at Osaka in March 1879, to which a num-
ber of associations sent delegates, and at a further assembly
which took place in the following November, a determi-
nation was expressed to present a petition to the Govern-
ment praying for the grant of a national assembly, the
means for giving effect to their wishes to be carefully
considered and to be discussed in March of the next
year. Speakers were also to be despatched to various parts
of the country to arouse local enthusiasm. The views of the
Society were at the same time disseminated by pamphlets.
Accordingly the Aikokusha met again in March 1880 when
its supporters formed themselves into an association Call-
ed the Kokkwai Kisei Dontei Kwai (g^^jftlPjai^),
Union for the establishment of a Parliament. Mr. Kata-
oka and Kono were appointed delegates to undertake the
presentation of the petition. They proceeded to T5kio as
* representatives selected by the ninety seven persons
^ho were acting on behalf of twenty two Prefectures, two
cities, and eighty seven thousand people, and attempted to
Iiand their prayer first to the Dajokzvan and then to the
Cenrd'In, Refusal to receive it, however, met them, on
^he ground that no provision existed for the receipt of

* Kemeito Shdsht\

382 Lay : — Hie Political Parties of Japan.

political petitions. Many other documents of similar im-
port found their way to Tokid from various localities, and
it was claimed that by the end of April seven or eight
tenths of the whole people had made their voice heard
urging that a Parliament be given them. To restrain this
clamour for a parliament repeated from so many quarters,
and to control the crowded gatherings which were con-
vened with this as their avowed object, lest any distur-
bance might arise, the Government promulgated the Law of
Public Meetings on April 3, 1880. The meetings of the
old Aikokusha at Osaka were thereby put a stop to, and
the association for a time obliterated itself only to re-
appear in the future in a stronger and more permanent
shape. The stringent ineasures taken by the Grovernment,
though conceived rather with the object of controlling
the more unruly elements among the political societies,
were strongly resented by the public at large. The move*
ment in favour of a national assembly was declared by
its devotees to be ten times stronger than that which oc-
casioned the overthrow of the Tokugawa rule. In the
latter case only the samurai ditid higher grades of society
had taken an active part. Now the entire population
was vitally interested. Events proved the correctness of
this judgment. The late Mr. Fukuzawa was much in-
terested in this as in all other questions aflecting the
national life, and he expressed an opinion in one of his
works that the best way to bring the Government and
people into proper touch with each other was by a
National Asaembly.

Meanwhile the Government were continuing upon th
the lines of gradual progress in legislation &c. Th

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japayi, 383

* Criminal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure, for exam-
ple, were issued in 1880 (July). Public opinion, however,
was by this time a force which had to be reckoned with in
1 manner different from the attention which it had claimed
It any previous period in the history of Japan. Among
the ranks of the Government there was a growing feeling
that a reasonable measure of concession to the wishes of
the people could not be delayed much longer. In the
spring of 1880 a proposal, according to the Kemei slioshi,
emanated from f Marquis Yamagata to the effect that a
Parliament should be constituted by selection from among
the members of the City and Prefectural assemblies.
Lieut.-General Torio Koyata also published his views re-
garding constitutional and Parliamentary administration.
But amongst the officials Count (then Mr) C>kuma, pro-
bably more than any other statesman, had the cause of the
people at heart, and sympathized with their desire for re-
presentation. He offered a suggestion to the Emperor
regarding the advisability of a national assembly being
opened in the near future (1883). It was not long before
his hopes were realized.

In the annals of domestic politics in Japan the year
1 88 1 stands out conspicuously. On the 12th of October
His Majesty The Emperor promulgated the famous Im-
perial Ordinance in which the promise was given that a
Parliament should actually be established in 1890. As
a preparatory measure ltd, in company with a number or
junior officials, was despatched to Europe early in 1882
to study the political systems of the west.

The various associations scattered throughout the coun-

♦ Keiho and chigihd.
t then Count.

384 Lay : — The Pblitical Parties of Japan,

try, with reform and popular representation as their aim,
now found themselves within measurable distance of their
goal. The next step to be taken was re-organization on
the lines of parties entitled to compete in the election of
members of the Diet Consequently tlie year 1882 saw
the actual birth of the three important parties which are
still in existence, though the names by which tliey have
been know have been altered aj; various stages of their
history.

To the Jiyuto^ or Liberal Party as it has been com-
monly called, belongs the credit of being the senior in
the field, thought it was not really the first to be proper-
ly registered as a political association. The part played
by Itagaki in the awakening and organization of the
pDlitical energies of the Empire and this establishment of
the Aikokusha and the Kokwai Kisei Domei Kwai has
already been referred to. In November 1880 the last
named union held a meeting attended by sixty for dele-
gates repi*esentative of * two cities and twenty two Prefec-
tures. It was decided to change the name of the society
to the Dai Nippon Kokkwai Kisei Yushi Kwai {^ H 4^
Bi^^^^'^#)i Public Association of persons in sym-
pathy with the idea of the establishment of a Parliament
in Japan. A determination was arrived at to organize a
party with fixed principles based upon the idea of freedom.
This was practically the first formal recognition of the
necessity for political parties on well defined lines. Thus
the Jiyutoy party of freedom or Liberal Party, acquired

* Kiato and Osaka and the Prefectures of Fukuoka, Shimane, Ishikawa,
Ehime, Nagano, Mumamoto, Akita, Aiclii, Kochi, Gumma, Aomori, Fuku-
shima, ^Shiga, Niigata, Tochigi, Okayama, Ibaraki, Hid^, Iwate, Oita,
Miyagi, and Saitama.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 385

its name. A manifesto was drawn up consisting of three
articles. Desire to enlarge the freedom of the Japanese
people, to extend tl*eir rights and afford them protection
was the raison d*etre of the party. The Jiyuto would
labour for national progress and the growth of the hap-
piness of the people. In their opinion all Japanese pos-
sessed equal rights and Constitutional Government was
befitting to Japan. On October 29, i88i the ceremony
of establishing the party was performed at the Ibumura-
ro, Asakusa, Tokio. At the same time the Dai Nippon
Kokkzvm Kisei Kokivaiy which had still remained in ex-
istence, was amalgamated with the Jiyuto, the step being
taken because it was felt that the multiplication of parties
united in principle was disadvantageous. The headquar-
ters of the liyuto were established at No. 9 Yariyacho,
(Ciobashi District, Tokio. Officials were appointed as
follow — Itagaki. President ; Nakajima Nobuyuki, Vice
President; Goto Shojiro, Baba Tatsue, Suehiro Shigeyasu,
Takenouchi Tsuna, Standing Committee. Thus the party
was fully organized. It was, however, not until July 8,
1882 that official sanction to the constitution of i\\Q Jiyuto
as a political party was obtained. Prior to that date the
party had come into conflict with the police for infringe-
ment of the La^v of Public meetings by holding gather-
ings which had not been reported beforehand to the
proper authorities. The Managers of the party were
mulcted in fines. ^

Rikken kat-shin-id (43l2fei§jll[)» Constitutional Reform
Tarty, or Liberal Conservatives as they have been termed,
^he progenitor of the Shimpoto and the later Kensei-hon-td,
AAfas established in the early months of 1882. It had its
»"ise among the moderate reformers in the ranks of official-

386 Lay : — Tlu Politieal Parties of Japan,

dom whose watchword was slow but steady progress.
Mr. Okuma's advocacy of the urgency of establishing a
popular assembly had raised up for him enemies among
his colleagues and his opposition to the sale of industrial
undertakings in the H5kkaid5 had widened the breach.
To him was due the credit of lending the weight of his
influence to the popular cause, and he turned to the people
for their assistance in the work of reform. According to
the Gd-dd-ken-ko-roku, Mr. Dkuma had no intention of
limiting his efforts to obtaining an elective assembly for
the people. He had at heart the achievement of great
reforms of State and desired to rally round him those of
the .same way of thought throughout the country, in
order to be prepared for the changes which the times
were bringing about. Among his sympathizers he coun-
ted Ono Azusa, who was regarded as one of the ablest
men of the day, Ogawa Tamejiro, Tachibana Kwaijiro,
Ichijima Kenkichi, Yamada Ichird, Takata Sanae, Oka-
yama Kenkichi, and Amano Tameyuki. Meetings for the
discussion of the question of a political organization and
of matters relating to a Constitution were held at Ono's
house, and the society which collected there was known
as the 0-to-kwai (g|^^). Th§ avowed object of Mr.
Dkuma in interesting himself in political parties was to
place the Cabinet on a democratic basis and not have
the authority in the hands of a particular class.

The better to fulfil what he conceived to be his duty,
Okuma resigned his official posts in October 188 1,
carrying with him a number of the most promising of
the Government servants. Those who followed him from
office included Yano Fumio, Secretary to the Dafdkwan,
Inukai Ki, and Ozaki Yukio of the Account Depart-

Lay : — The Political Parties of Jxipan. 387

m^nt, Nakamigawa Hikojiro and Komatsubara Eitaro,
both of the Foreign Office, Shimada Sabiiro and Tanaka
Kozo of the Department of Education, Kono Binken (Toshi-
gania) Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, * Mae*
jima Mitsu Postmaster-General, Judge Kilabatake Haru^
fusn, Ono Azusa of the Bureau of Audit, Mudaguchi
Gengaku of the Department of Agriculture and Com-
merce, imd Nakano Buei of the same Department, as
-well as others. On April 8, 1882 a Cherry Garden
Party was held in the grounds of Mr. Okuma's residence
near Kijibashi, now occupied by the French Legation.
Among the guests were Messrs Ono, Ogawa, Takata,
Jctiijima, Okayama, Amano, Yamada Ichijiio, Yamada
Kinosuke, Sunakawa Yushun, Kimura Takejiro, Kosaki
KQiTvatar5, Isobc Jun, Kitadai Masaru, and Ishiwatari.
The meeting was an occasion for political discussion and
plans for organization, and was succeeded by the in-
augural ceremony which was performed at the Meiji
Kaidd on the i6th. The headquarters of the Kaishinto,
as the party was commonly called, were located in the
building just mentioned, 14 Nichome, Kobikicho, Kio-
bashi District, Tokio. Mr. Okuma was the first Presi-
dent, Kono Benken, Vice-President, Ono, f Mudaguchi
and X Haruki Yoshiaki being Managers. The inclination
•was towards English parliamentary institutions as a
model. The manifesto of the party ran as follows:— (i)
The preservation of the dignity of the Imperial House

♦ Created a Baron on the occasion of the celebration of the 25th an-
niversary of the accession of Japan to the International Postal Union,
June 1902.

t Now President of the Tokio Tramway Co.

X President of the Tokio Appeal Court.

388 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

and the perfecting of the happiness of the people, (2)
Internal reform to be the principal end in view and the
national rights to be extended, (3) Local Self-Govem-
ment and restriction of centralization, (4) Extension of
the franchise pari passu with the progress of society,
(5) Negotiations with foreign countries in regard to
points of policy to be limited, and commercial negotia-
tions strengthened, (6) The principle c»f a hard money
system to be maintained. Superiority was indirectly
claimed for the Kaishinto in the matter of personnel as
compared with the Jiyuto. In the Go do gen-koroku it is
stated, as a quotation from the Tsui-shi-roku of Yamada
Ichiro, that in the ranks of tlie Jiyuto there were at the
beginning no scholars, and that they could indeed only
count one such who was in sympathy with them, viz.
Fujita Shiro, because of the violence and radical views
of the party, but it is at the same time admitted that
there were not at the time many such men to be found
in any of the rival camps. Socially the Kaishinto no
doubt ranked above the JiyTtto. After the complete
t)rganization of the Kaishinto, the Akiba Kwai {1^ H ^)
for the investigation of questions concerning the Con-
stitution was set on foot by Ono and others.

What was styled the Meiji Grovernment Party, the third
and last of the three great parties, namely, the Rikken
Tei sei to (it ^^l&i 3K)» ^'^' Constitutional Imperial
Party, arose in March 1882 as an opponent of the more
advanced and popular parties. Among its chief pro-f
moters must first be mentioned Fukuchi Genichird of the
Nichi Nichi Shimbuii which was then known as the go*
yd sJiimbun official newspaper, and advocated careful
advance, attacking the radical politicians on frequent

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 389

occasions. The other promoters were Mizuno Torajiro
of the Toyo Shimbiin, Mariiyama Sakura of the conser*
vative Meiji Nippo, Misaki Kamenosuke, Seki Naohiko
and Watanabe Asaka. On March 18, 1882 the Rikken
Tei-sei'to was formed and its formation was publicly an-
nounced early in April. The programme of the party
was ennunciated in eleven articles. The points insisted
upon were : —

1. The opening of the Diet in 1890, which the party
accepted as determined by Imperial Ordinance.

2. Approval of the Constitution as it should be
determined by Imperial order.

3. The Sovereign Power lies in the Emperor, but its
exercise is governed by the Constitution.

4. There should be two houses in the Diet.

5. Members must have certain qualifications.

6. The Diet to discuss and settle laws.

7. The final determination of questions to rest with
the Emperor.

8. Naval and military men to keep aloof from
politics.

9. Judicial officers to be independent with the gradual
completion of the Judicial system.

10. Public freedom of meeting and speech in so far
as it does not interfere with national tranquility.
Freedom of newspaper writing, public speaking,
and publication within the limits of law.

11. The existing paper money system to be gradually
changed for convertible paper money.

The more noticeable difference between this declaration
and the expressed principles of the JiyTitb and Kaishinto
is its more conservative nature.

390 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

Political parties were at this time forbidden by IdW
to have branches in the provinces. On official re-
cognition being obtained all local offshoots had to be
dissolved. In consequence, a multitude of parties of
divers names sprang up all over the country.

To the Jiy'tto were as it were, affih'ated the Osakal
Rikken Seitdy Shizuoka Gakunan JiyTUo, Kochi Kainan
Jiyuto, A\\d]\ JiyutOy T tsu JiyutOy Mikawa Sanyo Jiyuto^
Aitchi Jiyuto, Etchu Jichito, Echigo Kubiki sangim Ji-
yutOi O'tl Tohoku Shichi-shii Jiyuto, In sympathy with
the Kaishinto were the Akita Kaishinto, the Mito Kai-
shinto of Ibaraki, the Etchu Kaishinto of Toyama, the
Shizuoka Kaishinto, the Jakn-etsii Kaishinto of Fukui,
the Hiogo Kaishinto, the Rinsen KaishintJ of Fukuoka.
In touch with the Tci sci to we find the Kumamoto 57//-
mci Kw^Uy Tosa Koyo Rikken Tciseito, Okayama Chu-sei-
Kwai, Tango Miyai:n Zenshinto, Yamanashi Rikken ho-
shu tOy and the Tokio Rikken chu sci to and Fnso Rikken
tei-sci-t'j, Tiicn, outside of the three strong parlies were
the Hakuai-to of Kagoshima, the Ko-gi'Sci-to of Kuma-
moto, the Rikken tci sei to of Chikuzen, the Fushaku-kwai
of Ehimc, the Db-yu-kwai of VVakayama, the Rio-yu-kwai
of Echizen, the Chi-kcn-kivai of Fukui, the Rikken-shin-
sei'tb of Kanagawa, the No-o JiyTi Kai-shin-to of Noto,
the Senyu'kivai of Shizuoka, the Td-yo-sha-kwai'td of
Shimabara, Hizen. i882 may well be called the year of
parties in Japan. In fact, political bodies sprang up
everywhere and the interest exhibited in public af&irs
was striking. The luse of the word rikken, constitutional,
in the nomenclature of so many of the political bodies
shows what importance was attached to the principle of
constitutionalism in the administration of the Govemmenh

Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan 391

But from the very start lack of cohesion militated greatfy

against successful effort and efficiency of organization and

although this fault was to some extent remedied later on

when circumstances became more favourable it Ha^

always continued to be the bane of political parties in

Japan.

It will be remarked that the utterances of the various
parties when they first came into existence present no
features in the main of a distinctive nature. All put forth
excellent doctrines but they were strongly characterized
by vagueness. The same characteristic has been notice-
able throughout their history, except when some question
of urgency has for the moment arisen. This is no doubt
the reason why the grouping has constantly changed,
one group merging into another and secessions oc-
curring, frequently without apparent cause. TIk! line of
cleavage has consequently never been very distinctly
•drawn and men have all the time passed from the ranks
of one party to ally themselves with another. Nor is
this to be wondered at in the absence of any concrete
issue, which when it has appeared, has invariably con-
solidated the parties. The secret appears to lie in the
-feet that sentiment, rather than fixed and definite
principles leading to well-defined ends, has been the
motive power.

But the excitement had been so great and the move-
ttlent so rapid that the reaction was bound to come
-speedily. 1883 and the following years therefore
-witnessed a falling off in political fervour among the
people and disunion and disruption among the parties.
The sure promise of a National Assembly for 1890 also
€5ofitribUted to bring about a relaxation of interest in

392 iMy : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan.

things political. Having the goal of their desires in
view, the country ceased to pay the same concentrated
attention to political agitation. Itagaki had in his mind a
trip to Europe to study in person the systems of Grov-
ernment and methods of party organization in use abroad,
but the scheme was temporarily frustrated by the wound
he received in an attempt made by Aibara Shokei to
assassinate him at a gathering at Gifu on April 6, 1882,
and by the work entailed in connection with the issue of
the Jiyu Shimbtm. But he eventually sailed for Europe,
in company with Goto on November 11, 1882 and was
absent from Japan till June of the following year. The
absence of these two leaders from the arena removed a
check upon the rank and file of the party. After their
departure mutual jealousies arose between the Jiyuto and
Kaishinto. The former attacked Okuma and his followers
violently on account of certain improper relations alleged
to exist between them and the Mitsu Bishi Company.
For their part, the latter accused the Jiyuto of giving all
their time to personal and party attacks and trying to
create divisions among the parties. The parties were
moreover, divided amongst themselves. For example
seceders from the Jiyuto, Messrs Baba Tatsui, Oishi Ma-
sami, Suehiro Shigeyasu, formed the Dokiiritsu to. It
was the same story of lack of discipline which has
already been cited.

Meanwhile the Authorities saw good cause for anxiety
lest the awakened political feeling should act to the de-
triment of good Government. They feared the large in-
temperate and irresponsible element which was in marked
evidence among the public exponents of popular rights
and took steps to safeguard the interests of peace and

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 393

tranquillity. By stringent measures, which never failed
to err on the side of severity, they endeavoured to re-
strict full liberty of speech, public meeting and news-
paper writing. Amended newspaper regulations, issued
on April 16, 1883, made still more difficult the conduct
of newspapers. The proprietor, editor, manager, as well
as the foreman of a newspaper, instead of the editor
alone as before, were made liable to punishment in case
of infringement of the provisions of the law. Not only
so, but the amount of security to tie deposited by per-
sons wishing to start a newspaper was fixed at a sum
that was in many cases prohibitive, namely, 1,000 ycfi
in Tokio, 700 yen in Osaka, Kioto, Yokohama, Hiogo,
Kobe and Nagasaki and 350 yen in other places. And
the dispersal of political meetings was more frequent in
1883 than was before.

Numerous were the proofs that the Government had
reason to dread the effect upon the ignorant of the pro-
pagation of the new doctrines, though the repressive
measures adopted no doubt accentuated the difficulty of
the situation. Many were the arrests, and suspension of
newspapers was frequent. A number of the more ex-
treme adherents of the '^JiyJito came in for much censure
for their violent methods. The most striking instances
of infringement of the law which furnished the chief
handles for attack to their enemies were the f Fuku-

* One Japanese newspaper at the time stated that the public had
come to regard them as Nihilists or Socialists.

t In September 1883 judgment was given in this affair, in which the
■overthrow of the Government had been attempted ; and Kono Hironaka
was sentenced to 7 years' minor confinement, and Tamono Hideaki (who
died in prison). Kanaka Kiojiro, Aizawa Xeiken, Hirajima Matsuo to a
6 years* term. Subsequently the sentences of the survivors were decreased*

394 Lay' — The Political Parties of Jqpan,

shima affair, the * Kabasan affair, and the f^^saka affair.
In an article published in September 1883 the inde-
pendent Jiji Shimpo complained that politics were con-
fined to a class of men who made it their profession
and that evils consequently resulted.

All the parties, though so recently organized, felt
themselves more or less discredited. The Rikken tei-sei
to from its inception distrusted by the Cabinet, was the
first to reach the conclusion that it would be better that
its members should separate. Dissolution was effected
on September 24, 1883. Opposition journals at the time
held that such a course had been inevitable sooner or
later. There was no need for a special Imperialist asso-
ciation in a country where all were loyal. This example
was followed by the Jiyuto a year later. At its 3rd
annual meeting held at Osaka on October 29, 1884 it
decided that dissolution was advisable for a number of
reasons, among which were the prohibition against the
existence of branches of the party, the restriction of the
liberty of the press, and internal disunion. But this de-
termination was based upon a resolve that the step
should be a temporary one, merely taken in order to
gather strength for further effort. In the case of the
Kaishinto also there was a strong faction in favour of

* In September 1884 some numbers of the Jiyuto plotted to overturn
the Government, making the base of their operations at Kabasan in Hi-
tachi. Tominaga Masayasu and four others were sentenced to death, not
for their political offence, l)ut on a charge of robbery and murder.

t On November 23, 1885 Oi Kentaro, Kobayashi Kusuo, Arai Shdgo,
Inagaki Shimtsu, etc., were accused of complicity in a plot to raise a revo-
lution in Korea. ( )i and Kobayashi were arrested at Osaka, the other
two at Nagasaki. The first three named, received a sentence of 9 years
penal servitude, subsequently shortened.

Lay: — The Political l\trtic$ of /n^n. 395

dissolution. The financial depression prevailing had it8
effect on politics, and it was maintained by Kono who
was supported by Mudaguchi, Haruki, Fujita Takayuki, etc.>
that dispersal and a guerilla warfare were the best plan.
Bui opinions were divided. Messrs Okuma and Kono,
the President and Vice-President, left the Kaishinto on
December 17* 1884 on grounds which comprised the
lack of union and insubordination existing among its
members ; and the party was reduced to a condition of
weakness. A Committee of seven was appointed to
nianage the business thereafter and consisted of Numa
Shutchit Fujita Mokichi, Shimada Saburo, Ozaki Yukio,
Koizuka Riu» Minoura Katsundo, Nakano Buei. In the
end the extreme step of dissolution was advised, and the
Kms/iinO continued to drag out a more or less
moribund existence until new life was infused into it by
the Spirit of the movement in favour of the amalgama-
tion of progressive political parties in common opposition
to the Government, which was started in Kiushu as early
as 1883 but did not develop strength for some years
later.

The Government had all this time not neglected pre-
paration for the inauguration of the promised Constitu-
tion, ltd Hirobumi, the great Japanese Statesman, to
whose ability and research the Japanese system owes
more than to any other man, returned from Europe in
August 1883 after fully completing his investigations,
and devoted himself to the work of drawing up the
Constitution. On March 17, 1884 the ^ Scido-tori-shirabe-
khku ($1 IK % M J^) was formed in the Imperial

* Bureau for investigation concerning the Constitution.

.- ^ Ai

396 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan,

Household Department and Ito was appointed, head over
it. H.E. also a few days later succeeded Marquis Toku-
daiji as Minister of the Department in question. His
constitutional work was thus closely associated with the
Imperial House, the source and fountain of Government
in Japan, in order that the task might be accomplished
under the personal supervision of His Majesty. This was
the reason, given by reliable authorities, why the House-
hold, rather than any of the other Departments of State,
was selected. It showed clearly that the Emperor was
to remain the ** Head of the Empire, combining in
** Himself the rights of sovereignty," though it was 43e-
termined, with His sanction, that tlieir exercise should be
thereafter guided by the provisions of the Constitution
which was a free gift from Him to His people. The evolu-
tion of the Constitution went on apace. To pave the
way for the Ordinance regarding the House of Peers
which was auxiliary to and promulgated along with the
Constitution on* February ii, 1889, a Notification deter-
mining the new Orders of Nobility was issued on July
7, 1884. Titles were conferred, in a fashion copied
from the West, upon persons of noble descent and upon
<:ivil and military officers who had rendered signal
service in the Restoration. 12 Princes, 24 Marquises,
74 Counts, 321 Viscounts, 69 Barons were . created, 500
Peers in all. Various other reforms, necessitated by the
jiew era of Constitutional Government, were instituted.
Towards the end of the year 1885 the Cabinet system
was remodeled and the present arrangement and nomen-
clature of Departments of State was introduced. Ito
became Minister President besides retaining the post of
Minister of the Imperial Household Department.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 397

For the next few years the political world was com-
paratively calm. Mr/ Itagaki on his return from his
European trip, did not justify the hope that a renewal
of political activity would immediately follow, going at
once to his native place. The intense zeal of 1882 was
wanting, but all the time, though the people directed
their energies principally into other channels, they did
not allow themselves entirely to lose interest in politics.
Of the KaislUntd during this time it was said that its
members were in the main occupied with ordinary affairs
or with writing. On the surface there was little to indicate
that political matters interested the nation at large.

Period 2.

After a while, however, signs of returning animation
began to appear. In April 1886 the Kaishintb presented
a memorial dealing with the questions of local Au-
tonomy and freedom of speech and public Meeting. Ill
September 1886 a number of the prominent adherents of
the defunct Jiyuto met for consultation in Tokio and
sentiments favourable to the sinking of petty differences
arid the formation of one great united party were ex-
pressed.

Some . of the leaders of the Kaishinto were alsfO
.known to be well-disposed towards union. Here wb
have the Commencement of the movement towards the
creation of the amalgamated association known as the
Dcddo'danketsu (:fc ^ OB IS)- ^ Both Itagaki and Goto
used their influence in 1887 to effect a union and
political activity became more and more marked from the
'year mentioned. The * Tei-gai Club (T^ (R IS§ fi|5)

* Hinoto-i, the designation of the year 1887. Hence the '87 Club.

398 Lay:—Tke Pbfyicat IhriUs €f Jhpm.

was formed by tiie exertions of the latter in October and
its members were drawn from various parties. The
manifesto stated that the object was the imion in
practice of those of like ideas already united in theory,
organization and inter-communication.

Rigorous enforcement of the regulations regardiRg
newspapers and public meetings was continued all this
time by the Government. Newspapers were as before
suspended continually and it was practically in/ipossibfe^
owing to the minute and what migiit tie temied
vexatious requirements of the law, to hold a public
meeting uninterrupted by the police with an order to
dissolve. The natural consequetice of the deprivation of
freedom of public meeting was the holding of private
and secret meetings instead. The Government were well
aware of the growing discontent and for further security
considered more coercive measures necessary. They
issued the Ho-an Jo-rei (^ 5Sc 1^ |f!|)» Peace Preservation
Regulations, on December 25, 1887, proliibiting secret
associations under a penalty of minor confinement for
not less than one month and not more than two years,
in addition to a fine from 10 to 100 yen. Under the
ban of this enactment fell such well-known men as
Hoshi Toru, Hayashi Yuzo, Nakajima Nobuyuki, Ozaki
Yukio, Kataoka Kenkichi, Nakae Tokusuke, Takenouchi
Tsuna, Nishiyama Shicho and hundreds of others^ who
were banished from Tokio to a distance of 3 /7 at 24
hours' notice. Great was the excitement which followed
the enforcement of these reactionary regulations. The
revised newspaper regulations issued on December 28,
1887 were, however, a distinct advance in the direction
of liberty.

Lc^:^ — The IVitical Parties cf Japan. y^

It must, nevertheless, always be borne in mind that,
however harsh legislation at times appeared, the Govern-
ment pressed steadily forward in the path of reform and
progress. On April 28, 1888 the Sumitsu4n (jfjl ^ |^),
Privy Council, was formed with Ito as President, a Vice-
President, twelve members (of whom one was Kono
Benken), a Chief and several other Secretaries. This
new iKxly was created that it might constitute an ad-
visory Chamber to The Emperor on matters of State.
It was understood that that time had been purposely
chosen for its inauguration in order that its deliberations
might be in a special measure concerned with questions
which might ar»e in regard to the National Assembly
and tlie Constitution. The creation of the Council was
regarded with pkasure by the people and its member-
ship, seemed to them a fulfilment of the promise given by
the Emperor to select as his advisers men of ability. The
inaugural ceremony was performed by H.M. The Emperor
in person on May 8. On his appointment as President of
the Privy Council, ltd resigned his position as Minister
President of State, which was taken by Count Kuroda.
Thus did the former continue to concentrate his atten-
tion upon the preparation c^ the Constitution. On May
25, 1888 the draft of the Constitution was laid before
the Privy Council for consideration in the presence of
the Emperor.

An inqportant political even^ occurred on February i,
18S8 in the reconciliation of Count Okuma with his
focmer Colleagues and his re-entry into the Government.
He this time took the portfolio of Foreign Afi&irs. It
was rumeoufed that the consent of the Count to resume
office was obtained oa the basis of the adoption by tlie

400 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japein,

Government of the programme of the KaisJnntd, but the
exact truth did not transpire. This return to office was,
however, welcomed by the organs of the party. . Though
the complaint of lack of suitable leaders was now again
heard among the political parties, no cessation in their
renewed activity was observable. On the contrary, in-
creasing vigour appeared. The Meiji Club was formed
by members of the Kaishintb in the Autumn of 1888,
the Jichi Club of Count Inoue was projected and Vis-
count Torio Koyata founded the Hoshi-chu-sei'td (|5^ ^
^ iE Wk)* Moderate Conservative Party, m the following
winter, his idea being to occupy a position of modera-
tion and independence in politics. . Then we must note
the existence of a str6ng body of Conservatives luider
the name of the Koku-sui ho-zon-to (^ IR^ ^ # Jll)- —
Likewise, not to omit mention of the Liberals, Hoshi
Toru started the Kwanto Kwdi in March 1889.

February 11, 1889 stands out as one of the epoch
marking days in the annals of Japan. On that day th
Constitution was promulgated. His Majesty in
performed the ceremony in the Throne Room of th
new Palace at 10.30 a.m. The function, at which th
writer of this sketch had the honour of being present,,
was most stately and impressive. With a few brief
sentences expressive of the Imperial satisfaction" at
prosperity of the nation, of hope for the future
and of confidence in tlje hearty cooperation "of th
people in the work of Grovernment, tlie Cons'titutio:
of Modern Japan was ushered in. The system is divide
into seven chapters containing seventy six articles whicE^
set forth the Constitutional provisions relating to (l)
The Emperor, (2) the rights and duties of Subjects,: '(3)

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 401

The Imperial Diet, (4) The Ministers of State and the
Privy Council, (5) the Judicature, (6) Finance, and (7)
Supplementary' Regulations. The Japanese Constitution
maintains the form of an absolute Monarchy, for the
Emperor stands Supreme and has reserved to himself
certain rights, such as the issuing of Ordinances for the
putting into operation of laws, of declaring war and
peace, etc. On the other hand the liberty of the subject
is respected, and the right of freedom of speech and
public meeting lind the free exercise of religion within
the limits prescribed by law, are recognized. The
Prussian model is seen to have been copied, but in such
a way as to make the production correspond with the
peculiar circumstances of Japan. At the same time were
issued, as necessary adjuncts to the Constitution, the
Imperial House Law, the Imperial Ordinance concerning
the House of Peers, the Law of the Houses, the Law
of Election of the members of the House of Represent-
atives, and the Law of Finance. The Law for the
Organization of Cities, Towns and Villages, which had
for its purpose the extension of local Self-Govern ment,
took effect on April i, 1889.

In the summer and autumn of i838 Count Got5 made
tours throughout the north eastern Provinces, in order
to impart to the nation his belief in the advantages of
union. His motto was daidd-shd-i^ similarity in great
things, difference in small things. He directed his at-
tack upon the clan system of Government and thus
speedily made his the popular cause. And meetings
were held at Osaka, in Kiushu under the auspices of
the Kiushu Kaishintd, and elsewhere, at which resolu-
tions, in favour of one grand organization were passed.

*• ."".T

V.*f-H

402 Lay : — Tlie BdUical Parties of Japan,

Tlie Daido dan-ketsu ( :^ |l^ M i^) ^hus came into ex-
istciKC as a great unorganized body, the bond of union
between its members being slight and loose. No long
career was in store for it. Though it had its own
organ, the Seiron (|^ |Jt), it was never formally entered
as a political association. The absence of any definite
aims from the first rendered its tenure of life insecure,
and it was sneered at by its detractors as a party with-
out a programme. On May lo, 1889 the Dai-^ dan--
ketsu fell to pieces, its demise being considerably ac-
celerated by the entry of Count Goto, the chief promoter
and leading spirit, into the Cabinet in the preceding
March. The immediate cause of the break-up was
difference of opinion as to whether or not the body
should be formally constituted as a political organization.
On that work the party split. ' The more radical of the
members supported the view adverse to constitution as a
political association and made the cry of hi'Sei-shasetsu
(# WlUlWC) their motto. Of this side Oi Kcntaro
was a warm upholder, and he carried with him Nait6
Roitsu, Arai Shdgo, Saitd Keiji, etc. They seceded
from the Daido danketsu and set up the Daido Kmua
Kwai {%^^ IH^) 21 Society for the promotion of
friendly intercourse between its members. But the
majority of the Daido dan-ketsu held the opinion that they
should form themselves into a proper political association
{sei ska setsu, j^ (t tft)^ So they proceeded to enrol
themselves in a Society with articles of association,
which th:y styled the Daido Club, preserving in its
name the idea of a grand Union. To this section
adhered Messrs. Kono, Inukai, Suehiro, Ueki Imori, Ya-
giwara Hanshi, Kud5 K5kan, Inoue Kakugoro, Inagaki

Lay: — Tlic PoUiical Parties of Japan. 403

Shimesu, ect., and it rcpr«:sented the moderates.
Vigorous efforts were undertaken by Goto and also by
Itagaki to effect a re-union, but for a time they proved
unavailing.

Treaty Revision, that burnini^ question which was in
the forefront of political issues in Japan for so many
years, did more than anything else to discover a common
ground on which all popular j>arties could cast aside
their wrangles and be at one. The longer the negotia-
tions were protracted, the more exacting grew the jxio-
pie's demands. Party politicians began to devote their
minds more particularly to attacks upon the Government
for its policy in regard to the revision of the Treaties.
The groups into which the Daidb danketsii had divided
were brought together again for the time being, by their
desire to defeat any revision programme by which Japan
failed to secure terms of absf lute equality. And the
Nippon Club was created by Marquis Asano, Viscount
Tani and Viscount Miura with identical aims. Many
were the memorials presented, chiefly in favour of the
suspension of the conferences the 1 going on. The climax
to the opposition to the various schemes of revision, and
to that then under consideration, came when Count
Okuma narrowly escaped assas ination in October 1889
on his return to the Foreign Office from a drive. The
negotiations then lapsed for some years, until the time
when they were reopened, and resulted in the first in-
stance in the Revised Treaty between Great Uritain and
Japan of July 16, 1894.

After the abrupt stoppage of the Treaty Revision Con-
ferences, Count Itagaki again tried to exert his influence
to re-form a United Party. But though the \'cteran

404 Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan,

party leader succeeded in lessening the breach between
the opposing factions, union was, for a time at least, out
of the question. Messrs Di Kentaro, Watanabe Kotard,
and their friends wished to revive the defunct Jiyuto^
while members of the Daido Club favoured the revival
of the AikokukotOy and so matters stood towards the end
of 1889 when Osaka became once more the centre of
political activity. Mutual concession still proving un-
attainable, and the mutual jealousies of the various leaders
being found to be in the meantime insurmountable, those
who still followed the banner of the old JiyHto, were
split up into three factions. In January 1890 ih^ Jiyuto
was again established in name,* and it was decided to
re-organize the Aikoku ko-to as a separate body under
Count Itagaki. The latter had fixed its opening
ceremony for the 15th of April in the year just men-
tioned ; but, meeting on that day, merely published its
manifesto, thus leaving the way open for reconciliation.
A Conmiittee representative of the three factions was
shortly appointed to confer, Messrs Kono, Itagaki, Sue-
hiro, Inoue etc. representing the Daido Club ; Messrs
Nishiyama, Shioda, Ishida, etc., the Aihoku koto ; and
Messrs Oi, Aral, etc., the revived Jiyuto. In the end
the Kd-En Qub (^ ^) was established, the Authorities
receiving the requisite notice on the 17th, of June 1890.
In Kiushu a movement was set on foot again in April
to foster a spirit of union and the f Kiushu Doshi Kwcn
an independent local organization did much towards ac-

* Though divided into the Kivauto JiyTt/o led by O-i Kentard and the
A'wansai Jiyuio under the leadershij) of Kobaya-slii Kusuo.

t Its motto being desire for Union with all parties of progressive
principles.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 405

omplishing this object by the despatch of delegates to
he north who interviewed and obtained promises of sup-
ort from Count Itagaki and others of the Jiyuto, like-
/ise from the leaders of the Kaisliintd, A basis for
nion was provisionally found. A Great Meeting of
hose in favour of Union in Kiushu,* was held at Kago-
hima on June 15. Delegates were once more despatch-
id to Tokio, who had interviews with leading men of
ill parties. The Kaishinto also appeared likely to fall
nto line with the others. Some of the principal news-
^pers of the capital such as the Hocki, Kokumin\ Choya^
Yomiuri, supported the scheme with enthusiasm. At
that period, however, the attention of the public was oc-
:upied with the first General election which took place
from the ist, of July f 1890. The election resulted as
Follows —

Independent

69 •

Daido haX

Kaishift to • •••

Aikoku toX

Hoshu to (Conservatives)

Kiushu Shimpo to (an independent

' local progressive organization)...

J »yj€irU ^, ••• ..• *•• ••• *•• •••

Ji-chi to 0 Ji§)

♦ Kiushu Doshi Rengo Tai-kwai.)

t The figures are taken from the Tei-koku Gi-kwai-Shi, which gives
them on the Authority of a certain newspaper at the time, and considers
that they convey the truth approximately. Other publications give a
slight diflference but in the main similar computation. It will be noticed
that there is one member too many, the total being 300.

\ Belonging to the K^ht Club.

^^.JL-'A^

I «

4o6 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of JapaH,

vyillClcllS ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• lo

LJllCvrXairi • • • ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• £

It will be seen from the above how divided up the
various factions were. The Daidd ha had the largest
individual representation, after the independents.

After the elections were over the question of union
resumed its prominence in view of the impotence of the
many factions represented in the Diet should they
remain independent of each other. The active Kiuslm
Doshi Kwai was determined not to let the matter rest
and held a meeting at Fukuoka on the 20th, July iSpo,
with the object of uniting all the parties of progress, and
once more sent representatives to Tokio to assist their
cause. The Tohoku sliichi s/iu kwai (^[ 4b 'b jlW ^)
formed in the seven pro\ inces of the north East by the
amalgamation of those oi' progressive views, likewise met
at Akita on the 26th and came to a decision in favour
of union. But while an impetus was thus being given to
the movement in favour of the formation of a large
popular party from both extremes of the Empire, the
Government deemed it necessary to prevent a reconcilia-
tion which might lead to their finding all political
parties ranged under one banner in opposition. On July
25, 1890 was issued the Law of Public Meetings and
Political Associations, Shu Kwai Sei-sha ltd (^ ^ j^
jtth ifi)- ^^y Article 28 of that law political parties were
forbidden ifiteT alia to establish branch offices or to com-
bine or correspond with other associations of a kindred
nature. A sudden blow was thus dealt to the hopes of
the unionists and it became a question of what was now
the proper procedure to be adopted. The Jiyuto and
KiusliH Doshi Kai at or.ce decided to dissolve as a step

Tjay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 407

towards Union, the Aikokukoto being of the same mind,
but dissolution not being in its case necessary as it had
not been formally constituted.

Conferences now took place between the representatives
of the various parties which had just ceased to have a
corporate existence and those which still retained their old
constitution. On August 12, a meeting was held at the
house of Mr. Kawashima Jun (of Kagoshima) in Hira-
kawacho Kojimachi, Toki5, and attended by Messrs
Nait5 Roitsu, Oi Kentard, Nakae Tokusukc of the old
liyutd\ Messrs Shimada, Takata Sanae, Kato Masano-
suke of the KaiskintOy Messrs Hayashi, Kataoka, Sugita
Teiichi, of the old Aikokttkdto, Messrs Kono Hironaka,
Suzuki Shoji, Oe Taku, of the Daiiid Club, and Messrs
Yamada Buho, Matsuda Masahisa and Kawashima lun
of the old Kiushu Doshikivai, At the same time a Com-
mittee of ten was appointed, including Kono, to consult
regarding the establishment of a new party. On August
17, the Daido Club, whose co-operation had from the
first been doubtful, all at once changed its point of view
and deciding to dissolve, became an ardent advocate of
the views to which it had become converted. The zeal
of the Kaishin-to towards alliance had by this time
cooled, and differences with the Daido Club tended to
increase the estrangement. At a meeting held on
August 25, which was attended by 13 members of the
old Aikoktikdtdy 1 3 of the old JiyTtto, 1 3 of the old Dai-
do Club, 13 of the old Kihshh doshi kiuaiy and by re-
presentatives of the Gumma Kogi Kwai and Kioto Koyii
Kwai at the Atago Kan Shiba, it was decided to form a
party called the Rikken Jiyuto (Constitutional Liberal
Party). On the 15th of September the ceremony of for-

4o8 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

mation took place. They declared themselves to have
at heart liberal principles, respect for the Imperial
House, enlargement of popular rights, relaxation of Gov-
ernmental interference in domestic matters, a repre-
sentative system of Government, party cabinets and
treaties of equality.

A manifesto was issued in lO articles, proclaiming: —

1. That Government business should be rendered
simple and expenditure curtailed.

2. Adjustment of naval and military preparations.

3. Reform of the Educational System.

4. Revision of the Law of Finance and careful super-
vision of national revenue and expenditure.

5. Reform of public debt and of the system under which
Government property was held.

6. Revision of Taxation Laws and reduction of land
tax.

7. Reform of procedure for the protection of private
undertakings.

8. Reform of Local Government and adjustment of
Local Finances.

9. Revision of all laws relating to speech, public
meeting and political association and abolition of
the Peace Preservation Regulations.

10. Revision of the Law of the Houses and the elec-
tion law.
It is noteworthy that the question of party cabinets is
now raised publicly in a most express manner. Briefly,
the other points amount to the reduction of Government
expenditure and taxation, more local self Government
and revision or abolition of laws calculated to restrict
freedom, with alteration of Educational System.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 409

The new association was not looked upon with favour
by the Kaishinto who wished the expression Kaishin, " re-
form," which helped to form their style and title, used in
naming the new amalgamated party. In the end therefore
its members decided definitely to hold aloof from union.

The independent members of the Diet after consider-
able negotiation and discussion resolved on August 20,
upon the formation of their own party which they named
the Taisei Kwai (party of great accomplishments) (^ JSK
'^). Messrs Motoda Hajime, Yoshino Seikei, Oyagi
Kiichird and Sugiura Juz5, Masuda Shigeyuki, Naka-
mura Yaroku belonged to it. This party may be re-
garded as the successor of the Rikken-teisei-kivai and the
predecessor of the Kokumin Kiokivai and Teikoku to. It
was from the first inclined to support the Government
and soon openly took its part. According to the public
declaration, the Taisei Kwai was to preserve a moderate
attitude, being biassed in no direction. Reasoning con-
servatism was practically its motto.

But another and entirely separate association saw the

Jight a few montlis later. Some of the followers of

Count Got5, members of the Nichiyo kwai ( H fl| '^),

just started by (Inagaki Shimesu and 14 others), of the

Genyoslux (^ ^ j|t) of Fukuoka the Dosei kwai (|p] |£

-^) of Saga and of associations at Kumamoto, Oita,

^iyagi, Nagasaki, met at the Dyukwan, Asakusa, Tokio,

on November i, 1890, and decided to establish the

kokumin Jiyuto (H K @ ^ JJI), National Liberal Party.

^^he opening ceremony took place on December 21,

"%vhen Mr. Yoshida Masaharu delivered an address. The

programme laid down was (i.) Expansion of the Navy,

^2.) Reduction of National Expenditure, (3) Reduction of

■. A-S

4IO

Imv : — The Political Parties of Japan.

Land Tax, (4.) Amendment of Law of Conscription. The
Kokumin Jiyuto was regarded with disfavour both by the
Rikken Jiyiito and by the Kaishinto, and it was never a
particularly powerful body.

The Gcnro'In having with the establishment, of the
House of Peers and the House of Representatives ceased
to have a raison d'etre 2SiA was abolished on the 20th of
October 1890.

The long expected opening of the Diet took place on
November 29, 1890. At the ceremony which marked
the occasion His Majesty announced, in a speech which
he read, that all institutions relating to internal administ
ration established since his accession to the throne hai
been brought to a condition approaching completeness
It was hoped to extend the scope of these measures an
to reap good fruit from the working of the Constitution.
* In the House of Peers there were 252 membe
viz : —

Imperial Princes

Princes

Marquises

Counts

Viscounts

Barons

Highest taxpayers..
t Imperial Nominees

252

\\J

. 21

. 15

, 70

. 20

• 45

, 61

* From the A'hoku-n }7fran (Jt ]K ^ S K')

t Selected from the Court Councillors (3), the old memlx'rs of the
n>-/n, (27), the Ivegislalivc Ikircau (2), the Tresident and Professor&>
the Imperial V^niversity (6), Various Government Departments (lO),
rest from among the iv.?ople, (^Meiji Nempio\

-=rs

Lay: — Tlu Political Parties of Japan, 411

The membership of the Lower House under the old
election law was 300. In the election for President of
the Lower House House, the Jiyuto with the factions
supporting them showed that they were in a compact
majority. Mr. Nakajima Nobuyuki (of Kochi), their
candidate, being successful. For Vice-President Mr. Isuda
Mfiinichi, (a celebrated student of Law, who was at one
time a Judge, and a member of the Senate) belonging to
the Taisei kwai obtained election. Now, for the first
time, political parties had the opportunity they had so
long sought of confronting the clan statesmen in a place
where they were more or less at liberty to speak their
xninds. Nor was it long before they came to logger-
Iieads with the government. The fight began, as it has
so often done since then, over money matters. Reduc-
tion of the land tax and of salaries was demanded. The
/iyuto and the Kaishinto were found side by side in op^
position, while the Taiseikivai made common cause with
the Government. A dispute also arose over the condi-
tion to which it was proposed to bring naval and mili-
bary preparations. The Jiyuto^ however, was rent in two
by wrangles, as often before and subsequently. Suehiro
3higeyasu and Inoue Kakugoro, who were noted for their
independence of mind, were expelled from the party, and
Oe Taku (son in law of Count Got5), Takenouchi, Su-
zuki and others seceded. Twenty-nine of the old Aiko-
^usha members, including Messrs Kataoka, Hayashi,
LJeki and others warm supporters of Count Itagaki,
^parated from the party on February 24, 1891; and
[tagaki himself followed their example on the 26th after
Vuitless efforts had been made to smooth matters over,
:>wing to the disorganized state of the party, giving, as

412 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

his reason that he had no part in their counsels. As
regards the difference with the Government, a com-
promise was effected by a reduction of several million
yen from the estimates. From the subsequent action of
the parties, and of the Jiylito in particular, it would
appear that their opposition was actuated more by a de-
sire to place obstacles in the way of the clan Govern-
ment than by any fixed principles. They gave way,
however, before matters reached a climax lest the first
Session of the Diet should be brought to a sudden and
untimely end. So the first united attack in the Diet
upon the Grovernment made by the combined forces of
the Jiyuto and Kaishinto resulted in the main in a vic-
tory for the former.

It was very evident that a reorganization of the Jiyuto
was necessary and steps were immediately taken towards
that end. Itagaki did not keep apart long, and at a
meeting held at Osaka on March 24, 1891, he was
elected President and the words Rikkcn were erased
from the party name, which once again became the
Jiyuto, A declaration was issued on May 29, in which
the programme was set forth to be (i.) Domestic Gov-
ernment to be based on Local Self Government, (2.)
Good faith and friendliness to be the chief aim in foreign
affairs, (3.) Naval and military preparations to be on a
defensive basis, (4.) Financial retrenchment suited to
national resources, (5.) Protections to be chiefly along
lines tending to the public advantage, (6 ) Freedom of
Education, (7) Strengthening the Independence of the
Judiciary, (8) Facilitation of Communication, (9) Exten-
sion of the powers of the legislative.

The Jiyuto then devoted its attention to perfecting its

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 413

organization and extending its influence. Count Itagaki
started shortly afterwards on a tour to the North-East
and delegates were sent to the west.

An important organization appeared in March 1891
called the Kiodo (Union) Club (^ |P1 {ft ^ 135) which
was originated by Messrs Inoue, Suehiro, Oc and Sue-
niatsu. Its component parts came from the Taisci kzuai,
Kokumifi JiyutOy Jichito and Kumamoto Kokkento. The
Club was composed of members of the Diet who were
to take steps for the national progress and the promo-
tion of intercourse between its members. It was meant
to be a support to the Government and steps were
taken to influence popular feeling in its favour by a
campaign throughout the country.

Attempts were again set on foot which resulted in a
rapprochement between the Jiyuto and Kaishinto, The
indefatigable Kiushu Club in the early Autumn met to
endeavour to promote union of parties and Itagaki on
his return from his tour in the N.E. paid a visit on
November 8, to Okuma. In the end, Count Okuma
gave up his post as Privy Councillor on the 12th, and a
large meeting was held on the 17th at the Oyukwan,
Asakusa, attended by members of the Diet representative
of the Jiyuto (72), Kaishinto (37), Unattached (25), in-
cluding Taiseikwai (2), and joint action for the purpose
of presenting a united front to the Government was de-
cided upon. When the Diet met for the second time,
November 21, 1891, the Budget was again selected as
the point of attack and the bills for the establishment of
the Iron Foundry, for the construction of men-of-war, for
the state payment of Prison Expenditure and for the
state purchase of private railways, — all of which, except-

414 Lay : — Ttie Political Parties <f Japan,

ing the last, have by now been passed — were thrown out.
The nature of the attack showed that the opposition was
in the main captious and the co-operation between the
parties leaving no immediate hope of amicable arrange-
ment, the Government ordered the Diet to dissolve on
the 26, December 1891, somewhat lo the surprise and
dismay of the allied opposition (consisting of the five
bodies, the JiyutOy Jiyli Club, Kaishinto Tofftoe Glub and
Dokuritsu Club. This was the first but by no rnean^
the last instance of compulsory dissolution.

The Taisen Kwai dissolved on the date mentioned, be^
cause the majority of the party had ceased to support
the Government, and because of the impending elections.
The Jiyei Club returned to the Jiynto and issued an itppe^l
to the public explanatory of its attitude towards the
Government and inviting the people to judge of its efforts
to lay a solid foundation for constitutional Governments
The second General Election was held from February
15, 1892, and was the occasion of many scenes of
turbulence in all parts of the country, particularly in
K5chi Prefecture no few persons (several hundreds) being
wounded and even killed in local disturbances. By the
people the Government were accused bitterly of inter-
ference in the elections, and this cry was taken up
strongly and used as an instrument wherewith to recom-
mence the struggle with the Government on the re-open-
ing of the Diet.

The opposition parties assisted each other at the ix>lls
and their elected canditatcs were classed by some news-
papers under the general aj^pcllation of the popular party
Min-td (E j^). \Vc also sec that on the other hand
there was a distinct party openly taking the side of the

Lay : — Uie I\}litical Parties of Japan. 415

Government, which was termed the Ri-to (j^ 58R)- The
result of the General Election was : —

.j%yvfo ••• »•• ••• •*• ••• ••• ••• ••• 1 \jKj

ICatshtHtd ••• ••• ••• .« •• 4-^

Govt. Party (Old Taisei kwai etc.) no

Unattached (including supporters of the
United Parties and Govt, supporters). ... 05
The United Parties consequently counted a majority.
After previous separate gathering, they held a joint
meeting on May i, 1892, to prepare for the extra-
ordinary Session of the Diet (Session No. 3.) which was
to begin next day. Hoshi Toru was elected President
of the Lower House on the 2nd and Sone Arasukc,
now Baron and at present Minister of Finance, Vice-
President.

On the 14th the motion that the Government was re-
sponsible for interference in the late elections passed the
House of Representatives, an address to the throne on
the same subject having been rejected two days before.
The violence of the attack made upon the Government
induced the latter on the i6th to suspend the session
for seven days. There was a great commotion and the
fear lest misguided adherents of the opposition parties
might carry the attack beyond the limits of verbal war-
fere led to a large number of Soshi and of sympathizers
with the o^x)sition outside of the House, being ordered
to leave the capital under the Peace Preservation Law
on May 21. The attack made upon Takata Sanae, of
the Yotmuri Shimbun and a prominent member of the
Kaishintdy caused a fresh order for 39 sdshi of P'ukuoka
Prefecture to leave the capital on the 30th. These were
indeed troublous times. On the re-assembling of the

4i6 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan.

members on the 31st the Lower House erased the Ex-
penditure upon men-of-war and a Steel Factory and the
expenditure in connection with the subject of the investi-
gation of Earthquakes. The Upper House manifested
what has since come to be recognized as its habitual at-
titude towards the financial wishes of the other -chamber
by promptly restoring these items. The usual com-
promise was resorted to, the first item being disallowed,
the second passed.

To meet the growing power of the opposition the
Government Association called the Kokumin Kiokwai (H
E ^ '^) (Nationalist Society), successor to the Taisei-
kiuai, was projected, Messrs Watanabe Koki, Sone,
Tsuda etc. took a leading part in the work. A meeting
for organization was held on June 20, 1891.

Marquis Saigo * and Viscount Shinagawa resigned
their ofificial positions as Privy Councillors in order to
be able to become President and Vice-President respec-
tively. The alliance with the Government, however, did
not last long.

On August 8, 1892 a new Cabinet came into power,
headed by Ito, and they took up an attitude of neu-
trality towards the Kokinnin Kiokivai, On November
10, a general meeting was held at which the rules of
the party and the policy were published. But from then
the number of its adherents in the Diet fell off con-
siderably.

Towards the end of 1892 the Domei Club was in-
stituted being composed of old members, of the Taisei-
kzuai and unattached members, including Messrs Kusu-

* (then Count).

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 417

noto Masataka, Nakamura Yaroku,* Kawashima Jun,
Juzuki Juen.

The 4th Session of the Diet was approaching and
here were premonitory signs that it would not fail to
te a stormy one. It met on November 25, 1892. On
anuary 1.7, 1893 ^^c Lower House suspended its sit-
ings for five days of its own accord after having vainly
ndeavoured to persuade the Government to alter their
udgetary proposals for the financial year 1893-94,
/hich were under examination. This was done with the
vowed object of affording the Authorities time for re-
lection. A joint motion impeaching the Government
vas about to be brought in by Messrs Kono Hironaka
:)f the Jiyuto, Inukai Ki of the Kaishinto and Suzuki
uen of the Domei Kwai when an Imperial order was
eceived proroguing the House for 15 da}'s. On its re-
pening on February 7, an address to the throne with
'ference to the Budget, complaining of the action of
e Ministers of State, was passed. A petition was pre-
ttied to the Emperor by Mr. Hoshi Toru, as President,
> resenting the House, on the 8th and His Majesty
>mnised to give it his attention. The sohition of the
>Iz)lem came on the loth when the Emperor issued an
:r furnishing f three hundred thousand yen from the
y Purse towards the expenditure in connection with
building of men-of-war, and providing that one tenth
lid be deducted similarly from all official salaries,
opting, such as might be specially exempted, for six
'5 for the same purpose. Thus the crisis was at an

NOW Governor of Fuloioka Prefecture,
^-^^e tenth of the annual fixed appropriation for tlie exj^endilure of
-*^*iipcrial Household Department.

41 8 Ijay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan.

end, and the Imperial Gift was welcomed by an out-
burst of loyal enthusiasm by the people. For their part
the Ciovemment promised to eflect retrenchment as far
as possible in future, to reform the executive, reduce ex-
penditure and introduce radical reforms into the navy.

This session was also remarkable for the passing of
the amendment of the Law of Public Meetings and As-
sociations whereby a much larger measure of liberty of
public meeting was secured and the rights of political
associations were considerably extended. These reforms
the Representatives had been endeavouring to bring
about for three sessions. Taking advantage of the revi-
sion of the law referred to, the various parties set about
the creation of branches in the Provinces, and prepared
in other ways to build up their strength. Combinations
of political parties were however still forbidden, the
Cabinet fearing to make this further concession in the
existing state of public feeling.

Later in 1893 the Government issued, according to
promise, the reforms in the navy and in official organi-
zation of Government, the former in May and the latter
in October. The Reforms were not deemed satisfactory,
more particularly by the Progressionists. As was pointed
out by the Mainichi Shimbun at the time, they merely
amounted to a certain reduction in expenditure. What
was required was radical re-organization of the administ-
rative system and a change from the Government of the
clans to the Government of the people.

In connection with the problem of Treaty Revision the
matter of mixed Residence had become a burning ques-
tion on the close of the Diet. There had come into ex-
istence in 1892 the Joyaku Kaisei Kcnkiu Kwai (of Mr.

iMy : — The Political Parties of Jap a 71. 419

lloshi and others) the Naichi Zakkio Kokin Kwai (of
Messrs Motoda, Oi others) and the Zakkio Mondai Ken-
^iu Kwai.

In October 1893 a conservative party called the Dai Nip-
J>on Kiokwai {^ 11 4^ t& ^), Japan Society, was formed
^vith opposition to mixed residence as its standard.

The co-operation between the Jiyuto and the Kaishinto
which had at the last session of the Diet been brought
to bear against the Government, soon ceased.

In January 1893 Mr. Hoshi Toru delivered one of his
well remembered speeches in Tokio in which he declar-
ed that the aims of the two parties were divergent and
that there could be no sym[»athy between thens. This
led to mutual recrimination, Mr. Shimada and others
taking up the cudgels for the Kaishinto, The organs of
the two parties also differed as to the results of the
session of the Diet during which they had stood side by
side and the breach widened. But it was not only be-
teen his own party and outsideis that Mr. Hoshi was in-
strumental in creating bad feeling. In the JiyiUo also he
sowed the seeds of dissension. His unpopularity grew
owing owing to the S5ma and other affairs in which his
conduct was subjected to much criticism, and in the end
he himself withdrew his name for a time from its mem-
bership. On December 2 , 1893 some of the Liberals
hostile to Hoshi and not adverse to an understanding
with the Progressionists, including Messrs Haseba Junko,
(representative of Kagoshima) Kikuchi Kuro (representa-
tive of Aomori), Kobayashi Kusuo (reprcntative of Oka-
yama) seceded, and ranged themselves together under
the name of the Doshi Club. They received a warm
welcome from the Progressionists.

420 Tjay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

The 5th Session commenced November 25, 1893 and
the Government found themselves face to face with a
disorganized opposition. Tiie Progressionists and their
allies, the Domei Club, the Doshi Club, the Koktimin
Kiokwai and the Dai Nippon Kidkwai turned their un-
friendly attention to Mr. Hoshi at first rather than to the
Government and succeeded in having him expelled from
the House of Representatives. Mr. Kusumoto was elected
President in his place and Mr. Abei Iwane became Vice-
President. After getting rid of the late President, the
parties in the Diet were able to give all their mind to
finding fault with the actions of the Government. Repre-
sentations with reference to the strict enforcement of the
treaties and concerning the Chishitfia Ravenna case ap-
peared to the Authorities to be of such a nature as to
call for the prorogation of the House. The session was
accordingly suspended for ten days from the 19th of
December ; but as the members were found to be in no
more conciliatory mood on its reassembling, suspension
for fourteen days more was then ordered. On the 30th,
however, the House of Representatives was dissolved.

March i, 1894 was the time of the 3rd General Elec-
tion. It resulted as follows : —

fiyuto

• • • ...

• • •

...

120

Kaishinto

... ...

• • •

...

Kokumin Seisha

{Kokitmin

Kioki

wai)

Doshi Seisha,,,

... ...

. • . .

...

Domei Seisha

... ...

...

Seimnchosha ...

... ...

...

Dai Nippon Kiokivai ...

...

Unattached and

uncertain

...

• • .

The Jiyuto still continued antagonistic to the Kaishintd

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 421

ind their allies, styled commonly the Roppa (/^JS)i * six
;ions. An inclination to take the side of the Govcrn-
xnent was observable on the part of the Jiyuto, while the
^Dthers remained bitterly hostile and showered abuse upon
their quondam friends for their desertion. Hoshi Toru
^returned to his own party on May 4. With regard to their
political opponents, the Doslii Club amalgamated with
'the Domei Club, forming the Kodo Club. This again
^vas transformed into the Rikken Kakushinto (jjc ,^ U? iUf
THj) Constitutional Reform Party, on May 3, 1894. The
leading spirits were Kusumoto Masataka, Kawashima
Jun, Suzuki Juen, Nakamura Yaroku, Kodokokan, Ohi-
gashi Gitetsu. The Kaishinto. succeeded in forming a
coalition of various leading newspapers Hochi, Chuo,
Nippon^ YoMturi, Mainichi, Shin Choya, largely through
the efforts of Mr. Tokutomi lichiro of the Kokumin
Shimbun, This combination was regarded by its friends
as sounding the death knell of clan Government, by the
Jiyuto as an attempt to retard their own growing in-
fluence. On April 22, 1894 Messrs Inukai and Takeno-
uchi of the Chugoku Shimpo tOy Sasa Tomofusa and
Ooka Ikuz5 of the Kokuniin Kioktvai, Shudo Rikuzo and
Takaki Seinen of the Kaishinto, Suzuki Juen, Ohigashi.
Gitetsu, Kodo K5kan of the Kodo Club, Abci Ivvane,
Komuchi Tomotsune, Oi Kentaro, VVakabara Kanzui, of
the Dai Nippon Kiokwai, Viscounts Shimazu, Tani and
Soga of the Peers, and United Newspaper editors, such
as Suehiro Shigeyasu of the Choya, Kuga Minora of the
Nippon, Tokutomi lichiro of the Kokumin, Koizuka of the

* Kaishinfb, Dbshi Club, Donui Q\yj\^, Koktimin Kidhv(u\ Seimnchosa hay
Dai N^pon Kiokwai.

422 iMy : — The Political Parties of Japan.

Mainichi, with Oliashi Sahei of the Haktibiinska, etc.,
met at tlic Maple Club, Shiba, in demonstration of their
desire for a national union of parties against clan Gov-
vernment. In May further meetings were held of those
in sympathy with the movement and resolutions were
passed in favour of responsible cabinets and a strong for-
eign policy.

The 6th Session of the Diet assembling May 12, 1894
in a way met with a repetition of the experience of its
predecessor. Attacks upon the Cabinet for its foreign and
domestic policy brought about a dissolution on June 2.

Now we come to one of the most crucial periods in
the history of Japan. \V?ir with China was declared on
the 1st of August 1894, and the stern realities of a for-
eign struggle put a stop to domestic jealousies and con-
flicts, and united the whole nation. Activity was directed
from home politics to foreign affairs and the result was
that the cabinet had a comparatively free hand in dealing
with the difficulties comfronting it, and in the end
proved of longer duration than any other cabinet which
went before or followed.

The parties soon showed their determination that party
strife should not interfere with national needs and that
the country must present a united front to the enemy
and took steps to show themselves in absolute accord
with the Government on the subject.

The announcement of the solution of the weary pro-
blem of Treaty Revision being in sight owing to the
signature of the Anglo-Japanese Treaty on July 16, 1894
also removed a great cause of quarrel between the Gov-
ernment and the party men.

The 4th General election took place on September i,

• • • •

• • • • ■

ty) ...

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 423

4. The result was unfavourable to the JiyiitOy the re-
s being as follows : —

Jiyuto

Kaishinto

Kakiishinto

Kokumin Kiokwai

Zaisei Kakushin-kwai

Chugoku Shimpoto

Unattached (strong party)

„ (moderate)

^ Declaration was made in October by the Jiyuto to

effect that in spite of many points of divergence of

ion, the Government might count upon their support

the other parties changed their attitude of opposi-

So the 7th Session of the Diet, an extraordinary

which was opened, at Hiroshima, October 15, 1894,

^jmoto being President and Shimada, Vice-President,

rie House of Representatives, was remarkable for its

dimity. By a unanimous vote on October 20, cxtra-

:iary military expenditure to the amount of one

:3lred and fifty millions o{ yen was sanctioned.

lie war still continuing, the 8th Session of the Diet

likewise characterized by absence of strife and a

^mination to carry through the weighty business on

X. It was called on December 22, 1894 in Tokio

closed formally on the 27th of the following March.

^March 20, 1895 *he Treaty providing for a cessation

hostilities was concluded and on April 17, the war

China, which had raised the position of Japan to a

' place among the nations, came to an end.

tie attitude of the Jiyuto towards the Government

showed signs of continued improvement owing to

424 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

their support of the post bellum programme, and t
transfer of Mr. Hoshi Toru to Korea, as Adviser to t
Peninsular Government, took out of the way a ni
likely to hinder an understanding between the party a
those in power. By degrees the changed position tak
up by the Jiyuto manifested itself more and more.

In May 1895 their manifesto proclaimed that th
would not needlessly attack the Govenmient, though
was exhorted to carefulness.

On July 17, 1895 a meeting of (parliamentary meni
of the Jiyuto was held and the new platform of the paK*
was determined as follows : —

1. The party was absolutely opposed to non-co
slitutional methods, bearing in mind the Imperii
desires regarding the Constitution, and would labo
for the perfect completion of a Constitutional f<>«"
of Government.

2. Japan must not be content with the thought thi
she was the only strong Power in the East, \y
must take her place among the Powers and alo
with them preserve the peace of the world.
party should devote itself to the task.

3. Reform and Expansion of the navy and at
same time increase and perfection of the army ^
be aimed at.

4. Encouragement and development of navigati^^
commerce, colonization, agriculture, industry, et^^- *
to be laboured for.

5. Although the party had its own ideas about soiiircrc^
of revenue, financial matters to be entrusted as ^^^
as might be to the Authorities and sanction or* f C'
fusal to be given to them after due consideratii.o0'

Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 425

^- By restriction of needless expenditure, national

finances to be placed on a secure basis.
7- The Retrocession of the Liaotung peninsula was

indeed regrettable, but this was certainly not the
time for quarrelling, and thereby erring in great
matters of state, but plans for the future were
urgently required, so the party would labour for
public rather than private ends in company with
those of identical aims, in accordance with the
dictates ot true patriotism.
^- Korean independence to be placed on a firm

foundation, its future necessitating much anxiety.
we have more than the platitudes we have been
'^'^^t:omed to expect from political parties in Japan.
*^^iric:t issues are to be found set forth and we can see
^^^^•"ly what the party have in their mind.

"^^ further declaration was issued on November 22,
"^"^^ying that an understanding had been come to with
^ Crovemment with whom the JiyJUo would work to-

in future.

declarations were confirmed at a General Meeting
On December 15.

^ antagonism felt by the six factions towards the

^ was accentuated by its becoming for the time be-

^ ^ <iuasi Government party. By them official action

^^garded with a much less lenient eye. On June

. ^^'^^mbers of the Kaishintd, Kokumin Kiokwai, Kaku*

. ^'^^ Chugoku Shimpoto Zaisei Kakushin Kwai, Cliuo

^'^S'io Kwed met at the Atago Kwan, and constituted

^ ^"^ Selves an association of political friends in sympathy

^ each other, Seiyu Yushi Kzvai (J5[ ^ ^ ^\ ^), with

^^^^w to fixing Governmental responsibility for the re-

426 iMy : — The Political Parties of Japan,

trocession of the Liaotung peninsula at the invitation <^^
Russia, France and Germany. Some few of the JiyJif^
members joined themselves to this company. From the
various allied groups opposed to the Government the
Doshi Kivai (fp) ,"^> '^) was formed and ft drew up 3
statesment in 13 articles which was agreed to on Sept-
ember 9, setting forth its principles. Thus great activity
was displayed in the endeavour to fix the responsibility
upon the Cabinet for what was deemed to be a national
disgrace.

On December 25, 1895 commenced the 9th session of
the Diet, and the opponents of the Government lost no
time in seizing the opportunity they had been impatiently
waiting for. A bill of impeachment was introduced into
the House of Representatives on January 9, 1896, but
was rejected by 170 to 103 votes. The impotence of
the opposition was thus at once manifested and made
more apparent than ever the need for strengthening the
bonds of union. On the same day supporters of the
anti-Government parties held a meeting at the Koyu
Kwan. The Kakushinto made up their minds on the
i6lh to despatch delegates to approach the several fac-
tions with the aim of amalgamation. At a Meeting held
at the Imperial Hotel, T6ki5, on January 18 union of
parties inimical to the Jiyuto under a new name was de-
cided upon. The Kokuvdn Kidkwai, however, which,
originally founded as an official support, had for some
time cooperated heartily in bitter opposition, had recently
showed vacillation and a desire to hold back. So on
the 19th its parliamentary representatives declined to have
anything to do with the scheme for uniting. At the
same time they renewed the attack upon the Govern-

Lay : — The Political Parties of fapaiu 427

ilient by bringing in a motion of want of confidence on
February 15, a step which led to the suspension of the
session for ten days. During the interv'al Viscount Shi-
Hrigawa exerted his influence with his party, successfully,
to induce them to moderate their zeal ; and on the re-
assembling of the Chamber the motion was withdrawn.
The ninth session of the Diet therefore presented a con-
tinuous record of defeat for the ** strong foreign policy "
side.

The movement towards union w^ent on rapidly, Messrs
Inukai, Ozaki, Taguchi, Shimada, Suehiro, Taketomi,
Takata Sanaa, Takeuchi and others evincing active in-
terest in it. On the 20th of February a resolution was
passed at a meeting held at the Kinki Kwan, Kanda, in
favour of the dissolution of all popular parties and the
formation of one large political association, for the pur-
pose of eflFecting a change of Cabinet and the taking of
office by responsible Ministers. The result was that the
Shimpoto (j^ ^ JH), Progressive Party, was actually con-
stituted on Match i. It was an amalgamation of the
Kaishinto, of which it counted ^{\,y one adherents in the
House of "Representatives, the Kakushitita, with thirty
three parliaihentary representatives, the Ote Club, six,
CJiugoku Slmnpoto, five, the Zaisei Kakushin Kzvai, with
three, and also had in its ranks five independent mem-
bers. Their principles were set forth to be progress, the
upholding of the dignity of the Imperial House and en-
largement of the happiness and rights of the people.

Nor did ^their declaration differ much, except in the
matter of insistence upon cabinet responsibility from most
of the public utterances of all parties from the time of
their inception. They demanded (i.) Reform of Admiii-

4^8 Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan.

istrative abuses and the establishment of responsible
cabinets, (2.) reform of foreign policy and extension of
national rights, (3.) adjustment of the finances and de-
velopment of the undertakings of the people.

By virtue of the understanding which then existed be-
tween the Government and the Jiyuto^ the post-bellum
programme was sanctioned and military and naval ex-
pansion was taken up. The 9th Session of the Diet
was a memorable one and many projects of the highest
importance were set on foot at that time.

In reward for the support of his party Itagaki was
on April 14, 1896 admitted into the cabinet as Min-
ister for Home affairs. Mr. Hoshi Tom went as En-
voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the
United States.

Not to be outdone by the Jiyuto in the struggle for
influence in the Councils of the State, the Shintpoto
came to an understanding with some of the Satsuma
Statesmen.

On the resignation of the Ito ministry the Matsukata-
Dkuma cabinet came into power.

The two great cries at the time were Jinsai Toyo
(selection of men of talent) and Giosei Seiri (administra-
tive adjustment), and party influence was found useful
in helping candidates for oflfice.

The Sliimpoto held a large meeting on November i,
and announced that the policy of the Government did
not differ greatly from that of themselves and that they
would try to see it carried out. In case of failure on
the part of the Government to give effect to it, they
would^ be found in active opposition.

The loth Session of the Diet opened on 22 Decern-

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 429

Ijer, 1896 and the new party showed their strength in
the House of Representatives by electing Mr. Hato-
yama Kazuo to succeed Mr. Kusumoto, upon whom the
title of Baron had been conferred, as President of the
Chamber.

The period during which the Shimpoto took ^ides
with the Government proved a time of trouble and
disunion for the Jiyuto. In January 1897 a tendency
to split up into small factions was manifested. Shigeno
Kenjiro and six others left and grouped themselves to-
gether under the appellation of the Teiyu Club (T S)-
On February 28, the Shinjiyutb, (new Jiyuto) was formed
by deserters from the Jiyuto, Many were the defcct-
tions from the old party about this time and they com-
prised Kono Hironaka. Count Itagaki himself resigned
his position as President on March 19. Bando Kangord
and 8 others formed the NicfUyo Kivai ( H ffi '^). The
Kokumin Kiokivai also experienced losses in January,
Messrs Sasaki Sh5z6 and six others leaving to start
the Kokumin Club, Then the business men, of whom
more and more is being heard in political matters, in-
cluding Messrs Ban Naosuke, Matsumoto Jutaro, Kimura
Seitaro, Ozaka Zennosuke, and Hara Zenzaburo, originat-
ed the Doshi Club (pj J^). To give an idea of the
various factions as represented in the Diet early in 1897
the Jimfnin published the following figures : —

Menil>ers.

Jiyuto 88

Shimpoto

Kokumin Kiokivai . .
Gi'in Club ... ..
Doshi **

25
21

430 Lay }—T/te Political Parties of Japan,

Skin Jiyuto ... ... ; 9

Nichiyokwai ......' 9

Kokntnin Club 8

Kaknshin ** • S

Unattached 7

299'

(which leaves one member unaccounted for).

With \\\z Autumn of 1897, however, the question. ^*

increasing the taxation and, in particular, the land tr^*-^'
became a great point at issue between the Governnm
and the parties. The Shimpoto esF>eciHlly took up a
solute stand against taxation, which led in tlie end to 'l::*^^
severance of connection between that party and the Qr<^^'
ernment. - •

On October 22, 1897 the Shimpoto passed the follc:>'^^**
ing resolution under four heads, calling for : —

1. The removal of discordant dements from tl^^
Cabinet and their replacement by members ^'
identical syn>pathies, to render that Body sXxoT^Z
and united.*

2. Revision of the Budget. Restriction of non-urg^^*"*^
expenditure.

3. Alteration of policy in the Government of Formo^^*
and reform of administrative abuses there.

4. Reform of non-constitutional acts and perfecting' ^
the working of constitutional Government.

On the 28th the Premier replied in a memorandum ^^
the effect that outside interference would not be permitt^*^

* Accvirdiiv^ to some accounls they also desired that . puuishment sho**
be meted out to the President of the Boaid of Audit for his allc^J'^*^
illegal rcninval of menihers.

Lay: — Tlie Political Parties' of Japan, 431

in the appqintment or removal of Cabinet Mini'steris or
with regard to the conduct of the administration.

On the 31st of October at a meeting of the Standing
Committee, the Shimpoto decided, as the result of their
negotiations with Count Matsukata, that the Government
had no real intention of fulfilling their pledges, judging
by their action in the past, and that they would decline
to continue to work hand in hand with them. The
officials who had obtained their posts as party men,
chosen from the ranks of the Shimpoto^ gave them up
in November, and Count Okuma resigned the portfolio of
Agriculture and Commerce on the 9th of the same month.

Opposition to the Government likewise tended to re-
unite the oft'shoots of the Jiylito, and the * Kodo Kwai
was formed by the fusion of the Shin Jiyutb, Kohimin
Club and Churitsu Club under the leadership of Viscount
Takashinia.

This feeling of antagonism to the taxation measures of

the Cabinet spread, and the representatives of the Kohi-

inin Kiokwai called upon the Premier in November to

resign. Both the Shimpoto and Jiyuto passed resolutions

of want of confidence in December.

Other Associations such as the Jitsugib dbslii Club also
showed openly their intention to attack the Government.

Thus the prospect of a quiet nth .Session was remote.

The Diet was summoned on December 21, 1897. On

the 24th the Gwernment introduced Bills providing for

increased taxation and projects of law preparatory to the

coming into force of the Revised Treaties.

But the collision came on the 25th when, upon the
Lower House changing the order of the Day to admit

♦ Dissolved on February 20, 1898.

r .
■ • !•

M *-»

/^ir

._/;&• i^/^^'^^ >^^^>^ ^/ /tf/<»«.

. *-^« n/* a motion of want of confidence.
of the introduction ot a

c i:,ziin!ution was pronounced as soon as the
sentence of dti>soiui r

reading of it iiad been completed.

In the fsLce of this vigorous attack from the parties
acting hi combination, the Cabinet felt constrained to place
their resignations in the Emperor's hands. They accord-
ingly did so on December 28, 1897.

Then followed a brief time of difficulty in the genesis
of a Cabinet. Marquis Ito, who was recognized univer-
sally to be the only man who could at the moment pro-
perly step into the breach, came forward on January 12,
1898 and accepted the responsibility.

The leaders of the Sliimpoto and JiyTUd would have
been valuable auxiliaries. An attempt was made to in-
duce Count Dkuma to accept a portfolio, but it was
frustrated by the Shimpoto who declared against any co-
operation between him and Marquis ltd. Similarly it
proved impossible to induce Count Itagaki to enter the
cabinet and lend the Government the weight of his in-
fluence with his party.

With the Jiyuto, however, negotiations still proceeded,
though they fell through a few months later when the
party openly went into opposition.

Another Greneral Election, the 5th, took place on the
15th March 1898. The returns gave (from Kenseito

Jiyiito and their Sympathizers ... 99

Koktwtin Kiokivai Supporters ... 32

Old Kodb Kwai 4

Unattached 8

•Government
Supporters.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 433

Shimpofo and Supporters 105)

Seiyukivai 7

Old Kbdo ha 7

* 7"^//^^;/ Z^J;//«*(North Eastern Union 2
Unattached 9

Opposition.

1 30 J

Old Dbshi Kwai 4

Unattached 23

27J

Independent.

Period 3.

The period of greatest influence of political parties.

We now come to a time wlien the influence of political
parties has been most clearly demonstrated and when
they have actually realized their long cherished dream,
a party Cabinet.

At a General Meeting of Parliamentary Representatives
of the Jiyuto held on April 18, a definite decision to
have nothing to do with the Ito Cabinet was announced.

The party had been willing to support that Cabinet on

the understanding that it was founded upon a basis of
party. But the promises made on entering upon oflfice
had not been fulfilled and the post bellum programme
liad not been adhered to. So the way for a rapproche-
rnent between the parties under a common flag of
hostility to the Government was paved. Party meetings
lield in May all passed resolutions of opposition, except-
ing the Kokumin Kijkwai.

The assembling of the 12th Session of the Diet took
place on May 14, 1898. Kataoka Kenkechi was again

* Founded by Kono Hironaka in the latter part of 1S97.

432 iMy : — The Political Parties of fapan,

of the introduction of a motion of want of confidence,

sentence of dissolution was pronounced as soon as tlu. .

reading of it had been completed.

In the face of this vigorous attack from the |iartifv= ^ ^

acting in combination, the Cabinet felt constrained to plar* »^ ^— .

their resignations in the Emperor's hands. They accord-
ingly did so on December 28, 1897.

Then followed a brit;f time of difficulty in the genesfc
of a Cabinet. Marquis Ito, who was recognized unive
sally to be the only man who could at the moment prc=- _:^ — 0
perly step into the breach, came forward on January t " ^2

1898 and accepted the responsibility.

The leaders of the Shimpoto and Jiyuto would ha
been valuable auxiliaries. An attempt was made to i
duce Count Dkuma to accept a portfolio, but it
frustrated by the Shimpoto who declared against any < ^y

operation between him and Marquis Ito. Similarly \i

proved impossible to induce Count Itagaki to enter an ~he
cabinet and lend the Government the weight of his
fluence with his party.

With the Jiyuto^ however, negotiations still proceecS.
though they fell through a few months later when
party openly went into opposition.

Another General Election, the 5th, took place on
.15th March 1898. The returns gave (from Kem^*
Sho-shi.),

Jiyuto and their Sympathizers ... 99

Kokumin Kibkwai Supporters ... 32

Old Kodo Kzvai 4

Unattached 8

:he

143

•Governnm
Suppoi

Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 433

Shimpofo and Supporters 105I

Seiyukwai 7

Old Kodo ha 7

* 7c;A^^Z^J//?«'(North Eastern Union 2
Unattached ... 9

Opposition.

1 30 J

Old Ddshi Kwai 4

Unattached 23

27J

Independent.

Period 3.

The period of greatest influence of political parties.

We now come to a time when the influence of political
parties has been most clearly demonstrated and when
they have actually realized their long cherished dream,
a party Gibinet.

At a General Meeting of Parliamentary Representatives
of the Jiyutd held on April 18, a definite decision to
have nothing to do with the Ito Cabinet was announced.

The party had been willing to support that Cabinet on

the understanding that it was founded upon a basis of
party. But the promises made on entering upon office
had not been fulfilled and the post bellum programme
had not been adhered to. So the way for a rapproche-
ment between the parties under a common flag of
hostility to the Government was paved. Party meetings
held in May all passed resolutions of opposition, except-
ing the Kokumin KiDkwai.

The assembling of the 12th Session of the Diet took
place on May 14, 1898. Kataoka Kenkechi was again

' * Founded by Kono Hironaka in the latter part of 1S97.

434 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

President and Motoda Hajime once more filled the office
of Vice-President.

Bills for increased taxation as well as a revised Law
of Elections and revised Civil Code were introduced, and
it was not long before the parties came to loggerheads
with the Government.

Questions proposed independently by the Shimpdto and
the JiyTito with regard to foreign affairs elicited replies
which the members deemed crude and apart from the
point. On the 30th of May, in consequence, a motion
of impeachment was brought in, but rejected by the
small majority of six votes.

With a view, if possible, to inducing tlic Represent-
atives to reconsider their position, and to give them time
for more mature deliberation concerning the Increased
Land Taxation Bills, the Session was suspended for 3
days from June 7.

On the day of Suspension a meeting was held by sup-
porters of the two large parties not members of the
Lower House (at the house of Hiraoka Kotaro, who ex-
erted Ijimself strongly to bring about Union), at which
the project of Union was mooted ; and it was decided to
take measures in order that common cause might be
made against the Government.

This was another step towards the great amalgamation
brought about, directly, by antagonism to increased taxa-

• • •

tion, which came about shortly afterwards.

The majority in the Lower House still proving ob-
durate in the matter of the Land Tax Bill, a sudden stop
was put to tlie proceedings by the dissolution of the Diet
on June 10. This stirred the popular parties to renewed
effort. Hitherto it had been customary, when one party

Ijay : — The Political fhrtics of Japan, 435

as friendly to the Government, for the other to be
►und acting in opposition, but now they came to the
Dnclusion that they could, together, succeed in substitut-
ig constitutional, as they termed it, for clan Government.

Rapid was now the current of events towards union.

On the day following the dissolution a second meeting
ttended by representatives of the Jiyutb and Skimpoto
00k place, and a definite arrangement was concluded.
Messrs Kuribara of the Jiyuto and Takenouchi of the
shimpotj were appointed to draw up a declaration and
ules. Counts Itagaki and Dkuma accepted the invitation
ddressed to them to enter the party about to be
Drmed. On the 21st the Jiyuto, Shimpoto, and also the
Doshi Club dissolved. The first two made a declaration
o the effect that, having taken into careful consideration
he condition of affairs, both at home and abroad, they
lad, in order to bring about the full completion of
Constitutional Government, dissolved and joined with
parties having identical aims ; and they would unite
nto one great party, and work together for the cause they
lad Sit heart. Formal Coiistitutlon of the new Party, to
vhich the name Kenseito, (StftjR) of (Constitutional Party),
vas given, was effected on June 22, at a meeting at the
Jhintpmiza, Hiraoka delivered an address, he having con-
inued earnest in the endeavour to bring about Union,
md a meeting subsequent to that of the nth having for
hat purpose been held at his house. Kataoka being in
he chair, Messrs Ohigashi Gitetsu, Ozaki Yukio, Ma-
suda Masahisa, Hayashi Yuzo were nominated a Com-
littee in charge of general business. Messrs Minoura
Latsundo, Kuribara Rioitsu, Takenouchi Seishi, Ito Dai-
achi, Furihata Mototaro were elected Party Managers.

43^ Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

The declaration published ran, roughly, as follows: — It is
about lO )'ears since the Constitution was promulgated
and the Diet opened. As many as five times has the
I^iet been dissolved and Constitutional Government has
not yet become an accomplished fact, nor is the in-
fluence of political parties greatly felt. Thus agreement
and co-operation between the Government and the people
is [)revented by the firm establishment of the remaining
evils of the Government, and Public Business is delayed
to the great regret of all lovers of their country. Hav-
ing taken into careful consideration the condition of
affairs both at home and abroad, the Jiyuto and Shimpoto
have in order to bring about the full completion of con-
stitutional Government, decided to dissolve and together
unite in forming a great party of persons in sympathy
with each other.

The principles of the Kcnseito were laid down as
follows :—

I. Reverence for the Imixiriil House and maintenance
of the Constitution.
. 2. Party cabinets and fixing of (ministerial) responsi-
bility.

3. Development of local .self- Government and restric-
tion of interference from, the Central Authority.

4. Protection o{ national rights and extension of com-
merce and trade.

5. Finances to be placed on a firm basis and balance
of accounts to be preserved.

6. Inter-Conununication between national and foreisrn
finances and development of national resources.

7. The army and na\y to be proportioned to national
needs.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 437

8. Speedy creation and completion of means of trans-
port and communication.

9. Spread of Education and encouragement of tech-
nical instruction.

The fixing of ministerial responsibility and party
cabinets were the leading points. With such objects
alone forming the chief basis of its foundation, and so
many members formerly unfriendly to each other, all
eager for office, it lacked the elements of lasting cohe-
sion. The Government vanquished and yielding to all
demands and office thrown open to political aspirants,
then would inevitably come competition for place, be-
coming ever more bitter, with final disorganization and
disruption.

The minds of the elder statesmen were at this juncture
exercised as to whether or not it was expedient to have
a party upon which the Government could rely. It was
the idea in some quarters that the Kokuniin Kiokivai,
the Jitsugioha^ the Chikashuseiha and * YainasJiita Club
might form the nucleus of an organization upon which
the cabinet could rely in its conflict with the Kenseito,
Owing, however, to the wish of some of the elders to
keep aloof entirely from party entanglements, the project
was abandoned. In the presence of His Majesty the
Emperor a Conference was held at the Palace on June
24, Marquises Ito, Saigd, Yamagata, and Oyama, and
Counts Inouc and Kuroda being present. A discussion
took place as to the advisability of forming a Govern-
ment party and as to the application of the constitution
to the Lower House, and led it was said to an estrange-
ment between Marquis Ito and Yamagata which lasted

* Formed by the Independent Members of the Diet on May 7, ,1898.

43 8 Ijny .-^ — Tlie Political Parties of Japan,

for a long time. The former was in favour of a Gov-
ernment Party, but was unable to carry out the project
owing to disagreement on the part of his colleagues.
He accordingly saw no help for it but to resign and
make way for the new party.

The conference was followed on the morrow by a
general resignation of the cabinet.

The course was now clear for the construction for the
first time of a Cabinet on purely party lines.

Marquis Ito lost no time in communicating with
Counts Okuma and Itagaki and inviting them to take
the place vacated by himself They consented, and after
consultation with the General Commissioners of the Ktn-
seito, the portfolios were distributed as follows on June
30, 1898:—

FIRST PARTY CABINET.
{Kcfiseitd,)

Vremic!r, and Minister for Foreign Affairs,

Count Okuma, formerly of the..... Sfd$npatd

Home Minister, Count Itagaki, formerly

of the Jiyi^to

Financial Minister, Matsuda Masahisa, for-
merly of the J^nUd

Minister of Communications, Playashi Yu-

zo, formerly of the Jiyuto

Minister of Agriculture and Commerce,

Oishi Masami, formerly of the Skimpotd

Minister of Justice, Ohigashi Gitetsu, for-
merly of the "

Minister of Education, Ozaki Yukio, for-

merlv of the "

luty : — TItt MUical Parties of Japan. 439

Four of the Ministers were members of the House of
l^epfesentatives. This is the first time that any member
of the Lower House has been inchided in the Cabinet.

A few days previous to the formation of the first
Party Cabinet, the progress made poUtically, and the more
sober frame of mind in which politics were considered
was marked by the abolition of the Ho-an Jo-rei, Peace
Preservation Regulations (By Imperial Ordinance of June
24, 1898). This was one of the signs of the growing
strength of that policy which had succeeded in the preced-
ing Session in passing the project of law. Party men were
also appointed Vice-Ministers of several of the Depart-
ments, and many other posts, such as that of Chief
Secretar>' to the Cabinet, Chief of Police, Departmental
CouiKillor, Local Governor, etc. were bestowed upon ad-
herents of the Kenseito. At this time what was ironical-
ly termed riokwan netsn, feverish hunting for office, was
prevalent.

The transfer of powjr from the clan statesmen to the
representatives of the people was hailed with great re-
joicing. It was looked upon as a great step in the
political progress of Japan and was even termed a second
Restoration.

Not only, however had the first Party Cabinet to con-
tend against the enmity of statesmen experienced for
thirty yeiirs in the administration, but internal dissensions
rent it in twain.

The imperfect cohesion of the Jiyuto and the Shimpoto
and the diffii^ulty of preserving the balance of power,
which led to mutual jealousies, soon occasioned the
downfall of the Cabinet. At the General Election of
August 10, 1898 the two parties competed with each

440 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

other, notwithstanding their alliance. This, the sixth
election passed off quietly. The result was as follows : —

Shiinpofj 112

Jiyutd 9^

Independent (Supporting the Kenseito) 5 i

Total Government Supporters 259

Kokitmin Kiokivai 20

Independent 21

Total Government Opponents 41

From the time of the formation of the C:ibinct there
has been constant friction among the ^linisters. More-
over the House of Peers was dead against the idea of a
Party Cabinet and had to be reckoned with. The fact
that the Ministers of War and Marine were not party
men was also a thorn in the side of the majority. The
holders of the other portfoh'os were not long allowed
to remain undisturbed in the exercise of their functions.
The Vice-Minister of Justice also was made the object of
accusation on the ground that he had been concerned
in interference in the elections, and was allowed to resign.

But it was the uproar raised by a reference to Japan
as a possible Republic, no doubt without the slightest
intention of criticising the existing regime, made by Mr.
Ozaki Yukio in a public speech on August 30, which
was the direct cause of the break-up. The Minister of
Education was in the end compelled to resign, which lie
did on the 24th of October. Mr. Inukai Ki, of the
ShimpotOy was advanced to the post of Minister of Edu-
cation. Now came the crisis.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 441

To this step the Jiynto objected, as they wished to
5>ee the portfolio held by one of their own nominees, or,
as an alternative, desired the Forei<^n Office to be given
to them. At the Cabinet Council held for the discussion
of the appointment on the 26th the impossibility of re-
conciling the two sides showed that the Kcnseito was on
the verge of disruption. The appointment of Inukai was
announced on October 27. Two days later Itagaki, Ha-
yashi and Matsuda resigned and their example was
followed by the Vice-Ministers and other high officials
nominated by the old JiyutD. The Shimpoto faction was
approached on the subject of dissolving the Kenseitd, but
rejected the idea. A sudden decision to dissolve, at-
tributed to the agency of Mr. Hoshi Torn, was arrived
at by a meeting attended by Jiyuto Representatives on
the 29th, and a new Kcnseito was forthwith started. Its
principles were declared to be the same as those of the
old Kenseito, Messrs Kataoka, Ebara, and Hoshi became
General. Commissioners, being afterwards joined by Baron
Sueraalsu. ^ The Shimpoto branch, taken aback, met oh
the 30th and again on Novemcer i, when they decided
to style themselves Kcnsei honto (Original Constitutional
Party). On November 3, the Kensci honto was formally
constituted, Messrs Suzuki Jijen, Hiraoka K6tar5, Kudo
Kokan, Di Kentaro, Kono Hironaka, being the General
Commissioners. Its programme too was identical with
that of the old Kenseito.

On the 31st Count Okuma resigned.

Thus expired the short lived Party Cabinet.

But during its existence it had instituted a system of
reforms in various Departments, differentiating political
from business officials, partly with the view of facilitating

442 iMy : — The PbHiical Parties of Japan,

the employment in Government Departments of men who
had rendered service to their party. In addition, a de-
crease was effected in the number of officials and the
salaries of those of lower rank were raised.

On the 8th of November a new Cabinet under the
Premiership of Marquis Yamagata was gazetted. It ap-
peared at the outside to be their wish to have no con-
nection with any political party, but it was early per-
ceived that such an attitude would be incompatible with
a peaceful session.

Although the Kensci honto comprised a majority in
the Lower House, the attention of the Government was
rather turned towards the Kenseito, The Premier had a
meeting with Count Itagaki a day or two after entering
upon office when negotiations for an understanding were
opened. Through the exertions of the latter, aided by
Messrs Hoshi and Kataoka, an understanding was enter-
ed into with them. So shortly afterwards the Kenscitj
made a public announcement on November 29, stating
that as the Government were in accord with the views
held by the party, they nu'ght rely upon their sqpport
and the two together would labour side by side for the
welfare of the nation and the perfecting of Con-
stitutionalism. On November 30, Marquis Yamagata by
invitation received the Ministers and the leaders and
many of the rank and file of the party at his official re-
sidence, and made a declaration of the existence of a
state of Government co-operation with the Kenseiid, By
this action the party showed their recognition of the
fact that the time was not yet ripa for a purely party
Cabinet and that the Klder Statesmen were still in-
dispensable.

Im)' :—T/ie Political /It/ firs of Japan. 443

The 13th session of the Diet was called for November
7, 1898. Messrs Kataoka and Motoda were again elect-
t:d President and Vice-President, respectively.

Keiisei honto, unlike the Kcnseito^ declined to Iiave any
dealings with the Cabinet, but on the contiary deter-
mined to take up a line of conduct at variance with that
adopted by the Government. Its constitution they con-
sidered violated their principles, which called for a party
Cabinet, and which they resolutely adhered to. Their at-
titude however was more than counter-balanced by the
support of the Kenseito and the Kokumin Kiokwai,
Thus the augury for a quiet Session was from the be-
ginning favourable.

The bill for increasing the land tax was passed in a
modified form by arrangement with the Kenseito in spite
of the strenuous opposition of the Kensei Iwnto. The
Kokumin Kiokwai also continued its support of the Gov-
ernment.

On the 5th of July 1899 it dissolved to come into
existence again as the Teikoku-to (^ ^ J|(), Imperialist
Party. At the -same time it gave a promise of assisting
the Government and co-operating with the Kenseito.

In June of the same year, Marquis Ito delivered a
series of lectures in the Central Provinces and in Kiushu
on the necessity for re-construction of political parties.
Undaunted by their feilure at the 13th Session, the Ken-
sei honto persevered in the course of action they had
adopted. They held meetings in various parts of the
country in order to spread their views; Count Okuma
taking an active part in the campaign. Approval was,
at a meeting held at Kioto on May 27, given to resolu-
tions calling for adjustment of the administration, reduc-

444 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan,

tion of expenditure, the restoration of the land tax, post
and telegraph rates and the soy tax to their former
level without recourse to other fresh sources of taxa-
tion : — These reforms to be effected at the 14th Session
of the Diet. At a gathering at the Koto Nakamuraro
Tokio, later in the year, November 17, at which speeches
were delivered by Count Dkuma and Viscounts Tani and
Miura, the fallowing programme was sanctioned :— (i)
Administrative adjustment in the army and navy, Formosa,
and all other directions. Restoration of three taxes above
specified to their old rates without recourse to new
sources of taxation, (2.) Active conduct of foreign affairs,
extension of national interests and prestige, preservation
of the territorial integrity of China and Korea, (3.) Re-
duction of unproductive enterprises in the Budget, en-
couragement of education, development of national re-
sources, rapid completion of means of communication and
transport and of works for preventing floods, (4.) Reform
of the abuses of officialdom, and of the evil of in-
terference with elections, (5.) Suitable steps in accord
with party principles and decision of Representatives to
be taken to deal with matters coming up at the ensuing
Session of the Diet.

Thus their continued opposition to the Government
was in the main based upon the question of taxation.
It is also worthy of note that the preservation of the
integrity of China and Korea is made a plank in their
platform a matter upon which they have dealt with
much insistence ever since.

The Kenscito had in the interval between the 13th
and 14th Sessions reniaincd staunch in its allegiance to
the Cabinet. On November 15, 1899, Messrs Hoshi,

Ixiy : — The Political Parties of Japan, 445

Matsuda, Suematsu and Hayashi were appointed General
Commissioners and they adopted as the policy of the
party for the next Session, (i.) The extension of the
franchise, (2.) State purchase of private railways and the
completion of projected lines, (3.) State defrayment of
local prison expenditure, (4.) Abolition of the Law of
Political Associations, etc. They also deemed it their
duty to obtain the fruit of their support of the Cabinet.

The 14th Session of the Diet, which was formally
opened on November 22, 1899, ^^^^ '^ predecessor,
passed without striking incident. The KensHhonto lost no
time in opening fight over the question which ihcy had
declared to have at heart. But the Government still re-
tained its hold over the Kemeito which admitted of the
administration being conducted and legislation enacted
without friction.

The proposals of the opposition for the restoration of
the three taxes to their old rate were rejected by the
House of Representatives on the 8th of December.

The business of the Session included the passing of
the Revived Election Law which became operative for
the first time on August 10, 1902. The law was pub-
lished as Law No. 73 March 28, 1900, and amended
slightly by Law No. 38 of April 4, 1903. It is divided
into 13 chapters which treat of, (i.) Electoral districts,
(2.) Rights of electing and of being eligible for election,
(3.) Election lists, (4.) Elections, voting and voting
places, (5.) Control of voting places, (6.) Opening of
ballot boxes and places for the oi^cning of ballot boxes,
(7.) Election meetings, (8.) Elected persons, (9.) Term of
membership and elections to fill vacancies, (10.) Lawsuits
about elections and the results of elections, (i i.) Punitive

446 Lay :— The Political Parties of Japan,

regulations, (12.) Supplementaay regulations, (13.) Ad-
ditional regulations. The number of members is raised
from 300 to 381, and there are 73 representatives of City
and 308 of Country districts. Voting districts correspond
with the limits of Cities, towns and villages. No altera-
tion is to be made in the membership or areas for ten
years. No property qualification is now necessary in the
case of Candidates, while the annual payment of land
tax or other direct national taxes by electors is reduced
.from 15 to \6 yen. Another important change introduc-
ed is voting by secret ballot. A relative majority of the
total number of ballots secured election under the old
Law, but it is now necessary that Candidates should
have not less than one fifth of the number obtained by
dividing the total number of persons borne in the elec-
toral lists by the fixed number of members for the dis-
tricts in question. The alterations made in the law are
liieant to minimize the possibility of corruption, to ensure
secrecy and to bring it into line as regard details with
recent legislation. . ;

In several places the date of the taking effect of the
New Law remains to be specially determined by Im-
•"• periaV Ordinance, so that the ^number elected in August
falls somewhat short of the full number.

The number of persons possessing electoral rights on the
36th of April 1902 was 967,227, of whom 67,979 were city
electors, 896,646 in country districts and 2602 in Islands.

Biit the Kcnscito became more and more dissatisfied
with the portion that fell to them as their reward for

* Niihi Nichi Shimbitn.

t On October 4, 1 900 the *' Club " placed the probable number under
the now Klection Law at 796,578.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 447

idirig the Government. They ^ found that Marquis Ya-
lagata placed his own opinion before theirs and fancied
hat his attitude was one of disdain of party interference.
^Negotiations took place between them and the Govem-
nent in March and April and as a result new civil
ervice regulations were issued 27, April 1900. With
hese on which they had been building their hopes of
idmittance, to places under the Government, they were
11 pleased. They did not think that party participation
!n office had sufficient weight attached to it. They were
unwilling, however, to precipitate a crisis as the wedding
3f His Imperial Highness, tlie Crown Prince was to
take place on the lOth of May. Accordingly they de-
layed action until the 17th of that month, when, at a
meeting of adherents of the party, it was resolved that it
was not desirable to continue the status quo with the
Government.

On May 20, in consequence of the regulations, pro-
viding for cases which should not fall within the purview
of the Civil Service Regulations the offices of Chief
Secretary to the Cabinet and of Chief of Secretariat . in
the various Departments were able to be filled from the
ranks of party men. Still displeased, the General Com-
missioners paid a formal visit to Marquis Yamagata, and
the conference which took place led to a declaration that
the Kenseito would act independently of the Cabinet for
the future. They subsequently proceeded to call upon
Marquis Ito towards whom their hopes had turned as
soon as it became evident that they would break with
the Yamagata Cabinet, and invited the Marquis to enter
their party as its Head. They were told that the
matter would receive careful consideration and oii July

448 Lay : — The Political Parties of Jc^pau.

8, they at length obtained a promise from Marquis Ito
that he would join with the Kenseito in bringing together
a party of which he would assume the leadership.
Count Inoue took a great part in the work. In a few
weeks time the project was ripe, for fulfilment. On
August 25, 1900 the projected formation of the Rikken
Seiyukwai (Party of Friends of Constitutional Govern-
ment) (it ,^ j^ 2^ '#), successor to the Jiyufo and the
Kenseito was announced. The principles of the reconstruct-
ed party were enunciated in the following terms : —

(i.) The party would dutifully guard the Constitution,
and would, conformably ' to its provisions, perfect the
working of the Sovereign Power, and so carry out
important national undertakings and maintain the rights
and liberties of all the people, (2.) Bearing in mind the
comprehensive plans of the Restoration, they would
labour in the cause of civilization, by assisting in their
execution and so promoting the fortunes of the country,
(3.) They were desirous of perfecting the organs of ad-
ministration and of preserving their impartiality and
would aim at making selection (for office) unbiassed,
simplification of business the making clear where re-
sponsibility lay, a well disciplined officialdom, smart ex-
ecution of business, — all which things must be made to
follow the spirit of the times, (4.) Importance should be
attached to foreign affairs and friendship with treaty
nations should be strengthened, and they should labour
for a civilized administration wh ch would be a security
to foreigners and prove Japan to be a law-governed
country, (5.) National defences must be brought to a
state erf* perfection to accord with the condition of aflatrs
at home and abroad, and' the national rights should be

Lay: — TIte Political Pities of Japan. 449

properly protected so as to keep pace with the develop-
ment of the national resources, (6.) The national founda-
tion should be firmly laid by the promotion of educa-
tion, the development of the national character so that
they might all perform their duty to the nation, (7.) The
financial existence of the country to be placed on a live
basis by the encouragement of agriculture, industry navi-
gation, and commerce, and the facilitation of communica-
tion, (8.) Local self government to be made the means
of uniting the various units, socially and economically,
(9.) They would respect their party responsibilities to-
wards the nation, and labour for the public benefit cir-
cumspectly and in avoidance of long standing evils.

The Committee of organization of the Seiyukwai con-
sisted of Baron Suematsu, Messrs Hoshi, Matsuda and
Hayashi, General Commissioners of the KensHto, and
Marquis Saionji, Viscount Watanabe, Barons Honda and
Kaneko, Messrs Haseba Junko, Watanabe Koki, Coka
Ikuzo, Tsuzuki Keiroku.

On August 27. Mr. Ozaki Yukio was expelled from
the Progressionist Parly because of his expressed desire
to dissolve the party and unite with the new association.
Subsequently in a circular addressed to the constituencies
they blamed him for his action in the matter.

On September 13, 1900 the Kenseito finally met to
dissolve and make way for the Rikken Seiyukwai.

The perfection of constitutional Government was declar-
ed to be the desired end of the change which had been
accomplished.

It is to be noted tliat the party accepted Marquis Ito
on his own conditions and knowing that his views as to
Government by party did not coincide with their own.

450 Lay; — T/ie Political Pcxrtks of Japan,

The inaugural ceremony of the Seiyukwai was perform-
ed at the Imperial Hotel Tokio, on September 15.
- By the Progressists the Seiyukwai was not regarded
with favour. Count Okuma took an early opportunity of
delivering a speech in which, while rejoicing that one of
the clan statesmen had showed the progress of the nation
by accepting party influence as inevitable, he remarked

that he was not disposed to do anything in the way of
co-operation or union.

, To counterbalance the weight lent to the Seiyukivai by
the leaderships of Marquis Ito, the Kenseilwntd decided
towards the end of 1900 to request Count Okuma to be-
come the head, formally, of their organization. On the
f8th of December the party was re-organized at a general
meeting held in Tokio, the Count becoming President,
and a business committee of five members being appointed.
It is of interest to note the formation and comparative-
ly brief existence of a political association called the
Kokumindomei-kwai (^ E 13 S& ^), National Union. Or-
ganized in September 1900 when the future of China
seemed doubtful, it was dissolved on April 27, 1902, the
objects of the union namely the preservation of the terri-
torial integrity of China and the restoration of tranquility
there, being deemed to have been assured by the con-
clusion of the Anglo-Japanese agreement and the signature
of the Treaty between Russia and China regarding Man-
churia. Prince Konoe, President of the Upper House,
was President of the Association, and Messrs Inukai Ki
and Sasa Tomofusa were leading spirits in it. It was
supported by the 'foa do-lmn kivai (East Asia Common
Script Society) and by the Progressiv^es, but was regard-
ed with open hostility by the Seiyukivai and with dis-

Lay: — The Political Partes of Japan. 451

pleasure by the Government. It is no uncommon thint;
in Japan for political associations to be formed for speci-
fic purposes and to be dissolved on tlie fulfilment of
these objects, and the Kokumin domei kzvai is but one
instance out of many which have occurred during the
past twenty years.

The resignation of the Yamagata Cabinet had been de-
layed by the Boxer troubles in China and the inadvisa-
bility of change of government until tranquility had been
substantially restored. Consequently it was not until
October 19, that Marquis ltd formed his Cabinet, the
majority of the members of which belonged to the Sei-
yukzvcd.

Of the old Jiyuto leaders, Baron Suematsu held the
portfolio of Home affairs. Mr. Matsuda of Education,
Mr. Hayashi of Agriculture and Commerce, Mr. Hayashi
of Communications. Much regret was felt that Count
Inoue was not included, as he was expected to hold a
portfolio. This may be called the second Party Cabinet
in Japan, and it was looked upon at the time as a trans-
fer of the rems of power from the older statesmen into
the hands of younger men. Marquis Ito being the only
veteran remaining. But like its predecessor it suffered
from lack of homogeneity.

With regard to the Teikohito they were at first inclin-
ed to lend their countenance to the new Ministr)-, but
on December 19, they passed ^ resolution to the effect
that its attitlide towards the Constitution in the interpre-
tation of the doctrine of responsibility violated their
principles.

The weakest feature in the Cabinet was the holding of
the portfolio of Finance by Viscount Watanabe. Belong-

4? 2 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

ing to Shinshu, originally not a party man and* averse to
Government by party, the Viscount had consented with
reluctance to join the Seiyukwai, He was appointed
chairman of the General Committee in the beginning, but
was dei)oscd from that post shortly afterwards owing to
serious differences of opinion between himself and the
other members of the Committee. The latter issued a
ver)' vioJLMit manifesto attacking him whereupon Marquis
Ito removed all the fifteen members of the committe,
subsequently re-appointing twelve of them, nominating
Mr. Ozaki Yukio in the place of Viscount Watanabe.
Thus Viscount Watanabe took office under most unfavour-
able circumstances, and his appointment was greeted with
much opposition. During the ensuing six months his re-
lations with his colleagues of the Seiyukwai grew more
and more strained. Frequent expression of desire for his
retirement was the subject of newspaper articles. The
agitation against him canie to a head early in April
1901. He then announced, in his capacity as Finance
Minister, that the execution of certain undertakings pro-
vided for in the budget which had just bedn passed and
had taken effect from the ist of that month, would re-
quire to be postponed in view of the impossibility of
raising the domestic loan contemplated in the same esti-
mates. This announcement was met with a storm of in-
dignation. He was accused of being utterly lacking in
sense of responsibility. This alteration of his own pro
posals in such a radical manner immediately after thei
acceptance by the Diet, was held to be a demonstratio
of his unfitness to control the national finances. Viscou
Watanabe, however resolutely refuced to resign unless
company with his colleagues. He disclaimed individ

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 453

responsibility in the matter, maintaining that the Cabinet
liad as a body agreed that postponement of some of the
national undertakings was inevitable, and that lie would
stand or fall with the others.

On April 20, five of the Ministers, all prominent mem-
bers of the Seiyukiuaif conveyed to Marquis Ito a warn-
ing of their intention to leave office if the services of
Viscount Watanabe were retained. It was subsequently
thought that a compromise had been arrived at by mutual
concession on points of finance and that the matter would
be allowed to drop. But disputes again arose within the
Cabinet, and outside of it private members of the SeiyFi-
kwai showed a disinclination to allow the Finance Min-
ister to continue in office ; a committee elected at a
meeting of the party sought and obtained an appointment
for an interview with Marquis Ito in order to lay their
views before him. The interview was fixed for the 2nd
of May, but on the morning of that day the Premier
suddenly repaired to tha Palace and handed in his re-
signation, to the surprise of the public generally. Marquis
Saionji took the vacated place, temporarily.

The political crisis lasted exactly one month. On Mar-
quis Ito's resignation a conference of the elder statesmen.
Marquis Yamagata, Marquis Saigo, Count Matsukata, and
Count Inoue was summoned by the Emperor. They con-
cluded that there was no alternative to an Ito Cabinet at
the moment and invited the Marquis to re-consider his
decision. The newspapers too of all shades of opinion
were practically unanimous in the view that no one but
Marquis ltd was in a position to form a cabinet which
should contain any of the elements of stabih'ty, because of
his command of a majority in the House of Repre-

454

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

sentatives. This demonstrates the light in which the in-
iluence of political parties had now come to be regarded.
]kit Marquis Ito proved unyielding. Further conferences
of the elder Statesmen and negotiation between them and
the late Premier were of no avail. The delay led to
much criticism of the older statesmen. It was argued
that it was their duty to find a way out of the difficulty
but that instead of boldly grasping the situation, each
one tried to shift the responsibility on to the shoulders
of some one else. The people were tired of their in-
action and if they were unable to perform their former
functions, they should retire from the political arena,
making way for younger and more vigorous men.

As the resolve of Marquis Ito not to come forward
again in the meantime turned out to be unalterable, owing
pcirtly, it was said, to his unwillingness to face the House
of Peers until his relations with Marquis Yamagata re-
gained their old friendly footing, Viscount Katsura was
sent for by the Emperor on the 26th May and com-
manded to do his best to form a Cabinet.

On June 2nd the Katsura Cabinet was gazetted. It
w as a new departure in that it was not under the leader-
.shi[), nor did it contain any of the elder statesmen, whose
presence had hitherto been considered essential in a Cabi-
net. On the other hand, no representatives of political
parties were included in its composition. In the estima-
tion of those who believe in the future of political parties,
it thus marked a transition stage between the relinquish-
ment of power on tlie part of the statesmen who had
controlled the administration of modern Japan, and the
final triumph of political parties and the assumption of
Governing Authority by their leaders.

Lay : — The Political I\irties of Japan. 455

The attitude taken up by the Seiyukwai towards the
new Cabinet may be characterized as of indifferent neu-
trality. Marquis It5 had exerted his influence to prevent
the party from becoming hostile on trivial grounds, be-
seeching them publicly not to offer opposition to the in-
coming Government unless their method of conducting
public affairs demanded it.

With regard to the Progressives, they were inclined
to stand by the Cabinet and negotiations were entered
into with a view to an understanding, But no definite
agreement waa concluded and the Progressives have
continued in a position of benevolent neutrality.

Early in the year there had occurred a secession from
the ranks of this party over the question of taxation.
Count Dkuma carrying the majority of the party with
him supported the proposals of the Government for in-
creased taxation on the score of national necessity. Those
of opposite views, practically the Old Kakushinto coterie
including Messrs Kudo Kokan, Chigashi Gitetsu, Suzuki
Juen, Baron Kusumoto, etc., severed their connection with
the party on February 18. They styled themselves the
Sanshi Club (H IS)i because they were thirty four in
number and the year of secession was the thirty fourth
year of Meiji. Since then they have kept apart, holding
and advocating their own views, although there has been
talk of their return to their old party and their votes are
reckoned as available as a rule for the Progressives.

The Imperialists passed a resolution of confidence in
the ministry.

It was expected at first that the Katsura Cabinet would
be a mere stop gap, but it passed successfully through
the sixteenth session of the Diet, and indeed holds at

4 -4 L^U —Th^ /i/AV^-^'»/ ^^^^^

sciiuitivcs. This demonstrates thr

ll-.jciicc of political parties had r

]kit Marquis Ito proved uny«

c.fthc elder Statesmen and

the late Premier were

much criticism of th

that it was their d*

but that instead

one tried to p'

of some o*"

action an

functio' .^^^^^ of the * C.ncral Election which ^°^\w^c

'' .fii^t \o was a victory for the Seiyu-kiVi^^ ^ .^^^
,"'^5 to be sonic doubt about the exact fi^ -.^-d
'^^' flffiniin gives the following as the estimn^''
' /,v' the Authorities : — t

SciyTi-kuHii, . .

!Kcnsd'hont7)
Sanshi Ckib
Niigata Progressives
Imperialists
Indeix^ndent

.J cwr

jrisis over

the action

,cti members

jj-ty and sup-

ed 'in the line

/he government

..c of the recalcitrant ^^^ ^^^^^^
akuguro, Shigeno Kenjiro,

enced

• • •

■ • • • • •

• • • • • •

Total

X The Moji election has yet to take

illegality in the voting. The lutmiin however, give?

375 _ ^^ -^"^
place owin-^==^^ ^-^

- f J

■«• Prior lo tlur election llie Mini>lor for Home Af)airs issued iib ^ $
lions to tho Local (lovcrnors, cnjuininj; non-intorferencc and afwolutc
j^artiality.

t These arc the liiiiiro- "ivcn bv llic Xichi Xichi. %'•

\ 'J'ook place on (.)ctol)er lo, n^»2, Nxlien a candidate in syaijul ^
with the Seivh'kiL'iii was elected.

-Tilt Politkal Parlici of Jap

457

mate of tho Seiyu-kwai figures, while the

K), crcditint^ the Piofjressives with 112.

~hiinl'iin, an orf^aii of tlie Progressionists

ract is laktn.

'Iikh appeared in the colutims of the

' October /J, ip02 : —

•■ readers are axvarc, occupies a

., tlic liistory of Japanese political

1 a ]ilura!it)' in llic House of Reprcsent-

iierc majority as compared witii any otiier

.iirality of tlie wliolc House. Hitherto the

political association in tho country could

be stronger tiiaii any rival, and the conse-

lat combinations and consultations were

der to carry any measure whether for or

vcrnnient. Not infrequently tl-e extreme

iry illoy;icality was witnessed — a small

ticians holding the casting vote and beiiig

0 control the whole situation. But the

1 now muster force superior to the com-
of all its rivals. If it decides to oppose
;xt session, one of two things must ensue
xnge of Cabinet or a dissolution of the

To Enj^lLshmcn it will doubtless appear
I Ministry should attempt to remain in
the support of a majority in the I^wer
arlianieiitary affairs in Japan arc not yet
British models. The present Cabinet as-
■ith open disavowal of parliamentary sup-
!cnts the familiar chjBen shtigi, or inde-
, which is one of the transition stages
ucracy to constitutional institutions. It

45 6 Ixiy : — The Political Parties of Japan,

present (September 1902), a stronger position than ever
owing to its conduct of affairs having on the whole met
with the approval of the people. A threatened crisis over
the proposals of the Budget was averted by the action
of the more moderate section of the Seiyukwai members
who showed their intention to leave tlie party and sup-
port the Government if the former persisted in the line
it had adopted regarding the estimates. The Government
consequently triumphed, but the Seiyukwai took venge-
ance by ex{)elling some of the recalcitrant members,
Messrs Inoue Kakugoro, Shigeno Kenjiro, and Den
Kenjiro.

The result of the * General Election which commenced
on August 10 was a victory for the Seiyu-kwai. There
appears to be some doubt about the exact figures, but
the Jimmin gives the following as the estimate arrived
at by the Authorities : — f

Seiyu-kwai 192

lu'nsei-honto 88^

Sanshi Club

Niigata Progressives

Imperialists

Independent

Progressives

••• ••• •••

• • • • •

Total 375

X The Moji election has yet to take place owing to
illegality in the voting. The Jimmin however, gives 199

* Prior to the election the Minister for Home Affairs issued instruc-
tions to the Local Governors, enjoining non-interference and absolute im-
partiality.

t These arc the figures given by the A7<7// Xichi.

\ Took place on October lo, 1902, when a candidate in sympathy,
with the Stiyn-kwai was elected.

Lay : — Th€ Political Parties of Japan, 457

as its own estimate of the Seiyu-kivai figures, while the
AsaJii gives 190, crediting the Progressives with 112.
from the Hochi S/iimhm, an organ of the Progressionists
to the following extract is taken.

Footnote : — Article which appeared in the columns of the
" fapan Daily Mail'' on October ij, igo2 : —

The Seiyu-kwaiy as our readers are aware, occupies a
position unique in the history of Japanese political
parties. It has a pluralit)' in the House of Represent-
atives—not a mere majority as compared with any other
party, but a plurality of the whole House. Hitherto the
most powerful political association in the country could
only claim to be stronger than any rival, and the conse-
quence was that combinations and consultations were
necessary in order to carry any measure whether for or
against the Government. Not infrequently tlx' extreme
of parliamentary illogicality was witnessed — a small
coterie of politicians holding the casting vote and being
thus enabled to control the whole situation. But the
SeiyH'kwai can now muster. force superior to the com-
bined strength of all its rivals. If it decides to oppose
the Ministry next session, one of two things must ensue
— either a change of Cabinet or a dissolution of the
Lower House. To Englishmen it will doubtless appear
strange that a Ministry should attempt to remain in
office without the support of a majority in the Ia)wer
House. But parliamentary affairs in Japan are not yet
in accord with British models. The present Cabinet as-
sumed office with open disavowal of parliamentary sup-
port. It represents the familiar chozen shugi, or inde-
pendent policy, which is one of the transition stages
from a bureaucracy to constitutional institutions. It

458 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Jafi^n,

takes its mandate from the Throne alone, and does not
acknowledge direct responsibility to any political party.
If, then, the Seiyu-hwai should marshal its forces against
the Ministry next session, the Cabinet would be logically
following the rule of its existence did it send the mem-
bers back to their constituencies, a sentence which ihe
members, having just incurred the expense and trouble
of a general election, will naturally be most anxious to
avoid. Neither is it likely that things will ever be
pushed to such a flagrant issue. The Seiyukwai is
under the leadership of Marquis Ito, who, more than
any statesman in the country, enjoys the Sovereign's
confidence. Marquis Ito's attitude towards the present
Cabinet is avowedly directed by the principle of mini-
sterial stability. Strongly opposed to ephemeral tenure
of office, he desires to educate among politicians a con-
viction that the interests of party must always be
sacrificed to those of State, at least to the extent of the
disturbing the occupants of the seats of power merely
because of their occupation. So long as that process of
education can be continued without over-straining the
cohesion of the Seiyu-kivai, Marquis Ito is likely to con-
tinue it, and when it becomes difficult to continue, we
may be sure that the necessary readjustments will be
effected without anything like a crisis.
Progressives, gives the figures as : —

Progressives Il8

Seiyu'kivai i88

Imperialists 19

Independent 50

k..

Tmv : — The Politic at Parties of Japan. 459

In any case, * the party led by Marquis Ito will com-
mand a clear majority in the next House of Represent-
atives. Whether or not it will be a compact body is
quite another question. During its brief existence the
party has not enjoyed much freedom from internal dis-
sension. From time to time there have been rumours
that it would dissolve and a union be effected between
a section of its members and the Progressives. Already
it is said to be divided over the land tax question vvh'ch
promises to constitute one of the most difficult problems
by which the Diet will be confronted in its seventeenth
session (1902-03).

Political parties have now become a distinct power in
the land and the day may come when they shall readi
the final goal of their ambition, namely the control of
the administration. From small and insij^nificant begin-
nings they have gradually progressed in influence and in
organization. As by degrees they have been getting rid
of their unruly and dangerous elements and learning to
a greater extent the lesson of responsibility, they have
more and more gained the popular confidence. Possess-
ing practically the power of the purse, — for in the Diet
the House of Representatives has the first say as to the
details of the Budget presented by the Government, —
they have always to be reckoned with. And with the
perfection of their organization, and the growth of their
experience they will have to be more and more taken
into account in the future. The power which the Lower
House can exercise is indeed limited by the Constitu-
tion, and failing to obtain its consent to the Budget, the

* See Footnote — (Extract from Article in Japan Daily Mail of Oclu-
l^cr 13, 1902).

40o

Laiv : — The Political JhrtiiS of Japan.

GovcintiKnt can order dissolution and the estimates for
the current financial year are then again adopted. But
no statesman can afford to neglect political parties or
hope to carry on the affairs of the State for long in face
(:'{ the opposition of a majority in the House of Repre-
sentatives. One of the greatest of Japan's Statesmen —
Count (>kuma — has from the early days been closely as-
sociated with one of the principal parties, and Marquis
Ito recently consented to throw in his lot with the other
large pirty. Party Cabinets have already been attempt-
ed, but have so far not proved a success. With a
longer trial, however, there is no reason why they
should not some day be a recognized feature of the
national polity. There are some who sneer at the
I)arties ar.d minimi/e the importance of the field of
work lying before them. These are not the more
serious students of modern Japanese history. We have
seen in this sketch how the parties have gradually de-
veloped and advanced and that the most able of states-
men feel — and the feeling is constantly more and more im-
portant— that they are no longer a ncgligeable quantity,
but that they must be considered and consulted and
their assistance sought. With the retirement, which can-
not now be long delayed, of the elder statesmen from the
arena of poHtics, will come the opportunity for the
party men. Within the limits of the Constitution of
Ja|)an tliere is ample room foi the exercise of large
l)()wtrs by political i)arties. Considering the brief
period which has elapsed since political parties l:ad tlieir
origin in Japan, and making due allowance for the faults
incident to youth, one cannot but be struck with the
position they have now attained. It is true that char*T:es

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 461

of bribery and corruption have from time to time been
justly brought against many of their members. It is
also true that at a time when they hesitated to grant
the expenditure deemed necessary for national require-
ments, the House of Representatives cheerfully voted an
increase in the annual allowances of members from 800
to 2,000 yen. But when times of national emergency
have come, all parties have united to sink their
differences arid devoted themselves wholeheartedly to face
and overcome the difficulty and danger. And to their
credit must be placed the fact that they have assisted in
securing a large measure of liberty to the subject and of
freedom for the press and political associations.

There have of course been unruly scenes in the Lower
House at times, but on the whole, in the conduct of
business, it may be said to compare not unfavourably
w'ith Representative Bodies in other parts of the world.

With regard to representation, the agricultural interest
preponderates, as so many of the members arc of the
agricultural class, the mercantile world being represented
in only a small degree.

That there have been no distinct and well defined
party issues may be traced to the fact that feudalism
gave place so suddenly to a modern state of society.
No doubt there was a period of preparation for the
change, but the old was transformed into the new with-
out any very marked transition period. The leaders of
thought and those who have taken up the work of
national rejuvenation have consequently all been men of
progressive tendencies. For it was clear that Japan
must advance rapidly, and in the same direction as the
West, if she wished to take her place as she has now
done, on terras of absolute equality among the Nations.

4^)2 Lay : — Tlic Political Parties of Japan,

Tliorough reform and reorganization were a vital neces-
sity, and at the same time this truth was so apparent to
intelligent minds that in Japan those whose thoughts
have preferred to revert for guidance to the past have
had few followers during the past thirty years — parti-
cularly in the political world. The outcome has been
that all the parties, with the exception of very minor
and negligeable groups, have been advocates of reform
and progress and staunch upholders of the Hberty of the
subject. With all this, loyalty to the Emperor has never
for a moment been lost sight of by any of the parties
and their programmes have been filled with laudable de-
sires for the dignity of the Imperial House. Another
reason for vagueness of programme appears to be the
comparatively subordinate part played by political parties
in the Government of the country. Inability until recently,
to carry out plans, at times prevents their being made.
That they have frequently opposed the Government in
cases where opposition for its own sake has been the
only recognizable principle cannot be gainsaid. It must,
however, be remembered that they have all along Keen
struggling for a share in the administration, to give
effect to their contention that the Government .should be
not only representative of one class or section of the
population but be carried on by the nominees of the
l)cople under the Imperial authority. In a recent paper
read before the Asiatic Society, Mr. Chamberlain re-
ferred to the intensely democratic nature of the Japanese
people. In the rise of political parties we have an
illustration of this phase of the national character, side
by side with marked reverence for the Emperor. The
desire for equality and the revolt against the controlling
iiifluoncc of a Hvurow cutcrie has all along been exhibited.

atalogue cf recently published Japanese Books^

I sincerely trust that the Catalogue herewith presented
to the members of the Asiatic Society may be of material
service in the promotion of Japanese studies. One of the
most desirable results would be a large increase in the
number of valuable papers prepared for the Society's
Transactions, the main purpose of this Catalogue being to
point members to the sources through which information
may be derived. The Catalogue does not pretend to be
either complete or scientifically arranged ; so long as it
serves ils purpose I shall be satisfied.

I may add that I shall be at all times happy to act as
intermediary either in procuring books or in having
rough translations prepared, or in any other wa>' for
members who are not in a position to do such things for
themselves.

Arthur Lloyd.
56. Tsukiji, Tokyo December 1903. Hon. Lib.

Religion.

Ichimai Kishomon Tanshin Sho. ^-^tfe^lrl^itiii fS^*
^otes on a Buddhistic book on faith. Author Shanion
Tlyucho. Publisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.12.

Fubo-on-ju Kyo Kogi. :X l5:®liJK^^- lectures on

464 Catalogue of Books,

the Fubo-oii-ju Ky5, a Buddhistic book on parents' grace.
Author Yamada Kodo. Publisher Koyiikwan. Price
Yen, 0.12.

Fukwan Zazcngi Senyo. ^-||!|/^jj$^^|c- Notes on
the Fukwan Zazengi, a Buddhistic book on religious
meditation. Author Ouchi Seiran. Publisher Komeisha.
Price Yen, o.io

Murakami Hakase Bukkyo Koron Shu. ;H'ilfild^l^
tic liH uft ^ A collection of Prof. Murakami's lectures
and essays on Buddhism. Vol. I. Author Murakami
Sensho. Publisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 1.50.

Rinri to ShOkyo to no Kwankei. fft-j^ i J^tic £ ©BB
^. Relation between ethics and religion. Author Ino-
uyc Tetsujiro. Publisher P^usambo. Price Yen, 0.4b.

Anshin Ritsumei Dan. ^j&jfc'ft'llE. A talk on peace
of mind and faith. Author Murakami Sensho. Publisher
Tctsugaku Shoin. Price Yen, 0.20.

Sanron Gengi Kowa Roku. Hl^~^^^^^- Lectures
on the Sanron Gengi, a Buddhistic book. Author Maeda
lum. Publisher Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinshu Shichi-so no Taiko. ^Rn'^'blfi:^::^!^- Arti-
cles of faith of the seven Fathers of the Shinshii, a Bud-
dhistic sect. Author Saito Yuishin. Publisher K6yuk\van.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Shinshu Yoryo. J^^lc^fi- A brief description of the
Shinshu, a Buddhistic sect. Author Murakami Sensho.
Publisher Tetsugaku Shoin. Price Yen, 0.25.

Sekkyo Hiyu Gowa Roku. |ftt5:^"fe>g^^-^. A col-
lection of parables to be adopted for sermons. Author
Yasuda Tokunin. Publisher Bunmeido. Price Yen, 0.45.

Sonken Hakase Rinri teki Shukyo-ron Hihan Shu. ^
m'^±^mt^\%mkW(^%' a criticism on Prof. Ino-

Catalogue of Books. 465

iye*s " Ethical Religion." Author Akiyama Goan. Pub-
isher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.80.

Gojin no Shukyo. "?5A07j?%- ^"J" religion, a layman's
'iew of Buddhism. Author Akatsuki Ubin. Publisher
^umnieido. Price Yen, 0.20.

Sodoshu Shushoji Sokkyo Daizen. Wf|^>i^fiE^^i%%
^^. A collection of sermons of the Sotoshu, a Buddhistic
ect. Author Sotdshu Shiimukyoku. Publisher Koyu-
:wan. Price Yen, o 70.

Seishin Kowa. ^ijBlt^^- Lectures on spiritual culture.
Vuthor Kiyozawa Manshi. Publisher Bummeido. Price
fen, 0.30.

Roppo-rai-kyo Kowa. AS>l!fJjSiS^.^^- Lectures on the
^.oppo-rai-kyo, a Buddhistic book. Author Ouchi Seiran.
Publisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Gakud6-y5jin-shu Kogi. $M ^#(!>^ ^^* lectures
>n the Gakudo-yojin-shu, a Buddhistic book on the way
>f Buddha. Author Yamada K5d6. Publisher Koyukwan.
Price Yen, 0.30.

Murakami Hakase Koen-shu. # ^b IH ^T 91 K^- A
:ollection of Prof. Murakami's lectures and speeches.
'Vuthor Murakami Sensho. Publisher Bummeido. Price
^'en, 0.25.

Gusha-ron Tasshi. {^^ Sfi^i^iu:^- Lectures on the Gu-
»ha-ron (a Buddhist book.) Author Murakami Sensho.
Publisher Tetsugakushoin. Pi ice Yen, 0.25.

Gunjin to ShiJkyo, !JX i J^tSC- Soldiers and Reli-
gion. Author Takemoto Kiyozo. Publisher Kyobun-
lAvan. Price Yen, 0.02.

Morumonkyo to Morumonkydto. W^f^'tflt W^f\
}ki&' On Mormonism and Mormons. Autlior Taka-
Lashi Goro. Publisher Jujiya. Price Yen, 0.75.

4^6 Catalogue of Boohs.

Bukkyo Rinri no Jissen. %WkM © ffS- Practice
in Buddhistic morals. Author Hanada Ry5un. Pubh'shcr
Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.25.

Bukkyo Kaikaku Dan. ift ffe 2S[ $ ^. View on Bud-
dhistic reformation. Author Kato Hiroyuki. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.12.

Fukwan-zazen Kogi. ^Hl^lS^il' Lectures on the
Fukwan-zazen, a Buddhistic book. Author Ouchi Seiran.
Pubh'sher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Kishin-ron Tasshi. & j^gft^^. Lectures on the Kishin-
-ron, a l^uddhistic book. Author Murakami Sensh5.
Publisher Tetsugakushoin. Price Yen, 0.25.

Kyudosha no Shiori. ^j|^^0^. A guide to Chris-
tianity. Author Bessho Umenosuke. Publisher Kydbun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.05.

Yubin-kyakufu to Shukyo. W&M'h ^ ^tfl- Postmen
and religion (Christianity.) Author Okubo Rakujitsu.
Publisher Kyobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.02.

Shinshu Kyoshi. MfA^^- A history of Shinshu, a
l^uddhislic sect. Author Maeda Eun. Publisher Bum-
meido. Price Yen, 0.65.

Shonin to Shukyo. "^A^^ ^^- Merchants and re-
ligion (Christianity.) Author Abe Seiz5. Publisher Kyo-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.02.

Shukyo Kaikaku An. ^^fS^fift^^. A layman's view
on Buddhistic reformation. Author Inouye Enryd. Pub-
lisher Tetsugakushoin. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shinreijo no Shuyo. i6M_hCDiif||. On spiritual cul-
ture based on Buddhism. .Vuthor Hamaguchi Esho. Pub-
lisher Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.35.

Hikaku Shukyo Ippan J:^; ^ ^ fj^ — HJ. A gen-
eral view on comparative religion. Author Kishi-

Catalogue of Books. ^Gj

moto Nobuta. Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Zengaku Okugi. jjli^M^- Mystery of the science of
Zen. Author Fujinami Ichinyo. Publisher Bungakudo-
shikwai. Price Yen, 0.50.

Zenkai Kummo. |5?Kp|^. Elementary teaching on
Zen precepts. Author Nishiarl Zenji. Publisher Koinei-
sha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Zengaku Kwatsumondo. Jflt^JS^^* Catechism on
the .science of Zen. Author Kdmeisha. Publisher Ko-
meisha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Logic.

Ronrigaku Koyo. ffijf 31 $ iW S- ^ book on logic.
Authors Kuwaki Ganyoku and Sekiyama Tomi. Publisher
Hakubunkvvan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Philosophy.

Nippon Kogaku-ha Tetsugaku. EI ^^'j&^iHR^^. Phi-
losophy of the Kogaku School in Japan, a school of
Confucianism which held the oldest way of interpreting
Confucius' teaching. Author Inouye Tetsujiro. Publisher
Fusambo. Price Yen, 1.60.

Nippon Tetsugaku Yoron. B4^{$$1^|^- A brief
s^ccount of Japanese philosophy. Author Arima Suke-
masa. Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.90.

Waseda Sosho Tetsugaku Shiyo. ^fSffl^^g^ail?.
A short history of philosophy. Author Kuwaki Genyoku.
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.40.

Sekai Shiso no Kwako Oyobi Shorai. ilt^JgliElCO^S
^XJMF^' P«^st and future of Thought in the world.
Author Hokki Keijir5. Publisher Tdyosha. Price Yen,
0-15.

Tetsugaku Koy5. f$^jP||. A short history of phi-

468 Catalogue of Books.

losophy. Author Asanaga Sanjiro. Publisher Hobun-
kwan. Price Yen, i.oo.

Shizen-kai no Shimbi. Q^fJ-CD^fl- -Esthetics in
Nature. Author Otsuki Ryu. Publisher Bungaku D5shi-
kwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shakwai-gaku to Tetsugaku. Sh^^ilS^- Sociolo-
gy and philosophy. Author Hisamatsu Giten. Publisher
Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.60.

Jinsei no Shimbi. A^v7)8ril- Esthetics of human
life. Author Otsuki Ryu. Publisher Bungaku Ddshikvvai.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Bungaku no Shimbi. X^0Sf3§- -'Esthetics of litera-
ture. Author Otsuki Ryu. Publisher Bungaku Doshi-
kwai. Price Yen 0.25.

Koto Nippon Shushin Sho. . ift*1?H:4:1if:l'#. A text
book on elementary ethics for girls, to be used in higher
e^ementaiy girls' schools. Author Bungakusha. Publis^her
Bungakusha. Pi ice Yen, 075.

Obei Kotoku Bidan. P|lt:5RS^^|fe. A collection of
stories about public morals in Europe and America.
Author and Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.20.

Yojohan Tetsugaku. KS-f"^^- An " Attic Philo-
sopher." Author Hakugan Koji. Publisher Tetsugaku-
shoin. Price Yen, 0.20.

Genko Yoroku. ^ ^f ^ ¥A' A collection of moral
stories. Author K\^'an Ryokuin. Publisher Hakubunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.30.

Shimpen Futsu Shinrigaku. fiftl^Jlfiii^a^- A hand
book on psychology. Authors Takashima Heizaburo
and Doi Kennosuke. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen,
085.

Fujo no Sluiyo. Wk^^^- A book on the culture

Catalogue of Books. 469

of woman. Author Kat5 Totsudo. Publisher Komeisha.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Kokumin Sah5 Kyohon. HRf^fifJC>f^. A text book
on etiquette. Authors C'mura Daijiro and Watanabe
Shoku. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.40.

Teiyu Rinri Kwai Koen Shu. TSitSffilf^^- A
collection of lectures on ethics. Vol. IX. Author Teiyii
Rinri Kwai. Publisher Dai Nippon Zushokwaisha. Price
Yen, 0.10.

Tetsugaku Gairon Koyo. ®$<it|ft#i35- Elements
of philosophy. Author Kat5 Genchi. Publisher Toyosha.
Price Yen, 0.75.

Kyoiku no Jissai ni Oyo shitaru Shinrigaku. %L^ 0^
fTRfUMRffl LIZh iOai^- Psychology as adapted to
practical education- Author Tominaga Iwataro. Publisher
Kinshodo. Price Yen, 0.45.

Meiji Shakd Reishiki. ^^JpSt^JlSA' Modern Social
etiquette. Author Yamada Bimyo. Publisher Aoki Su-
zando. Price Yen, 0.50.

Jissen Rinri Kogi. Sf Ift Ift" ?-l p)I IS- Lectures on
practical ethics. Author Murakami Tatsugoro. Publisher
Kanasashi. Price Yen, 0.80.

Shosei Yokun. |K Ifir 1^ |lfi- Precepts on how to get
on in the world. Author Honda Masujiro. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinrigaku Shin Kyokwasho. ^(^^ a|^ ff ^ ?4 ^. A
new text book on psychology. Authors Matsumoto K6-
jiro and Fukurai Tomokichi. Publisher Fukyusha. Price
Yen, 0.80.

Shinrigaku Seigi. it^B^fi!}^- Principles of Psycho-
logy. Author P'ukurai Tomokichi. Publisher D5bunk\van.
Price Yen, 1.80.

470 Catalogue of Books,

Shimpen Shinrigaku. ^11)681^. A new text book:
on Psychology. Author Malsumoto Kojiro. Publisher
Seibido. Price Yen, 0.60.

Shiayo Dan. ^^^' On self culture. Author Matsu-
iiuna Kaiseiki. Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, c.23.

Chugaku Kyoiku Motora Shi Rinri Sho. H'^tfcl^TC
liRI&'S^- A text book on ethics for Middle Schools.
Author Motora Yujiro. Publisher Seibidd. Price Yen,
1.20.

Seiyo Rinrigaku Shi. iSJ^fH^SI^Stl- A history of
Western ethics. Author Tsunajima Eiichiro. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.30.

Zemma Tetsugaku. ^^ft^^* An essay on philoso-
phy by a Buddhist. Author Aoyagi Yubi. Publisher
Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.25

Ethics.

Rinri-gaku Teiyo. |||^ M ^ H 3^- A book on ethics.
Authors Yomezawa Buhei and Tanaka Tatsu. Publisher
Kofiikwan. Price Yen 0.50.

Kotoku Yosei. ^@Hl^* Culture of public morals,
or social ethics. Author Teikoku Kyoiku Kwai. Pub-
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.50.

T6y5 Rinri Koshi no Gaku-setsu. ]ft^fit9|?LiF©^lft-
Doctrines of Confucius, as Eastern ethics. Author Matsu-
mura Seiichi. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0*35.

Jissen Rinri Nyumon. HBIf&fflAP^- Elementary
principles of practical ethics. Author Nakajima Ushijiro.
Publisher Seibidd. Price Yen, O.35.

Nippon Rinri Ihcn. H 4^^ ft S ^ H- A collection
t»f Ethical theories in Japan. Author Inouye Tetsujiro.
Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 1.35.

Catalogue cf Books, 471

Nippon Rinri Ihen. 0 4:ffrSi^fi- Vol. I. A history
of Japanese ethics (ethical theories held by a school of
Confucianism called *' Shushi Gaku Ha/*) Author Inouye
Tetsujiro. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 1.60.

Nippon Rinri Ihen. Wif^^W^M- Vol. II. A his-
tory of Japanese ethics. — Ethical theories held by a school
of Confucianism called Shushi Gaku Ha. Author Inouye
Tetsujiro. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, i.oo.

Rinri Ky5kwa-sho. |&Sf5:5|^^. A text book on
ethics. Authors Watanabe Ryusei and Nakajima Ushi-
jiro. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 0.55.

Psychology.

Shinrigaku. ^(^ ^ ^. Psychology. Author Hayami
Ko. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Education.

Nippon Gakusei Taiko. Q^^^fM^M- School system
of Japan, written for Chinese readers. Author Taito D6-
bunkyoku. Publisher Maruya & Co. Price Yen, 0.08.

Rekishi Kyoju Ho. MStlk^^-- Method of teaching
history. Author Saito Hisho. Publisher Kinkodo. Price
Yen, 0.75,

Kydiku to Hakubutsugaku. ffc"^* i fff^^^. Education
and Natural History. Author Oka Saijiro. Publisher Kai-
seikwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shogakko Jikken Kwanri Dan. /h$^)if J|^3|^ Expe-
riences in the management of an elementary school. Author
Negishi Kwan. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Shogakko Zugwa Kyoju Ron. /h^a5iaaf«i:«^.
Method of teaching drawing in elementary schools. Author
Komuro Shinzo. Publisher Rotsugokwan. Price Yen,

0.35-

472 Catalogue of Books.

Shogakii Kyoju Ho. /h^tfcS^- Method of teach-
ing an elementar}'^ school. Author Naito Keisuke. Pub-
lisher Seibidd. Price Yen, 0.75.

Shogakko ShQshin Kydju Ho. /^ JP «f ME # iK S *-
Method of teaching ethics in elementary schools. Author
Sanada Takanori. Publisher Kiftkodo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinsen Kyoju Ho. frSliKSj*- Vol. II. Method of
teaching. Author Yamamoto Sotaro. Publisher Toyosha.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Jitchiteki Shogakko Kyoju Ho. J|^W^h*6!^«(Si*
Vol. I. Practical method of teaching an elementary
school. Author Yamamatsu Tsiirukichi. Publisher Toyo-
sha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Kyoju Saimoku Tekiyo Jid5 Kokugo Tsuzuri-Kata. j^

^*fflBiifflaSSlg|g*. Method of teaching children
how to spell their own language, in accordance with ele-
mentary school requirements. Author Tsukiniwa Yu.
Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen, 0.20.

T5kyo Koto Shihan Gakk5 Ichiran. XMiiS€$^Sp$|^
^~"S- Catalogue of T5kyo Higher Normal School.
Author Tokyo Koto Shihan Gakko. Publisher Maruja
& Co. Price Yen 0.35.

Zoku Gakusei Kun. ^^^p. Precepts for students.
Author Omachi Keigetsu. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price
Yen, 0.25.

Bushid5. i^ijiE- Spirit of Japanese chivalry. Author
Yamaoka Tesshu. Publisher Koyukwan. , Price Yen, 0.35.

Kyoiku-j6 no Joshiki. tfcW-h®'^^- Common sense
in education. Author Yoshimoto Toku. Publisher Nai-
kwai Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shimpen Shogaku Kyoju Ho. ff|g /h «^ tJc Jf ^.
Method of teaching an elementar>^ school. Author Azu-

Catalogue of Books. 473

ma Motokichi. Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen, 050.

Shogakko Kyoju Saimoku. A^^^^%lW^^' Cur-
riculum of an elementary school. Author Tokyo Fu
Shihan Gakko. Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen,
0.40.

Shogakko ni okeru Hanashikata no Riron oyobi Jissai.
/h^«i:*^l?i^L*0a^JSl»R|. Theory and prac-
tice of speaking in an elementary school. Author Yora
Kumatard. Publisher Kdfukwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Meiji Sanju-go Nendo Sho Kwanritsu Gakko Nyugaku
Shiken Mondai Toan Sh5kai. BjJ/S^H+S^lK^'gjt^
1&K^UMW^^MM%' A collection of questions and
answers, with minute notes thereon, given at the entrance
examinations of the government schools. Authors Eminent
scholars. Publisher Kanasashi. Price Yen, o 50.

Kakkwa Jikken Kyoju H5 Kogi. ^T^%mikmi^^
^. Ixctures on experimental methods of teaching Author
Tominaga Iwatard. Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen 0.78

Daigaku Sekio kwanken. :^^$(|^^M- A layman's
view on the university system. Author Takanc Yoshito.
Publisher Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.15.

Genkon Kydiku no Riso. Jft4*licW0?iffli- Ideals ot
education in the present day. Autiior Makiyama Eiji.
Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Kyoju Yoko oyobi Kyoju Rei. m^^^.^%L^^V
Principal subjects and examples of teaching in an element-
ary school. Author Joshi Kot5 Shihan Gakko Fuzoku
Shogakkd. Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Shinsen Kyoju Gaku. ^^i|i^^. Vol. III. Method
of teaching. Price Yen, 0.35.

Jitsuyo Shogaku Kyoju Ho. %%rV^%M\^. Prac-
tical method of teaching an elementary school Authors

474

Catalogue of Books,

Yamamoto S6tar5 and Iwanaga Masujir5. Publisher D5-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Hakubutsugaku Kyoju oyobi Kenkyu no JumbL fl|4fiy
*lfeSA0f^:5:?fSii. On the preparation for teaching
and studying natural science. Authors Yamanouchi Shi-
geyo and Nohara Moroku. Publisher Toyodo. Price Yen,
0.50.

Sanjugonen Do Sho Kwanritsu Gakko Nyu^aku Shiken

Mondai Shu. il^3£^J$»WiC*«A*l«^i!WJilfe. A

collection of questions for entrance examinations at govern-
ment schools in 1901. Publisher Kanasashi. Price Yen,
0.15.

Tokyo Yugaku Annai. 4(M.ifil^£^* A guide book
to school life in T5ky5. Publisher Shiigakudd. Price
Yen, 0.35.

Doitsu Hoshu Gakko Seido. MZMIS^WHI^yt.^ Ger-
man system of supplementary schools. Author Education
Department. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 1.50.

Obei Gakko Seikwatsu. Hfe^iPK^fll. On School
life in Europe, Author Eigo Seinen Sha. Publisher Oka-
zakiya Shotcn. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shojo Bunko Gakko no Kokoroe. d^ic^J$9^ttO
i6t^- ^ guide to school life for girls. Author Shimoda
Uta Ko. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Katei no Shin Fiami. ^S£03&fM^- New interest in
home life. Author Sakai Kosen. Publisher Naigwai
Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.40.

Koto Shogaku Tankyu Kyoju Ho. jft^ /\^^ y |S^|fe
JJfi- On the method of single class teaching in higher
elementary schools. Author Tsuyuguchi Etsujird. Pub-
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, o.io.

TankyQ Kyoiku Satsuyo. HiglKWaK- Principles

Catalogue of Books. 475

of single class education. Author Sasaki Seinoj5. Pub-
lisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.50.

Genkon Kyoju-jo no Gobyu. Jft^tfc^^JiOlSi^. On
the errors of the method of teaching in the present day.
Author Tonegawa Yosaku. Publisher Tanuma Shoten.
Price Yen, 0.15.

Bungei to Kyoiku. jfcifiSiffc^*. On the relation be-
tween literary accomplishments and education. Author
Tsubouchi Yuzo. Publisher Shunyodo. Price Yen, 1. 00.

Futsu Kyoiku Shikd. ^JfitiWit/M- ^ short history
of elementary education. Author Iwata Shizuo. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.60.

Katei Kyoiku Kodomo no Shitsuke. ^gglficWT'lft©
LOtt- On the home training of children. Authoi
Kutsumi Kesson. Publisher Maekawa Buneikaku. Price
Yen, 0.25.

Kyomi Ron. H ^ |df- On the principles of interest
Author Sasakura Shinji. Publisher Fusamb5. Price Yen,
0.20.

Shogaku Kakkwa Kyoan Hanrei. /hJ^^f^^^lSfi?*].
A collection of specimen lessons to be given in ele-
mentary schools. Author Yusa Seiho. Publisher Dobun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Kyoju no Ronriteki Kiso. t5:f?;ttftJffl(Kj^Sg- Logi-
cal basis for teaching. Authors Suzuki Toraichiro and
Toniinaga Iwataro. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.70.

Kyoiku Mampitsu. j|Jic W ^ ¥• ^ layman's views on
education. Author Nusahara Tan. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 1.50.

Shinsen Kydikugaku Koyo. ?lJ?^|icW^IW3c- Princi-
ples of education. Author Suzuki Koai. Publisher Sugi-
moto. Price Yen, 0.45.

4/6

Catalogue of Books.

Shogakko Kyoju Kunren Teiyo. /J\j
Vol. I. On the method of teaching in elementary schools.
Author Ototake Iwazo. Publisher T5yosha. Price Yen,

1.20.

Futsu Kyoikugaku Yogi. ^3ifi$JcW$MIS^- Principles
of elementary education. Author Nakajima Hanjiro.
Publisher Kaihatsusha. Price Yen, 0.70.

Iwate Ken Shihan Gakko Fuzoku Sh5 Gakk5 Kyoju
Saimoku. Jg-f-)|i61i«S^fi?Pftli/h*«5*fe^«ia. Cur-
riculum of the Elementary School attached to the Normal
School in Iwate Prefecture. Author Kydtokwai. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.70.

Kydiku Shoshi. JUJcW^'bSl- A short history of educa-
tion. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen,
0.50.

Su no Shinri oyobi Sanjutsu Kyoju Ho. IK[0i&S&
^tfiDciS'^- O" ^^^ method of teaching the principles
of mathematics and arithmetic. Author Tomina^ra Iwa-
taro. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.75.

Kyoiku Ronshu. ^ W |fe ^. A collection of essays
on education. Author Sone Matsutard. Publisher Kin-
k5do. Price Yen, 0.15.

Kyoiku Jutsugo Kai. Ife W ^ ^ jl?- Notes on edu-
cational technics. Author Hiroshima Hidetaro. Publisher
Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Shimpcn Jitsuyo Ky5ikugaku. %\^%W6(M^^ Prac-
tical theories on education. Author ICatsumata Teijiro.
Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.75.

Sho Giikko Sanjutsu Kvva Ky5ju Saimoku. /h^^Dt
H5?^^IB@- Curriculum of elementary school arithmetic.
Author Tokyo Fu Shihan Gakko. Publisher Bungaku-
sha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Catalogue of Books. 477

Jikkcn Shogaku Kyoju Ho. K-S^^'h^lktS/i- Method
of clcmentaiy school teaching based on experiences.
Author Sato Zcnjiro. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen,
0.75.

. Shogaku Kyoju Ho. /h ^ f5c|5? fi- Method of ele-
mentary school teaching. Author Odo Eikichi. Publisher
Sugimoto. Price Yen, 0.60.

Shogaku Jissaiteki Kyoju Ho. /h ^ Jf |^ ft<J ^ ^ ^i.
Practical method of teaching in elementary schools.
Author Murata Uichiro. Publisher T6y5sha. Price Yen,
0.65.

Jissaiteki Kyoikugaku. fifB^fitlfic'^i^. Practical thories
on education. Author Terauchi Ei. Publisher Hobun-
kwan. Price Yen, i.oo.

Jinjo Shogaku ni okeru Jikkwa Kyoju Ho Kogt Yoryo.

m% 'vm-^mih fm ts:e??i mk^w<- lectures on

the method of teaching practical lessons in elementary
schools. Author Tanahashi Gentaro. Publisher Ikusei-
kwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Sho Gakkd Shogakunen Jido Kyoiku. A^^^^^^
!^ S ^ W- O*^ ^^ method of teaching the first year
children of elementary schools. Author Suzuki Shinichiro.
Publisher Kinkodd. Ptice Yen, 0.35.

Shin Kyoju Ho. ^ficS^- New method of teaching.
Author Shimbikwan. Publisher Uyehara Shoten. Price
Yen, 0.32.

Shinsen Kyoju Gaku. ^^^f^f?^. New method of
teaching. Author Yamamoto Sotaro. Publisher Toyosha.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Shakwaiteki Kyoikugaku. jJ:^ ^jfjc W^- ^^ social
education. Author Kumagai Goro. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 1.40.

478

Catalogue of Books,

Sliukyo Igwai no Tokuiku. ^4-; Sfc £1 ^ :t fi W- On
Moral education outside religion. Author Sakuma Hideo.
Publisher Kaitaku.sha. Price Yen, O.25.

Joshi Koto Shihan Gakko IchJran. '^-iFi@i^M$i|[^t$
^^bi' Catalogue of the Girls' Higher Normal School.
Author Joshi Koto Shihan Gakk5. Publisher Nakanish:-
ya Shotcn. Price Yen, 0.30.

Katei Kyoiku Joshi no Kagami. |^S^ftW^"F0iS-
A collection of noble examples of women. Author Aoki.
Tsunesaburo. Publisher Aoki Suzanbo. Price Yen,
0.15.

Katei Kyoiku Johan. 'MM.^M'kM,' A collection of
noble examples of women. Author Taikwa Sanjin. Pub-
lisher Aoki Suz.uulo. Price Yen, 0.15.

Shushin Kyoju Satsuyo. {^#$fc}S^|S- Method of
teaching ethics. Author Sasaki Kichisaburo. Publisher
Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 1.50.

Tankyu Shushin Kyoju no Jissai. |||8liE^|J:g0ffgg.
Practice in teaching ethics according to the single class
method. Authors Murata Uichiro, Asakura Masayuki
and Tsuyuguchi Ktsujiro. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen,
0.55.

Shimpen Shushin Kyohon. If? Si Mf :S' tfc ^- (for the
teachers of higher elementary schools for girls.) A hand
book on ethics for the use of the teachers of higher
elementary schools for girls. Author Teikoku Shoseki
Kabushiki Kwaisha. Publisher Teikoku Shoseki Kwaisha.
Price Yen, 1.20.

Sparta no Bushido. ^ ^< ;^ i^ O itt"±il- A description
of Spartan chivalry. Author Nakanishi Fukumatsu. Pub-
lisher Kinkcxlo. Price Yen, 0.12.

Ko]ai,:((> Tokulion. WilnWi^- K^'aders for Japanese

Catalogue of Books, 479

classics to be used in elementary schools. Author Fu-
kyusha. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.87.

Kokugo Tokuhon. @ ,|g |g 4^. Readers for Japanese
classics to be used in higher elementary schools. Author
Fukyusha. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 1.75.

Kokugo Tokuhon. H |S ^ 4^. Readers for Japanese
classics to be used in higher elementary schools for girls.
Author Fukyusha. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 1.70.

Kokugo Shin Tokuhon. ^VA^Wl^- Readers for
classics. Authors Shioi Masao and Dmachi Yoshii.
Publisher FukyQsha. Price Yen, 0.50.

K5t5 Shogaku Saiho Sho. ig^/h^S)B^*- A book
on the art of sewing to be used in higher elementary
schools, — for teachers. Authors Omura Chujiro, Hadano
Toku and Shibata Suga. Publisher Fukyusha. Price
Yen, 0.50.

Shdgaku Reishiki. /h^l$s9^ A book on element-
ary school etiquette. Author Ito Kiichiro. Publisher
Shiieisha. Price Yen, o. 10.

Shogaku Saiho Kyokwasho. /J> ^ ^ H SJi iF4 #. A
text book on the art of sewing to be used by elementary
school girls. Author Tozawa Kazu. Publisher Kinkddo.
Price Yen, 0.60.

Text books for Elementary Schools.

Shogaku Saiho Ky5kwa-sho, Kyoin Yo. /J^^^l^ffc
^^ (jKfiffl)- A text book on sewing for elementary
schools. Author Tozawa Kazu. Publisher Bungakusha.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Jitsugyo Hoshu Tokuhon. 5S||'SIS||;4^. in 6 Vols.
Readers for supplementary business education. Author
Bungakusha. Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 1.25.

480 Catalogue of Books,

Shajo Tokuhon Hana no Maki. ^}^'kWL^Vi^%' A
reader for girls. Author Horiuchi Shinsen. Publishers
Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.18.

Joshi Sakubun Kyokwa-sho. ;^iFf^3fcffe^§- Vol. I.
and Vol. II. Text books on composition. Author Matsu-
daira Shizuka. Publisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yeii, 0.53.

Shimi^en Shushin Kyoten Koto Shogaku Joshi Y5. ^

mi^^^^m^'V^^I^'^n- 4 Vols. Text books on
ethics for higher elementary school girls. Author Fukyii-
sha. Publisher Fukyusha, Price Yen, 0.78.

Shimpen Shushin Kyoten Jinjo Shogaku Jido Yo. j^

«i^;*Jft^«/J>*5itffl. 4 Vols. Text books on
ethics for elementaiy school children. Author FukyOsha.
Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0,50.

Shimpen Shushin Kydten Koto Shogaku Jid5 Y6. ^

^i^#|5:*l^^/h*!^tffl. 4 Vols. Text books on
ethics for higher elementary school children. Author Fu-
kyusha. Publisher P^ikyiisha. Price Yen, 0.86.

Shimpen Shushin Kyoten Nikanen Shugyo Koto Sh5-

gakko. «fmilf;^lfejfti:^^-1ie|liiS^W>J?P«f- 2 Vols.
Text books on ethics for higher elementary schools of
two years' course. Author Fukyusha. Publisher Fukyu-
sha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shogaku Kokushi Nikanen Shugyo Kot5 Shogakko

Yo. A^^m^-:^%^'^n^%'V^m^- Text books on
the history of Japan for higher elementary schools of two
years' course. Author P^ukyusha. Publisher Fukyusha.
Price Yen 0.38.

Shogaku Kokushi Koto Sh5gakko Jido Yo. /J^^SSll
]ft^/h^;gl?§£^ffi. 4 Vols. Text books on the history
of Japan for higher elementary .school children. Author
P'ukyusha. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.80.

Catalogiie of Books 481

Shin Sanjutsu Kyoshi Yo. ^r ^ i<5 % gfl ffl. 4 Vols.
Text books on arithmetic for elementary school teachers.
Author Inagaki Sakutaro and Karima Tokutaro. Pub-
lisher Uyehara Shoten. Price Yen, 1.60.

Shogaku Shin Sanjutsu. /h^M^^- 5 Vols. Text
book on arithmetic (by means of an abacus) for higher
elementary school children. Author Bungakusha. Pub-
lisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.87.

Slmgaku Shin Sanjutsu. /b^ff^^. 2 Vols. Text
books on arithmetic (by means of an abacus) for element-
ary school children. Author Bungakusha. Publi.sher Bun-
gakusha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shogaku Shin Sanjutsu. A^^^%\%%' 4 Vols. Text
books on arithmetic (by means of an abacus) for higher
elementary school teachers. Author Bungakusha. Pub-
lisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 1.80.

Sh5gaku Shin Sanjutsu. /h^j^^ifi. A text book
on arithmetic (by means of an abacu.s) for elementary
school teachers. Author Bungakusha. Publisher Bun-
gakusha. Price Yen, 040.

Shdgaku Shin Rekishi. /h^frSit- 2 Vols. Text
books on history for elementary school teachers adapted
for two years' course. Author Bung.ikusha. Publisher
Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.80.

Sh5gaku Shin Sanjutsu. /j>$j^r^$fi- 4 Vols. Text
books on arithmetic for elementary sc'.ool children. Author
Bungakusha. Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.58.

Shogaku Shin Sanjutsu. /b^J^^^fi. A text book on
arithmetic for elementary schools. Author Bungakusha.
Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Jitsugyo Hoshu Tokuhon. %%%^Wl^' Ii^ 2
Vols. Readers for supplementary business education

482

Catalogue of Books,

Author Jitsugyo Kyoiku Kenk\'u Kwai. Publisher Kin-
sh5do. Price Yen, o 50.

Jitsugyo Hoshu Toknhon. ^>ifl8S9[4>^* A reader
for supplementary business education. Author Jitsugyo
Kyoiku Kenkyu Kwai. Publisher Kinshodo. Price
Yen, 0.28.

Shogaku Tsuzurikata Shinsho. /h$M3&0flllr* I*^ 3
Yols. New method of spelli ig for elementar>''
schools. Author Gen-bun Itchi Kenkyu Kwai. Pub-
lisher Mcguroshoten. Price Yen, 0.42.

K5to Shogaku Sanjutsu Toshiki. iSi^'h$j|Lt(9^5^.
In 4 Vols. Key to the arithmetic problems for
higher elementary schools. Author Gakkai Shinshin
Sha. Publisher Shueido. Price Yen, 0.28.

Shintei Shogaku Sanjutsu Sho. 3^^/h$|j[$i9^- In 2
Vols. Text books on arithmetic for higher elemen*
tary school children. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kin-
kodo. Price Yen, 0.80.

Shintei Sh5gaku Sanjutsu Sho. j^^/b^HtfiUF. In
4 Vols. Text books on arithmetic for higher elementary
school teachers. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, I 80.

Shintei Shogagu Sanjutsu Sho. ^^/h^li^tl^llr* In
4 Vols. Text books on arithmetic for elementary school
children. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kinkodo. Price
Yen, .63.

Shintei Shogaku Sanjutsu Sho. If^^'^^litMfF- I*^
4 Vols. Text books on arithmetic for elementary
school teachers. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kinkodd.
Price Yen, 1.40.

Shogakk6 Kyoja Yo Siih5 Sho. /h^fil!*i:gffllfttt
In 2 Vols. Text books on sewing for elementary

Catalogue of Books. 483

schools. Authors Moriyi Sada and Yoshida Ham.
Publisher Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.85.

Jinjo Sh5gaku Saiho Sho. ^^J'V^WSt^- A text
book on sewing for elementary school teachers. Authors
Omura Chujiro, Hadano Toku and Shibata Suga. Pub-
lisher Fukyiisha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Nogy5 Kydkwasho. J|Slll^f4^ I" 4 Vols. Text books
on agriculture for higher elementary schools. Author Ikeda
Korechika. Publisher Fukyijsha. Price Yen, 0.94.

Kokugo Tokuhon. ^JS^4^. In 5 Vols. Readers
for girl's high schools. Authors Kuroda Sadaji, Hase-
gawa Otokichi and Sakata Chin. Publisher Bungakusha.
Price Yen, 2.98.

Kokugo Kyokwasho. SBpficf^tf • I*^ ^ Vols. Text
books on the Japanese language. Author Bungakusha.
Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.97.

Shoto Nogyo Kyokwasho. ^I?^||^f1-af- I»^ 4
Vols. Text books on agriculture for higher elementary
schools. Author Ikeda Tomochika. Publisher FukyQ-
sha. Price Yen, 0.97.

Jinjo Shogaku Saiho Kyotei. ^S/h^lSi^ticS. A
text book on sewing for elementary school teachers.
Authors Nishijima Tomiyoshi, and Yoshimura Tsuru
Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Nogakko Kambun Tokuhon. JS$SE^XoS4^- I»^ 2
Vols. Readers on Chinese classics for elementary agri-
cultural schools. Author Uchibori Korebumi. Publisher
Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Katei Hoshu Kokumin Tokuhon. ^li'SfifJ^EH^C.
In 2 Vols. Readers to be used at home for school
children, as supplementary lessons. Author Kokumin
Kyokwai. Publisher Kobundd. Price Yen, 0.33..

484 Catalogue of Books.

Hoshu Ky5iku Jitsugy5 Tokuhon. IfiS^cWJIIiat*.
A reader for business education as supplementary les-
sons. Author D5bunkwan. Publisher Dobunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Jitsugyd Hoshu Tokuhon. Sflllfi^3l4^- ^ reader
for business education as supplementary lessons. Author
Kawashima Shoichiro. Publisher Matsumura Sanshodo.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Katei Hoshu Jitsugyd Tokuhon. ^Iilfi^]|l|l9|4:.
In 4 Vols. Readers for business education to be used
at home as supplementary lessons. Author Kokumin
Kyokwai. Publisher Koburido. Price Yen, 0.60.

literature.

Rongwa Zekku. |j^0|S^. Short Chinese poems on
the art of drawing. Author Usui Ryushi. Publisher
Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.18.

Izayoi Nikki Niwa no Oshie Genkai. +a^1^ H §dSi|
O^L-^'^M- Notes on the Izayoi Nikki, an old
Japanese book. Author Sekine Masanao. Publisher
Rokugokwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Bungei Sosho Hokushu Ko Ha-uta Hyoshaku. ;X|K
^ttr-ibiHi^JSB^^^W- Notes on popular songs. Authors
fltsuki Joden, and Sassa Masaichi. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.15.

Haiku Sen. flf^il. 2 vols. A selection of short
poems. Author Naito Meisetsu. Publisher Naigwai
Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.15.

Haiku Shinchu. #fiji^rtt- Notes on short poems.
Author Sato Koryoku. Publisher Shinseisha. Price
Yen, 0.20.

Catalogue of Books. 485

Haikai Hyaku-wa. II^I^WIS ^ collection of stories
on short poems. Author Seirenan. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Shintai Nippon Bungaku Shi. frfilH^X^Sll- A
history of Japanese literature. Author Shioyi Masao,
and Takahashi Tatsuo. Publisher Fukyusha. Price
Yen, 0.65.

Nippon Bungakusha Nempyo. H 4^ 3!t ^ :^* ^ ^•
Chronology of men of letters in Japan. Author Aka-
bori Matajiro. Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha.
Price Yen, 0.70.

Ninj5 no K5ken. AfllC^M*- A book on humanity.
Author Okada Zuiun. Publisher Bungaku D5shik\val.
Price Yen, o 30.

Hompo Bungaku Shi Kogi. 4^ ^ jS^ $ {tl fl| il-
Lectures on the history of Japanese literature. Author
Sugi Binsuke. Publisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price
Yen, 0.55.

Honcho Meika Bunsho. i^^^%%^^ 2 vols. A
collection of master pieces of Japanese men of letters.
Author Kobunsha. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, .40.

Heiji Monogatari Kogi. ^Jpl&IS^^- 2 vols.
Lectures on the Heiji Monogatari, an old Japanese his-
torical book. Author Imaizumi Sadasuke. Publisher
Seishido. Price Yen, 0.35.

Chogonka. ^ tR ^- A poem. Author Owada
Tateki. Publisher Tokio Shuppansha. Price Yen, 0.18.

Chdgonka. J^tR^- A poem. Author Tachibana
Chikage. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei. Price Yen, 0.40.

Chikuhakuen Shu. li'ffigl^. 2 vols. A collection
of poems. Author Sasaki Nobutsuna. Publisher Haku-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

486 Catalogue of Books.

Kuroda Kiyotsuna Sensci Ryuen Kashu. l^fflfltiM^
^i^SliS^^- ^ collection of Kurcxla Ktyotsuna's poems.
Author Kikuchi Takenori. Publisher Uyekara Shoten.
Price Yen, 0.95.

Riso no Seito. SiffilOlfcll. A book on an ideal
political party Author Shodo Kydshi. Publisher Bun-
^aku Doshikvvai. Price Yen, .30.

Ryokuin Kanwa. W^W^- Quiet talks in a green
shade, a literary writing. Author Nabeta Hydson.
Publisher Naigwai Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.20.

Kvvatsu Scishin. SfMijtfl^ Living spirit, a literary
writing. Author Suzuki Yoshitaro. Publisher Bungaku
Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.30.

Kan Buntcn. iE^jfc^- Grammar of Chinese classics.
Author Kojima Kentaro. Publisher Fuzanjbd. Price
Yen, 0.70.

Kaga no Chiyo. JtlfiCD^i^. On Kaga no Chiyo,
an eminent poetess. Author Nakagawa Kiyohide. Pub-
lisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.20.

Sliintai Shi Shu Tanin Ichi Matsu. iKftSl^^il^S~*
.^. A collection of new style poems. Author Tsutsuki
•Soji. Publisher Ilobunkwan. Price Yen, O.25.

Renai no Seishin. ^'^©MiP^ Spirit of love, a
literary writing. Author Cho Renkwaft. Publisher Bui>-
gaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.30.

Rcikwa Nekkwa. V^)<M^\^' Vol. I., and Vol. II.
Cold fire and hot flower. Author It5 Gingetsu. Pub-
lisher Naigwai Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.40.

Gcn-bun Itchi Tsuzoku Kojiki. ■^^— SciSfS'&^lil.
The Kojiki, an ancient history of Japan, in the present
colloquial style. Author Inouye Toraokichi. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen. o 50.

Catalogue of Books. 487

Nonki Bunshu. #M3SC^- ^ collection of optimistic
literary writings. Author Nakagawa Kiyohide. Pub-
lisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.35.

Bungaku Kizui Dan. ;^$$$^- On literary mira-
cles. Author Hirano Shiyo. Publisher Daigakukwan.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Byron, Bunkai no Ma}>5. ^>f w >';JC^^Bi3E- On
Byron as a great Satanic king in the literary world.
Author Kimura Yotard. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Ninin Bikuni Monogatari, K5t5 Katei Tokuhon. HA
Vc'&JtW^W^Wff-' A Story of two Buddhist nuns.
Authors Oda Tokuno and Hobiki Shiisui. Publisher
Bungaku DoshikwaL Price Yen, 0.20.

Kota Enrei Bunshu. i^^SftM^^- A collection of
literar>' writings for girls. Author Otsuki Ryu. Pub-
lisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Kokin Wakashu Hyoshaku. l&^IH^m^lp. Vol.
II. Notes on the Kokin Wakashu, a collection of
poems old and new. Author Kancho Moto-omi. Pub-
lisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.40.

Kokushi, Natsu no Maki. H»$H^^- ^ collection
of poems on Summer. Author Kokushi Kwai. Pub-
lisher Metj! Shoin. Price Yen, 0.12.

Zatsuhai no Shiori. Jf^f^CD^ A book of miscellaneous
short poems. Author Nagai Kinsho. Publisher Haku-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Kan-e Sakushi Ho. tB!^f^i1#^. Methods of making
Chinese poems. Author Sato Kwan. Publisher Sei-
zando. Price Yen, .25.

Sorinshi Seochu. ^^-i^^^- A selection of and
notes on Chikamatsu's (also called Sorinshi) works.

488 Catalogue of Books,

Author Aiba Koson. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price
Yen, i.cx).

Kyotai ku no Shiori. ^:^^(Z)5g. A book on
humorous poetry. Author Nagai Kinsho. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Bungei Sasho Kien Roku. XiSll»*l«3^- A re-
cord of aspirations, a literary writing. Author Tobari
Shinishird. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.35.

Kyoshin Dan. jffii£2»|lE. A talk on pure hearts, a
literary writing. Author Kawamura Hachiro. Publisher
Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shundai Zatsuwa Chushaku. ^ftlflMKf^* Notes
on the Shundai Zatsuwa, a book written by Dazai, an
eminent author in the Tokugawa age. Authors Shiroyi
Jusho and Seki Giichiro. Publisher Seishido. Price
Yen, 0.65.

Josei Seibatsu. ^^ftfjEi^. An attack on womanhood.

Author Jokakushi. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen,
0.20.

Joshi Kambun Tokuhon. iK.l'^^WL^' ^^ 3 Vols.
Readers in Chinese classics for girl's. Author Namma
Koki. Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.95.

Jinsei no Hatsu Tabi. A^C'feljWc- The first journey
in human hfc. Author Otsuki Jozan. Publisher Bun-
gaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shimp.i Waka Taiyo. ^ i!S iP ^ :;fc 3?. General
principles of poetry of the new school. Author Yoshano
Tekkan. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

ChQto Shinsen Bumpan. H^^jlflll^fc^- A collection
of model writings for secondary schools. Author Tanaka
Tsunenori. Publisher Kinodd. Price Yen, O.45.

Shimbun Kisha no Junen Kan. iKHllfi^CD+^ri3-

Catalogue of Books. 489

TTen years' experiences of a journalist. Author Hirata
Hisashi. Publisher Minyusha. Price Yen, 0.50.

Shimpa Waka Jiten. iRjRlDS^fHI- A dictionary of
poetical terms for the new school of poets. Author Nip-
pon Shin Shi Gakkwai. Publisher Shinseisha. Price
Yen, .30.

Eigwa Monogatari Shdkai. ^I^J^^^jJ?. Vol. IX.
Notes on the Eigwa Monogatari, an old literary book.
Author Wada Hidematsu and Sato Kyu. Publisher
Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.45.

Hyoshu Josan Ki. ^IKlRSfcli- A collection of Ta-
kekoshi s writings. Author Takekoshi Yosaburo. Pub-
lisher Kaitakusha. Price Yen, 0.50.

Seiro Shu. ^MSk- A collection of Tokutomi Ken-
jiro. Publisher Minyiisha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Seikosha no Kugaku. fi5c ^J :i{CDf!? ^. The hard-
ships endured by successful men. Author Kugaku Jushi.
Publisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.12.

Haijin Issa. ^A"-"^* A book on Issa the poet.
Author Masaoka Shiki. Publisher Matsumura Sanshodo.
Price Yen, o 20.

Shintai Nippon Bungaku Shi. ff^U^^^^it. A
hi.story of Japanese literature. Author Dkai Shingo.
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, o 50.

Chugaku Kambun Tokuhon. ^\^^^%W(1^' ^^ 5
Vols. Readers in Chinese classics for middle schools.
Author Miyamoto Masatsura. Publisher Bungakusha.
Prke Yen, 1.50.

Shinsen Kambun Mondo. ^|p^ jfiCPQ^ Questions and
answers on the Chinese classics. Author Ota Saijiro.
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Renai no Bungo. |ftS&0X^. Great men of letters

490 Catalogue of Books,

on love. Author Kawakami Gazan. Publisher Bungal-*^
Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.30.

Dassai Sho-okii Haiwa. ^fSI^M'ttS^- A collect ic::==>^
of talks on poetry. Author Masaoka Shiki. Publish. 1^'^^
Kobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.60.

Fuyukodachi. ^;tclC- Winter trees. Author Hak ^ ^"
bunk wan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Fujin no Joryoku. jffAOW^J- The power ^^^

woman's feelings. Author Kawakami Gazan. Publish— ■^^^''
Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, O.30.

Kokka Kohon. ^.%ii1l4^. A book on Japane ^^^e
poetry. . Authors Asai and Muramatsu. Publisher Koi
kwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Kokushi, Aki no Maki. Hi^llt^?)^. A collection "^^

poems on Autumn. Author Kokushi Kwai. PublislL ^^^^
Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.15.

Shusei Hekigetsu. J^ M ?ii H • Stars and the moo^ "•'•
Author Hakubunkwan. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Pri "^ ^
Yen, 0.20.

the weak. Author Bonsui Gyoro. Publisher Bunga
Doshikwai. Price Yen, o 30.

. Shimogarc. ^|i*. The Icncliness of winter. Auth
Ikuseikwai. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.15.

Tokoku ZcnshG. j^^^^. A complete collect]
of Tokoku's writings. Author Hoshino Shinnosulc:::^^
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.35.

Shiki Zuihitsu. ^j^BS^. Shiki's writings. Auth
Masaoka Shiki. Publisher Kobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.5,

Shintai Shikka Sakulio. ^fl^i^J^f^fi. Method
making poems according to the new style. Author Y
mada Bimyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.5

Catalogue of Books, 491

Seiken Bunko. ^ipf^SCfi^- I>^ 4 Vols. Sciken's writ-
ings. Author Kameya Seiken. Publisher Sakakibara
Bunseidd. Price Yen, i.oo.

Hishi Kwatsushi Roku. ^fll^Sfll^- Historical writ-
ings. Author Ogata Ryusui. Publisher Kobundo Sho-
ten. Price Yen, 0.35.

Dai San Meiji Saienshu. %'^^^'^^%, A collec-
tion of writings of eminent women of the present day.
Author Joshi no Tomo Kisha. Publisher Toyosha.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Sokk}o Shijin. fiP^il^A A book on poets. Author
Mori Rintar5. Publisher Shunyddo. Price Yen, 1.20.

Fukken Zassan. ^^|fl|K. A collection of Fukken's
writings. Author Otsuki Bungen. Publisher Kobundo.
Price Yen, 1.60.

Bungei Sosho Kyoka Kogai. X«m» ff.it «6ll£. A
book on humorous poetry. Author Kwan Inakichi. Pub-
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Jiji Shu Hyosoku Hen Shisei Renju. 3)fi^^>^^
HSf'SfJ^- A book on Chinese poetry. Author Major
Gen. Fukushima. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen,
2.50.

Shum-pu Shu-u Roku. ^ J9L ^ ffi I9i* Matsumoto
Kumpei's writings. Author Matsumoto Kumpei. Pub-
lisher Kobundo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Eibungaku Shi. ^5C<Pft,. In 3 Vols. A history of
English literature. Author Tsubouchi Yiazo. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.80.

Novels.

Hanakashimi. ii ^i ;i^ "f" ^ A novel. Author

Publisher Bunkindo. Price Yen, 0.30*

49- Catalogue of Books,

Tokiwa Gozen. '^^9i^' The story of Tokiwa Go-
zen. Author Omachi Keigetsu. Publisher Kokkosha.
Price Yen, 0.13.

Jigoku no Hana. ^^0^ A flower in hell, a novel.
Author Nagai Kafu. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.45.

Onna no Mi, K5un, Shakwai Shijin. :^0#<fSJ8l:#

^K A novel. Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price

Yen, 0.30.

Kataki-uchi Chuko no N^mida. iSdtJ&^CDK. A
story of revenge. Author Kanda Hakusan. Publisher
Miyoshiya. Price Yen, 0.25.

Tanehiko Tampen Kessaku Shu. StjItSSICfllf^^^-
A collection of Tanehiko's shorter master — pieces.
Author Kod5 Tokuchi. Publisher Hakubunkvvan. Price
Yen, 0.60.

Datsuei Hei, Okura Daijin. fSt^^k'XM'h^^' A novel.
Author Publisher Kinkod5. Price Yen, 0.30.

Murasame Nikki, Shi mo no Yo, Wataboshi. ;^^ H
la IR f4: IS "If ^r Novels. Author Publisher Kin-
kodo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Umi no lioken Kidan. itf^^l^-^ISt- A story of
adventure on the sea. Author Shibata Ryusei. Publisher
Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Yanagita Kannin-bukuro. flillH^,^^^. The story of
Yanagita's patience. Author Momokawa Minoru. Pub-
lisher Miyoshiya. Price Yen, 0.25.

Fujita Toko. HBaSiffl- A life of Fujita Toko.
Author Kud5 Kagefumi. Publisher Kokkosha. Pricp
Yen, 0.19.

Araigami. i) ?> W ^. Washed hair, — a novel.
Author Tobari Chitsufu. Publislier Humyukwan. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Catalogue of Books, 493

Abe no Seimei. ^\vi^^' A life of Abe no Seiniei.
Author Momokawa Minoru. Publisher Miyoshiya. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Seineft Hitsudoku Kokoku no Hikari. W^il^^0IM9
(r)jt' n^e glory of the Mikado's E^mpire. Author Shi-
garakt Sueno. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinkon. ffJiS. A new marriage. Author Emi Sui-
in. Publisher Bunrokudo. Price Yen, 0.38.

jaen Shihei no Monogatari. %W^%^W^ The
story of a ten yen note. Author Yoshida Ikujiro. Pub-
lisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shizuka Gozen. |^t3P|(f- A life of Shizuka Gozen.
Author Kokubu Saito. Publisher Kokkosha. Price Yen,
0.13.

Shu Fuyo. ^ ^ ^. The sorrowing lotus, — a novel.
Author Tokuda Shusei. Publisher Seishindo. Price
Yen, 0.30.

Zengaku Muichibutsu Shijgyo. W¥'M"^'fe1if1f- A
training in the way of Zen in absolute jx>verty. Author
Moriwaki Seiko. Publisher Daigakukwaft. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shtnzan Sanrd Senjitsu Shilgyo. 9?llj#|ljll|^iftf-
A training in the ascetic life in the deep recesses of a
mountain. Author Kawakita Hotsumei. Pubhsher l)ai-
gakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Sengoku Iwa. =f- ^ J^. A novel. Author Yone-
mftsu. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.25.

Ujo Mujo. >fif1J|J(Rlff- Much love no love, — a novel.
Author Dsawa Tensen. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Roban Sdsho. %^%M' A collection of Roban's
novels. Author Koda Roban. Publisher Hakubunkwan.
Price Yen, 2.50.

494 Catalogue of Books,

Hakumci no Uranii. JH^^v A novel. Author Su-
zuki Aki. Publisher Shinseisha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Ui Tsutome. ^0£ ft. The first service, — a novel.
Author Kaiga Hentetsu. Publisher Naigwai Shuppan
Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.30.

Dokufu. ^J$ The woman poisoner. Author Mura-
kami Namiroku. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen,
0.40.

Takcda Ilishi. ]KHi|. A novel. Author Ihara
Seiseien. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.40.

Kanayama Kidan Danzaburo Mujina. ^lU^S'SfefflH
g|i|g.. A novel. Author Yomeisha Tori. Publisher
Sanshindo. Price Yen, 0.20.

Hokushin Jiken Nippon no Hatakaze, Taku no Maki.
A history of the Japan China War, — the battle at Taku.
Author Moribayashi Kokuen. Publisher Tamura Shige-
tnro. Price Yen, 0.30.

Sono Enishi. ^-Oi^UL- A novel. Author Suzuki
Aki. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Zoku Kuchil Tai Higyotei. WC^^%1iiXi^' A
great balloon. Author Oshikawa Shunro. Publisher
Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Tsuri Doraku. $*|JMI||. The pleasure of angling, — a
novel. Author Murayi Gensai. Publisher Shunyodo.
Price Yen, 0.50.

Uta Makura. 9 f^tt- A novel. Author Takeda
Gyotenshi. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40.

Ura Omote. 9 ^^ %X- Author Miyake Seiken.
Publisher Seishindo. Price Yen, 0.35.

Onna (jakushi. "^^SP- A woman Musician, — a
novel. Author Horiuchi Shinsen. Publisher Kokkosha.
I'rice Yen, 0.35.

Catalogue of Books, 495

Kurahashi Kozo. j^ ^ ^ |K The life of Kurahasht
Kozo. Author Murakami Namiroku. Publisher Aoki
Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40.

Ankoku, Boshi ga FuchL Bt5^I*iFA>iS A novel.
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.35.

Yamanaka Heikuro. llj+^.^fi|J The life of Yama-
naka Heikuro. Author Fukuchi Dchi. Publisher Haku-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Kokkei Rakugo Shu. W^%^^ A collection of
witty stories. Author Aoki Tsunesaburo. Publisher
Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.15.

Kokkei Hyaku Showa. ^M^%% A collection of
witty stories. Author Kubo Tenzui. Publisher Seikoku-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Kokkei Sandai Banashi. }#|SHM3S A collection of
witty stories. Author Aoki Tsunesaburo. Publisher
Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.15.

Koi Nyobo. )S(^M An endearing wife, — a novel.
Author 0^x\ Fiiyo. Publisher Aoki Siizando. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Koi Mujo. jHlllilli? Love's vicissitudes, — a novel. Author
Oguri Fuyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40.

Gosoji Ushiwakamaru. W^'i'^^'Kk The story of
Young Ushiwakamaru. Author HogyQsha Torin. Pub-
lisher Kinodo. Price Yen, 0.20.

Hokushin Jiken Nippon no Hatakaze, Tenshin no

Maki. *8|*#H*0jKft,^#0« A history of
the Japan China War, — the Battle at Tientsin. Author
Moribayashi Kokuen. Publisher Tamura Shigetaro. Price
Yen, 0.30.

Sayo Chidori. j\^Mr^% A novel. Author Takeda
Gyotenshi. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40.

4S)^ Catalogue of Hooks,

Saigyo Hoshi. |$tf ^ttP The story of Saigyo the
Friar. Author Tanabe Nankaku. Publisher Sanshindo.
Price Yen, 0.20.

Kyoiku Shosfetsu. ittW^Mft A" educational novel.
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Kizoku no Koi. ;^j^® JH A nobleman's love. Author
Ikuda Kiian. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.28.

Yushi. tif ^ A vagabond, — a novel. Author Takasu
Baikei. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.18.

Yugaku Shosei. j||$^^ Students away from home,
— a novel. Author Inouye An. Publisher Daigakukwan.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Meiryu Tonchi Dan. ^WMi^Vk The quick wit of
eminent persons. Author Suto Aiji. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.18.

Shakwai Hyakumenso. ftt^5®tt A hundred social
characters, — a novel. Author Uchida Roan. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.55.

Shaka Hasso Yamato Bunko. !ppj8BA^fl^5tJ$ 2

Vols. A collection of the national dramas. Author

Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.60.

Shinshutsu Kibotsu. JM'tfJjS,}^. 2 Vols. A novel.
Author Kawakami Bizan. Publisher Aoki Suzando.
Price Yen, 0.40.

Shuchu no Hana. iS'^'^E ^ flower in the midst of
sake, — a novel. Author Yanagawa Shumyo. Publisher
Shinseisha. Price Yen, 0.18.

Shinju Kurabc. jfrff ( ^ '^ A novel. Author Oguri
Fuyo. Publisher Shunyodo. Price Yen, 0.40.

Shin Gakushi. ^^i A new graduate of the
University, — a novel. Author Kosugi Tengwai. Pub-
lisher Shunyodo. Price Yen, 0.50.

Catalocrtic af Books, 497

Himitsu no Shisha. ^^CD^^ A secret mes-
senger,— a novel. Author Emi Suiin. Publisher Aoki
Suzando. Price Yen, 0,40.

Momoiro Ginu. J> V K^ h ^ fi Pink clothes, — a
novel. Author Yamada Bimyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando.
Price Yen, 0.40.

Sekai Daiichi Monogatari. 1fi:^^^f|t The greatest
things of the world. Author Murakami Dakuro. Pub-
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, o 25.

Zetto Kidan. I&i^-^M A story of a distant island.
Author Sakurai Oson. Publisher Hakubunkvvan. Price
Yen, 0.30.

Seikyo, Tsubaki, Takara no Yama, Namigashira. f^

It. *», * CD OJ, at *> L ^ Short Talcs. Author

Publisher Kink5do. Price Yen, .035.

Hachimanza. AJf&M, A novel. Authors Namiroku
and Shuho. Publisher Suzando. Price Yen, 040.

Nikuyoku no Tengoku. ^ 1^ CD ^ ffl A novel.
Author Kogetsu Saijin. Publisher K5bundo. Price Yen,
0.25.

Makutsu no Tokyo. K^O^jft Tokyo, the devil's
den. Author Kawakami Gazan. Publisher Kobundo.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Kantan Gaeshi. . ttliff iS Vol. II. A novel. Author
an anonymous writer. Publisher Kinshindo. Price Yen,
0.25.

G5t6 Shikivan. 5S18Elt1^ A robber Captain, — a
noyel. Author Ibara Seiseien. Publisher Kinshindo. Price
Yen, 0.30.

49^ Catalogue of Books,

Kon Noren. Jlti" ^ 9E A blue curtain, — a novel.
Author Yamagishi Kayo. Publisher Shunyodo. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Jogakusei Katagi. ;^$^$L^ School girls' charact-
er,— a novel. Author Ikeda Kinsui. Publisher Daigaku-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Meryu Oryu. ft^iliStl Male dragon female dragon,
— a novel. Author Yakkonosuke. Publisher Aoki Su-
zando. Price Yen, 0.40.

Shishio. IBP^IE A novel. Author Yakkonosuke.
Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40.

Enyukwai. 19 ji£ ^ A garden party. Author

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.60.

Hito Oni. A^ A Satanic man, — a novel. Author
Yamada Bimyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen,
0.40.

T5sei High Collar Kishitsu. ^tfr -** ^ ^'5 ^:S The
high collar party of the present day, — a novel. Author
Hananomoto Shian. Publisher Bunrokubo. Price Yen,
0.25.

Onna no Giri. ic^^^ Woman's justice, — a novel.
Author Matsui Shoyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Wakaki Tsuma. ^ |f ^ 2 Vols. A young wife.
Author Kikuchi Yuho. Publisher Shunyod5. Price Yen,

0.35.

Umewaka Shinchu. ^^it^'t' A novel. Author Take-
da Gyotenshi. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40.

Ai to Kokoro. ^ i, ^ij Love and mind, — a novel.

Catalogue of Hooks. 499

Author Tozawa Masayasu. Publisher Hakubunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Sankoro. HtSBft Author Murata Matsuo. Publisher
Sh-inyddo. Price Yen, 0.40.

Shin Seiyu Ki. Jflt IS JUIE A novel. Author Koda
Re ban. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40.

Hito no Tsumi. A0|^ Man's sin, — a novel. Author
Tajfuchi Kyojiro. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Chuto Kyoiku Bankoku Rekishi Mondo. Ff» ^ ffe ^
1$ @i fi £ ffl ^ Questions and answers on universal
history prepared for secondary schools. Author Pub-
lisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.30.
« Nippon Rekishi Monogatari. H;|^Kjt^ A history of
Japan. Author Publisher Kink5d5. Price Yen, 0.08.

Jukensha Yo Nippon Shi. ^JgR^ffl U:^Sl A history
of Japan for examinations. Authors F'ujioka Tsuguhei,
Yauchi Wataru and Ogawa Ginjiro. Publisher Sugimoto.
Price Yen, 0.17.

Nippon Bummei Shiryaku. U^jSCBBSlllft A history
of the civilization of Japan. Author Mozume Takami.
Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha. Price Yen, 2.00.

Nippon Bummei Shi. U;^X^St A history of the
civilization of Japan. Author Mori Kokudo. Publisher
Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.70.

Gazoku Benran Nippon Jibutsu Kigen. iiflfS{£5|{ H 4^
^^ttilS The origin of things Japanese. Author. Kane-
ko Shin. Publisher Aoki Suzandd. Price Yen, 0.55.

Nippon Koko Gaku. ^ i^^-^ ^ Archaeology of
Japan. Author Yagi Sdzaburo. Publisher Kobayashi
Shimbei. Price Yen, 1.50.

500 Catalogue of Books.

T5yo Rekishi. :^ # M £ A history of the East.
Author Koda Naritomo. Publisher Hakubunkwan.j^ Price
Yen, 0.35.

Toy 5 Shi. ;^ ^ ^ A history of the East. Author
Akizuki Tanetsugu. Publisher Uchida Rokakuho. Price
Yen, 0.70.

Toyo Shi Kogi. $i^£p1|^ Lectures on'the history
of the East. Authors Nakayama Kyushiro, Akizuki Tane-
tsugu and Takakuwa Komakichi. Publisher Yoshikawa
Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.60.

Shinsen Toyo Rekishi Mondo. fj ^^ f¥ H it ffl ^
Questions and answers on the history of the East.
Author Matsubara Iwagoro. Publisher Hakubunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.30.

Jukensha Yo Toy 5 Shi. ^W&Y^'^^^ A history
of the East for examinations. Authors Yauchi Wataru,
Ogavva Ginjiro, and Fujioka Tsuguhei. Publisher Sugi-
moto. Price Yen, 0.25.

Chuto Nippon Rekishi. ff'^H^CJgai A history of
Japan for secondary' school. Author Numada Yorisukc.
Publisher Shoeido. Price Yen, 0.50.

Chuto Kokushi. ff* ^ H St A history of Japan for
secondary schools. Author Shigeta Teiichi. Publisher
Fukyijsha. Price Yen, 0.75.

Seiyo Shi. M fi^ Jt A history of the West. Auth(»r
Publisher Fusambd. Price Yen, 0.25.

Kokushi Kogi. ^fllpH^ Lectures on the history of
Japan. Authors Kida Sadakichi etc. Publisher Yoshi-
kawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, i.oo.

Koko Benran. #-^ig^ Archaeology of Japan. Author
Yagi Sdzaburo. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei. Price Yen,
1.50.

Catalogue of Books. 501

Kokiishi Sho. S £ ^ Vol. II. A short history of
Japan. Author Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.40.

Seiyd Rekishi Bcngai. |§ f^ ^ Jt IM itf A history of
the West. Author Fujisawa Naoe. Publisher Yoshikawa
Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.30.

Seiyo Shi Kogi. S^£fll^ Lectures on the history
of the West. Authors Kc:da Naritomo and Sakamoto
Kenichi. Publisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen,
0.70.

Seiyo Rekishi Sankosho. Igi^MSllil^^ ^ reference
book to the history of the West. Author Handa Asaji-
ro. Publisher Hoeikwan. Price Yen, 1.60.

Jukensha Yo Seiyo Shi. 5^]^-;?ifflffi^gl A history
of the West for examinations. Authors Ogawa Genjiro,
Yauchi Wataru and Fujioka Tsuguhci. Publisher Sugir
moto. Price Yen, 0.25.

Nippon Sh5gy5 Shiko. l3>4^^|^St)W A history of
Japanese commerce. Author Miyata Sennen. Publisher
Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.85.

Nippon Rekishi. H ;^ S St I" 2 Vols. A history
of Japan in colloquial style. Author Publisher Fusambo.
Price Yen, 0.40.

T5yo Rekishi. [^ j^ K St A history of the East in
colloquial style. Author Publisher P'usambo. Price Yen,
0.20.

Chuto Kyoiku Toyo Shiryaku. ^'^%M%'^^^% A
history of the East for secondary schools. Author ltd
Oshiro. Publisher F*usambo. Price Yen, 073.

Chuto Kokushi Ryaku. ff»^Sjt§ In 2 Vols. A
history of Japan for secondary schools. Autlior Shigcta
Teiichi. Publisher Fukyilsha. Price Yen, 1.30.

Bukkyd Rekishi Mondo. i$ ^ S {tl ^ ^ Questions

502 Catalogue of Books,

and answers on the history of Buddhism. Author Naga-
yi Ryujun. Publisher Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.36.

Joshi Nippon Sho Rekishi. "^^H^^/hMA^ ^
history of Japan for girls. Author Shimoda Uta. Pub-
lisher Matsumura Sanshodd. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinsen Seiyo Rekishi Mondd. ^€l5^S£^^1§r
Questions and answers on the history of the West.
Author Hasegawa Seiya. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price
Yen, 0.20.

Bankoku Kobo Shi. S ffl ft t A A history of the
rise and fall of nations. Author Matsumura Kaiseki.
Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, 1.50.

Shimpcn Nippon Rekishi Kydkwasho. fffifitJ^^S^
^^# In 2 Vols. A text book on the history of Japan.
Author Honda Asajiro. Publisher Uchida Rokakuho.
Price Yen,. 1.05.

Nagasaki Sambyaku-nen Kan. ^IftHlSf^K Three
hundred years of Nagasaki. Author Fukuchi Genichiro.
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.45.

Shinsen Nippon Teikoku Shi. i&f^H^^liJSit A
histoiy of Japan. Author Honda Asajiro. Publisher
Hdeikwan. Price Yen, 0.65.

Seiyo Ryakushi. 15 ^ § £ A history of the West.
Author Mitsukuri Gempachi and Minekichi Yonezo. Pub-
lisher Mcguro Jinshichi. Price Yen, 0.80.

Chuto Toyo Rekishi. ff'^jR^KIt A history of the
East for secondary schools. Author Ito Saneyoshi. Pub-
lisher P\ikyusha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Rekishi Kyohon. M ^ fS: 4^ A text book on the
history of foreign nations. Authors Fujioka Tsucruhei
and Makiyama Eiji. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen,
0.65.

Catalogue of Books, 503

Rekishi kyohon. fi£$ji:4^ In 3 Vols. A text book
on the history of Japan. Authors Fujioka Tsujihei and
Makiyama Eiji. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.130

Biography.

Haijin Shiki. <# A "IF JS ^ '^^^ ^f Shiki the poet.
Author Shiraishi Nanchiku. Publisher Rokugokwan. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Hakushi Kiko Dan. flldt^^Sli Anecdotes of Haku-
shi's (Professors) and their ways. Author Tenraishi. Pub-
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25

Nippon Goshd no Kafu. H;4w^]^0^JSL Homes of
the wealthy merchants in Japan. Author Ujo Sanshi Pub-
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen 0.25.

Shisei Chodatsu Shuso Kwaidan. yi^^WkVi^W^
A record of heroic acts. Author Hayata Genz5 Pub-
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shakaniuni Den. J^^i^Jgf^ Biography of Buddha.
Author Inouye Tetsujiro. Publisher Bummeido. Price
Yen, 0.80.

Eiyuno Henei. "^^(DYx^ Reminiscences of great men.
Author Otsuki Hisa. Publisher Bungaku Ddshikwai. Price
Yen, 0.20.

Nippon Bukkyo Jiini ketsu Den-ron. H4^fl^jJ5^+Zl^
{|i|§| Lives of the twelve great Buddhists of Japan. Author
Nakamura Teiryo. Publisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price
Yen, 0.30.

Honda Heihachi. J^^^A A life of Honda Heihachi.
Author Sasakawa Tanero. Publisher Kokkosha. Price
Yen, 0.19.

Tosei Jimbutsu Hyo. '^^A^W Vol. i. Criticism

504 Catalogue of Boohs.

on the characters of the present day. Author Ishikawa
Hanzan. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Tokugawa no Komei. ^ji|CD7L^ The Komei (one
of the greatest counsellors in China) of Tokugawa. Au-
thor Ko Hidesuke. Publisher Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.13.

Chdmin Sensei. ^feK^^ A life of Nakae Tokusuke,
the most famous atheist of Japan. Author Kotoku Shusui.
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Chinzei Hachiro. ^|§A^ A life of Minamoto Tame-
tomo, the greatest archer of Japan. Author Kokubu Saito.
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, CX15.

Dishi Yoshio. iO^^M A life of Oishi Yoshio, the
Captain of the 47 Ronin. Author Osawa' Tensen. Pub-
lisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.12.

C5tsuki Bansui. '^i^^i^ A life of Otsuki Bansui.
Author Otsuki Joden. Publisher Hakubunkan. Price Yen,

0.13.

Yoshitsune Ki Kogi. i|^|E'^$| Vol. i. Lectures
on the life of Minamoto Yoshitsune. Authors Maizumi
Sadasuke and Kurata Kumihide. Publisher Seishidd. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Dai Nippon Meika Zensho. %^i^^%^% Vol. 3
and Vol. 4. A complete history of the Japanese great
men, — the artists. Author Kokkosha. Publisher Sei-
zando. Price Yen, i.oo.

Daijin no Shosei Jidai. ::fcgZ)^^^f^ Lives of the
Ministers of State when they were students. Author Boku-
tei Inshi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Uyesugi Kenshin. Ji^,^ff A life of Uyesugi Kenshin,
one of the greatest strategists of Japan. Author Miyoshi
Butsugwai. Publisher Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.19.

Yamanaka Shikanosuke. llj4'Jffi#Sl8& A life of Yama-

Catalogue of Rooks, 505

naka Shikanosukc, one of the greatest strategists of Japan.
Author Omachi Kcigetsu. Publisher Kokkosha. Price
Yen, 0.19.

Gendai Hyaku Jing5. 5|,it"|?JA^ Vol. 3. A hundred
great men of the present age. Authors Taguchi Kikutei
and Kokubu Sait5. Publisher Shinseisha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Gendai Hyaku Jingo. iEi^l^A^ Vol. 4. A hundred
great men of the present age. Authors Kokubu Saito
and Aoyagi Yubi. Publisher Shinseisha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Meiji Fugo ChifG Jidai. Wi^%%^%mX The con-
dition of the times when our millionaires made their for-
tune. Author Bokutei Inshi. Publisher Daigakukwan.
Price Yen, o 25.

Sagano no Tsuyu. ^@l iWt Sf J^ IK ^ ^^^^ ^^^p on
Sagano. Author Tanimori. Publisher Seizando. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Meiji Kokumin Kikan. RBfSS3Elfei£ Lives of Ex-
emplary characters of the Meiji P>a. Author Naimusod.
Publisher Kokkosha. Price 2.00.

Meishi no Kyodai. :^-±:05i ^ The brothers of the
eminent people. Author Iwasaki Sodo. Publisher Dai-
gakukwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Meiji Jimbutsu no Shoso Jidai. 9}{^A«l^0^i^5H:B#R
The youth of the great men of the present day. Author
Bokutei Inshi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Jimbutsu Tampyd. A%MI¥ Short criticism on the
characters of the present day. Author Matsumura Kai-
seki. Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shingcn Nikki. ^7CH|2. In 6 Vols. Shingen's diary.
Authors Tsuboyi Kuinaz5 and Kusaka Kwan. Publisher
Yoshikawa Kwan. Price Yen, 3.20.

Riku kai Gun Jushi Taisho. Piff^!f +|g:fc{|^ Lives

5o6 Catalogue of Books,

of the fourteen Marshals and Admirals. Author Tenraishi.
Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Rikushdzan. ^^lL| A life of Rikushozan, a Chinese
scholar. Author Tatebe Songo. Publisher Tetsugaku-
shoin. Price Yen. 0.55.

Ogon Sekai. 35(^18:^ The world of money, — hVes
of the millionaires. Authors Amuddjin. Publisher Shun-
yddo. Price, Yen, 0.30.

Akao Gishi Jitsudan. ^HUdtJf^ A true account
of the 47 Ronin. Author Shinobu Joken. Publisher Ko-
bundo. Price Yen, 0.55.

Hanawa Hokiichi. Jjiif5^Ll"~* A life of Hanawa Ho-

kiichi, a learned blind man. Author Publisher Kin-

kodo. Price Yen, 0.20.

Hakushi Kugaku Dan. Rli^^SS An account of

hard experiences of Hakushi (Professor) in their student

lifj. Author Bokutei Inshi. Publisher Daigakukwan.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Kakinomoto Hitomaro oyobi sono Jidai. >f$4^AlSS

-Jl-B$i^ Kakinomoto Hitomaro, a great poet, and his age.

Author Tsukagoshi Yoshitaro. Publisher Minyusha. Price
Yen, 0.30.

Hirosaki Joshu, Etchu no Kami, Tsugaru Nobumasa

Ko. ^l^miM^'^WW^WSk A life of Tsugaru Nobu-
masa, Lord of Hirosaki. Author Sotozaki Satoru. Pub-
lisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.80.

Scik5 Hiketsu Fugo no Omokage. ^ ^ % ^ ^ ^
0®!^ Secret of success, lives and reminiscences of the

millionaires. Author Kuwatani Kokudo. Publisher Jitsu-
gyo no Nihon Sha, Price Yen, 0.50.

Kokumin to Jimbutsu. SRiA^ A nation and her

great men. Author Watanabe Tamezo. Publislier Min-
yusha. Price Yen 0.20.

Catalogue of Books, 507

Tekketsu Saisho Goroku. |8jfil$4BlS^ A record of
Bismarck's words. Author Murakami Dakuro. Publisher
Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.30.

Koshi, Moshi, Junshi, Jimbutsu Yosei Dan. ^L~F'i£T*
W"fA^^)SHS How did the great philosophers of China
build their disciples' character. Author Kimura Yotaro.
Piblisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shokai no Kiketsu. ^^CD-^fJI Lives of the great
men in the business world. Publisher Jitsugyo no Nihon
Sha. Price Yen, 0.70.

Shokumin Iseki. Jfi K jj^ SS Stories of great success
in colonization. Author Hisamatsu Giten. Publisher Kei-
seisha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Bijitsu Gwaka Retsuden. I^^K^^iJiH Lives of the

great artists. Author Publisher Kobundo. Price

Yen, 2.50.

Sekai Juni Joketsu. it^f-t'll-^fjl Lives of the twelve
great women in the world. Author Iwasaki Sodo. Pub-
lisher Kobundo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Law.

Roku Dai Hoten Kyokwasho. i^X^^'ftiVs'^ I" 2
Vols. Text books on the Six great Codes. Author Goto
Homma. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 1.50.

Kaisei Nippon Roppo Kogi. KjE II * a^ fi pH H
lectures on the Six Codes of Japan. Author Hoten Ken-
kyu Kwai. Publisher Shugakudo. Price Yen, 2.50.

Nippon Kemi>o. H^$^ The Constitution of Japan.
Author Publisher Takigawa Price Yen, 005.

Nippon Mimpo. U$&^ic The Civil Code of Japan.
Author Publidier Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.16.

5o8 Catalogue of Books,

Nippon Keih5. H 4^ ?f!l ^ The Criminal Code of
Japan. Author Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.06.

Nippon Shoho. \^i^'^^ The Commercial Code of
Japan. Author Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.12.

Nippon Ropp5 Zensho. H;4^7^^^# A complete
collection of the Six Codes of Japan. Author Pub-
lisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.50.

Nippon Keisatsu Kydhan. 0 451 If S? Ik <6 A text
book on the Police Administration of Japan. Author
Takashima Tamejird. - Publisher Kyukokaku. Price
Yen, 0.50.

Horitsu Jisho. fi#|H^# In 10 Vols. A dictionary
of legal terms. Author Ume Kenjiro. Publisher Mei-
hodo. Price Yen, 1. 00.

Hosei Kyokwasho. f£ $J $JC ^ ft A text book on
laws and institutions. Author Mizobuchi Takao. Pub-
lisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.65.

Ilosci Kydkwasho. ;f£$i||Jt^ft A textbook on laws
and institutions. Author Wadagaki Kenzo. Publisher
Buni^akusha. Price Yen, 0.65.

H6s6 Kiji Tckiyo Ruisan.. ^WI£V!S3&^it A col-
lection of law cases. Author Hosdkwai. Publisher Yu-
hikaku. Price Yen, i.oo.

Shuchin Kaisei Ropp5 Zensho. %^BfcjE7^^^ft
A pocket collection of the revised Six Codes. Author
Chugwai Shuppan Sha. Publisher Meihodo. Price Yen,
0.40.

Daishinin Hanrei Kciji Yoshi Ruishu. li^'Ul^^^^J^n^
5f H'Mife A collection of the verdicts given by the Court
of Cassation in criminal cases. Author Daishinin. Pub-
lisher Yuhikaku. Price Yen, i.io.

Kciho Kakuron. ^\^^^ Notes on the articles of

Catalogue of Books. 509

the Criminal Law. Author Ohata Den. Publisher Saibi-
kwan. Price Yen, 1.50.

Keiji Soshoho. ^j^l^f^^i The Law of Criminal

Procedure. Author Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen,

0.07.

Kydkwa Tekiyd Genko Nogyo H5ki. tfe3p4ii|fflJ|,^f
J&$^% ^ collection of the present laws and regu-
lations on agriculture. Author Publisher Kobunsha.

Price Yen, 0.45.

Keiyaku Shosho Sakusei Tetsuzuki. Wf^W^^^^^
The method of drawing contracts and bonds. Author
Tsuda Fusanosuke, Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.30.

Kokken. ^^ National laws. Author Jdgukyokwai.
Publisher K5meisha. Price Yen, 0.12.

Kokusai Koho. H^5^fi International law. Author
Akiyama Masunosuke. Publisher Meihodo. Price Yen,
1.85.

Gonin Gumi Seido. 5 A iffl. ^J fit The institution of
" Gonin Gumi," company of five people. Author Hozumi
Chincho. Publisher Yuhikaku. Price Yen, 0.50.

Minji Keiji Saiban Shoriho Daizen. ^%W^WAM
5f*J^^^ A collection of successful civil and criminal
actions. Author Goto Homma. Publisher Aoki Suzando.
Price Yen, 0.60.

Gijiho Zensho. ^^f^^^ A collection of the laws
on debates. Author Tokyo Horonsha. Publisher Aoki
Suzando. Price Yen, 0.60.

Gy5seih6 Ronk5. ^ti^ficlfelB Lectures on the ad-
ministrative laws. Author Oka Minoru. Publisher Yu-
hikaku. Price Yen, 2.50.

Bunkwan K5t5 Shinken, Hanji Kenji loyo Bengoshi
Shiken Kyudaisha Toan Shu. Xl^iiS^^l^t»]V*RVS

5 lo Catalogue of Books.

%Wm:W:M^%^^%% A collection of the exami-

nation papers of the successful candidates for higher civil
officials, judges, procurators and lawyers. Author Ya-
inada Tomitaro. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen,

0.35.

Ginko Hoki Shoshiki Hanketsu Rei. 9l{fj£i%#5^^
J^piJ A collection of the verdicts on the forms of laws
and regulations concerning banking business. Authors
Oyama Goro aud Kato Takeo. Publisher Hakubunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.60.

Gyosei Saibansho Ron. tf^ftft^lfit Lectures on
the law of the administration of justice. Anther Koba-
yashi Kwairo. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen,
0.50.

Mimpo Kogi. Kf^^jMl Lectures on the Civil Law.
Author Ozawa Masamoto. Publisher Shugakudo. Price
Yen, 1.50.

Kaisei Mimpo Gikai. BJCjER^HIW Lectures on the
revised Civil Code. Authors Hatoyama Kazuo, Miwa
Tomiju and Oku Keiji. Publisher Sakakibara Tomo-
kichi. Price Yen, 090.

Minji Soshoho. E^^i^fi The I^w of Civil Pro-
cedure. Author Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen,

o. 10.

Minji Soshoho Scikai. R^lfS^tijEUI Notes on t!ie
Liw of Civil Procedure. Author Imamura Nobuyuki.
Publisher Yuhikaku. Price Yen, i.oo.

Jitsurei Sansho Minji Soshoho Seikai. 904^^1%^
5(rg£ficJEM Notes on the I^w of Civil Procedure, with
reference to real cases. Authors Hatoyama Kazuo and
Miwa Toniijn. Publisher Sakakibara Tomokichi. Price
Yen, 040.

Catalogtu of Books, 511

Jinja Horei. jji^li:;^^ The Law and Regulations
about Shinto Shrines. Author Kuniagai Kotaro. Pub-
lisher Saibikwan. Price Yen, 1.50.

Kaisei Shugiin Giin Senkyoho Shakugi. SSClE^^I^^
AiS^^i^^il Notes on the revised Law of Election of
the Members of the House of Commons. Author Hayashida
Kametard. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.80.

Kaisei Sh5h5 Shoshiki Daizen. gfciElfifS#^:fc*
A complete collection of the forms as contained in the
revised Commercial Code. Author Goto Momma. Pub-
lisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.50.

Horei Daizen. Ji'^^k^ A collection of laws and
regulations. Author Kida Kichitard. Publisher Shubun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Keimu Kyokwasho. ff^ffcf^flr A text book on
police service. Author Tokyo Hdronsha. Publisher
Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.70.

Gembun Itchi H5sei Taii. %%-^'^\ii%%% A
book on laws and institutions in colloquial style. Author
Publisher Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shinkyu Taisho Keiho Shuron. Srg|*SB^^1ll&
A book on the Criminal Code, with references to the old

and the revised laws. Author Yamaguchi. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.80.

Tegata Yoron. ^?^15|& Lectures on the Law of

Commercial Notes. Author Yabe Ren. Publisher Yuhi-
kaku. Price Yen, 1.50.

Shinrmho Shakugi. ^W^^Wi Notes on the Forest

Law. Author Shibata Eikichi. Publisher Anayama To-
kutaro. Price Yen, 0.60.

Horitsu Keizai Jiten. \^^W^'^% A dictionary of
law and political economy. Author Tanabe Kinya.
Publisher Hobunkwan. Price Yen, i.oo.

5 1 2 Catalogue of Books,

Social Sciences.

(Including Politics, Political Economy, Sociology etc.)

l\\shi Hattachi Ron. 9l^|i^^|^ A book on the
growth and development of cities. Author Sugiyama
Shigeyoshi. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Keizai Scisaku. ^^@i^ Economic policy. Author
Kancko Kentaro. Publisher Okura Shoten. Price Yen,
2.00.

Gyoseihd Kakuron. >if@C^&lll Lectures on the
administrative laws. Author Ohara Shinzo. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50.

Kinken Chochiku no Shiori. fttStHfll© Lk b A
guide to frugality and savings. Author Konishi Kotaro.
Publisher Minyusha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shisei Ron. if] j^lf^ A book on the municipal ad-
ministration. Author Abe Isoo. Publisher Hakubun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Shakwai Mondai. jfi^^!^ A book on social pro-
blems. Author Ohara Shoichi. ^Publisher Shueisha. Price
Yen, 0.50.

Seiji Gaku oyobi Hikaku Kempd Ron. ftJp^&Jt|jf
i^ififclft Politics and comparative constitutions. Authors
Takata Sanae and Yoshida Minosuke. Publisher Haku-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 2.75.

Trust Ron. h ;7 -^ h gft A book on trust. Author
Togo Masatakc. Publisher JMinyusha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Kwanshoku Yokai. *g%^J4? Notes on the Govern-
ment offices and services. Author Wada Hidematsu.
Publisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, i.oo.

Bushido Kinken Hyakuwa. jK±iii!l^'g'^ A col-
lections of examples of frugality as observed anion'^

Catalogue of Books. 5 1 3

Bushi. Author Ugashi Osho. Publisher Aoki Suzando.
Price Yen, 0.50.

Zaisei Gaku. Mt ilfc ^ A book on financial admi-
nistration. Author Shimomura Ko. Publisher Meihodo.
Price Yen, 2.20.

Shakwai to Seiji. jRt '^ £ j^ Vu Society and politics.
Authors Shimmi Kichiji and Shibayama Washio. Pub-
lisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.50.

Sekai Kokusei Yoran. ifir^^^lcfS A table of the

comparative forces of the nations. Author Publisher

Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Hoppo Shina. ^~)i^^% North China. Author Furu-
sawa Koichi and Inaba Iwakichi. Publisher Maruya &
Go. Price Yen, o 60.

Beikoku Shoko Taisei Ron. :)|v^]^X::k^u& A book
on An:erican commerje and industry. Author Saito Shu-
ichiro. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Tokyo Fuzoku Shi. :ftj^jafS3l Vol II. A history
of the customs and manners of T5ky5. Author Hirade
Sojird. Publisher Fusambd. Price Yen, 0.75.

Oshu Kwahei Shi. WM^^^ A history of Euro-
pean money. Author Shinobu Jumpei. Publisher Haku-
bunkwan. Price Yen, i.oo.

Keizai Kyokwasho. IS S|p ft 3^ $ A text book on
political economy. Author Mochiji Rokusabur5. Pub-
lisher Fusambd. Price Yen, 0.40.

Keizai Kyokwasho. IS ]!l^ $C ^ ^ A text book on
political economy. Author Wadagaki Kenzo. Publisher
Bimgakusha. Price Yen, 0.75.

Keizaijo no Osaka iffi8^_t;^:fcK Osaka, as econo-
mically considered. Author Kozaka Scitaro. Publisher
Minyusha. Price Yen, 9.15.

514

Catalogue of Books,

Keizai Gaku Tsuron. iK9l9^3filll Principles of poli-
tical economy. Author Yaita Kwan. Publisher Kinkodo.
Prince Yen, 1.20.

Chuto Kyoiku Keizai Ronko. 4*^|lWS2ff1lkil A
book on political economy for secondary schools. Author
Niita Masutaro. Publisher Mizuno. Price Yen, 0.75.

Keizai Gaku Tsuron. jR jH^jfilll Principles of politi-
cal economy. Author Ninomiya Motonari. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.75.

Kokuhd Gaku. H ^ j^ Vol. II. A book on the
laws of States. Author Ariga Nagao. Publisher Haku-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 1.25.

Zaisei Gaku. Stft^ A book on finance adminis-
tration. Author Wadagaki Kenzo. Publisher Kinkodd.
Price Yen, 1.30.

Zaisei to Kinyu. gti^ £ '^it Financial administration
and circulation of money. Author Tajiri Inajiro. Pub-
lisher Ddbunkwan. Price Yen, 2.00.

Shashi Bokoku Ron. ^^CHlH Luxury, as a cause
of national ruin. Author Terauchi Junjird. Publisher
Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shakwai Gaku S:itsuyo. ii: ^ ^ 4ft S ^ book on
Sociology. Authors Nakajima Rikizo and Toloki Watani.
Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.70.

Shakwai Gaku K5gi. it^Jj^i^ j| Lectures on socio*
logy. Author Kendo. Publisher Bungaku Doshikwai.
Price Yen, 0.50.

Shokokai no Shichiju Nichi. lfi|X!S'04;+ U Seventy
days in the commercial and industrial world. Author
Okamoto Yonezo. Publisher Tanuma Shoten. Price Yen,
0.50.

Shogyo Keizai Yogi. '^mSJlpKII A book on

CatrJogue of Books. 5 1 5

tomniiercial economy. Author Ano Tsurusaburo. Pub-
lisher Kobunsha. >Price Yen, 075.

Shin Shakwai. tI^T It ^ A book on socialism, — ^an
allegory. Author Yano Fumio. Publisher Dai Nippon
Zusho Kwaisha. Price Yen, 0.45.

Shakwai Keizai Gaku. Xt^lKff ^ A book on politi-
cal economy. Author Kanayi Nobu. Publisher Kink5do.
Price Yen, 2.30.

Ginko oyobi Gwaikoku Kawase Ron. ^tf^l^HSS
^tft A book on banking and foreign exchange. Author
Tashiro Jun. Publisher Jitsugyd no Nippon Sha. Price
Yen, 0.90.

Gyoseiho Hanron. ItKC^'iRlfif General principles of
administrative laws. Author Dhara Shinzd. Publisher
Hakubunkwari. Price Yen, 0.50.

Senji KokUsai Koho. |B| ^ H Rt &f£ International
law in the time of War. Author Takahashi Sakue.
Publisher Tetsugaku Shoin. Price Yen, 1.35. '^

Oeography and teaveLs.

Izu Dshima Kwazan. 'fi^Siife^i'Cllj The volcano in
Dshlma, In the province of Izu. Author Chlgaku Kyo-
Icwai. Publisher Keigydsha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Hachien Kyoko. A HI jjft ^f A journey with eight
yen. Author Aoyagi Yiibi. Publisher Shihscisha. Price
Yen, 0.15.

Nippon Chiri. H ;4^ Sfe 3 A geography of Japan.
Author Teikoku Chijgakukwai. Publisher Shubunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.20.

Nippon Chiri Seisetsu. H ^^^JlllSMIft A geography
of Japan, Author Odauchi Michitoshi and Yoshida Rai-
kichi. Publisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.85.

• .«

5 1 6 Catalogue of Books.

Hompo Chiri Kogi. :4:^USiilllfl Lectures on the
geography of Japan. Author Kida Sadakichi. Publisher
Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.60.

Boken Ryokd Jutsu W Kt 1ft ff 4R How to take an
adventurous journey. Author Murakami Dakuro. Pub-
Usher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Chiri Gaku Shdhin. flfea^/hS A book on geogra-
phy. Author Yazu Masanaga. Publisher Minyusha. Price
Yen, 0.35.

Chibun Gaku Kogi. flfeX^^H Lectures on physical
geography. Author Uyeda Manjiro. Publisher Yoshi-
kawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.50.

Chugaku Chibun Kydkwasho. ff^SUX^fc^H-ff A
text book on physical geography for middle schools.
Author Sato Den. Publisher Sugimoto. Prfce Yen, 0.75.

Ryoko Dan. H^i^^ Talks on a journey. Author
Kojima Usui. Publisher Naigwai Shuppan Kyokwai.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Kamakura Talk wan. Mlj^^^K The sights of Kama-
kura. Author Sato Zenjiro. Publisher Murata Shigetaro.
Price Yen, 0.38.

Gwaikoku Chiri Kogi. ^ H ^ SI ^ f| Lectures on
the geography of foreign lands. Authors Wada Kanae
etc. Publisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.80.

Gwaikoku Shin Chiri. ^S^^^SI ^ "cw geography
of foreign lands. Author Iwata Juzo. Publisher Uchida
Rokakuho. Price Yen, 0.80.

Gwaikoku Sho Chiri. ^ H ^J"" Mb SI A. geography of

foreign lands. Author Publisher Tanuma Shoten. Price

Yen, 0.50.

Gakusei to Ryoko. ^t^ £ jfetf Students and travelling.
Author Publisher Shinseisha. Prfce Yen, o.io.

Catalogue of Books. 517

kankoku Annai. |$ H 1^ ft ^ guide of Korea.
Author Kazuki Gentard. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price
Yen, 1.50.

Europe. (|lc H C^ Author Ikebe Gish5. Publisher
Kink5do. Price Yen, 1.80.

Rentan Yakan Ensoku. ^|tlMfl¥lfflilit£ Travelling at
night, as a method of cultivating one's courage. Author
Hayata Gendo. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Tsuzoku Chibun Goku K5wa. )ifSflfeX*3IS Lec-
tures on physical geography. Author Akiyama Tetsutaro.
Publisher Kaihatsusha. Price Yen, 0.16.

Vladivostok Anfiai. {ffij^l^ft A guide to Vladivostok.
Author Tsunoda Buj5. Publisher Tokyodo. Price Yen,

0.45.

Nojuku Ryokd, ff |g JScIff Camping out Author
Tekkyakushi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Kurume Annai. ^ 3 ^ |{| ft A guide to Kurume.
Author Asano Yokichi. Publisher Shueisha. Price Yen.

0.35.

Koto Chiri Gaku K5gi. ifiS^^9^^|| Lectures on

geography. Author Nagata Kensuke. Publisher Maruya,

& Co. Price Yen, i.oo.

Asakusa K5en. ^ ^ & BB Asakusa Park. Author
Nishimura Tatsuo. Publisher Toky5 Shuppansha. Price
o.io.

Shokyd Meiku Yuran Annai. j»«^EI»J|^ft A
guide to sight seers. Author Katayama Tomohiko. Pub-
lishe Okura Shdten. Price Yen, 0.55.

Meiseki Juhshaku Ki. ^ {§1 ^ ifi |E An account of
a journey to famous places. Author Nippon Rekishi Chiri
Kenkyu Kwai. Publisher Yoshikawa Uanshichi. Price
Yen, 0.35.

5 1 8 Catalogue cf Rooks.

Meish5 Kiji. ^ JH IE ^ A description the illustripus
sights. Author-- — ^Publisher Kinlcodo. Price Yea, 0.12.

Shinonoi Sen Ryoko Annai. ^^|KI£>iTl| j^ A guicje
to the Shinonoi Une of railway. Author Hanai Bunshd.
Publisher Uyehara Shoten. Price Yen, 0.25.

Mampitsu kiko Shitawarabi. ft^K^f Lf^to S^i^ A
book of travels. Author Owada Tateki. Publisher Kin-
kocK.-ArPriee Yen, 0.50.

Kidan Bimbo Ryoko. i^^lt^KEif A popr journey^
Author Tekkyakushi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen,
0.25.

Sekai Tanken. ^^^^ A bck)k of adventures.
Author Shimizu Kanaemon. Publisher Buinmeidd. Price
Yen, 0.40. ^:

Beikoku Hawai Toko Mondo. i(iW^'^W^S^W^ A
to America and Hawaii. Author Yanaagishi Kan. Pub-
lisher Hobunkvvan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Chiri kyohon. Jfi 8| ffc ;$: A text book on the ge-
ography of Japan. Author Tatsumoto Tozo. Publisher
Fukyiisha. Price Yen, 0.60.

ChQtG Chiri Kyokwasho. ^^^Wk^H I" 4 Vols.
Text books on geography for middle schools etc. Author
Tatsumoto Tozo. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 2.05.

Chuto Shin Chiri. 4* ^ ^ flfe S A text book on
geography for middle schools etc., — of Japan. Author
Noguchi Yasuoki. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 0.60.

Chuto Shin Chiri. ^f^^T^MfeS A text book on geo-
gra[)hy for middle schools etc.,— of foreign laixis. Author
Noguchi Yasuoki. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 0.70.

CluKo Shin Chiri. ^fl^f^iffiJ-l A text book on ge-
ography for middle schools etc. Author Shiga Jijlo.
Publisher Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.70.

Catalogue qf Books - 5 19

Chibun Kyohon. Ml3lCft^ A text book on physical
geography.. Author Yokoyama Matajird. Publisher Fu-
kyusha. Price Yeri, 0.55.

Taiwan Shi. ^ ^ ^ A description of Formosa.
Author Ino Yoshimori. Publisher Bungakusha. Price
Yen, 3.20.

Chiri Kyokwasho. ^3||jl:^^ In 4 Vols. Text books

on geography. Author Publisher Bungakusha. Price

Yen, 1. 12.

Chibun Gaku Mopdo. fill 3t * P? ^ A book on
physical geography, in the form of questions and answers.
Author Publisher Aoki Suzaiido. Price Yen, 0.30.

Gwaikoku Chiri Kyokwasho. 51-SSMKSIfc3^# A
text book on the geography of foreign land?. Author
Ihara Gi. Publisher Shunyodd. Price Yen, 0.70.

Gembun Itchi Nippon Chiri. a X^^'^ II ;*^ Mi!?i A
geography of Japan in colloquial style. Author Pub-
lisher Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.20.

Kyonii no Ryoko. ||.^0]S6^f An interesting journey.
Author Taniguchi Masanori. Publisher Hayashi Seirindo.
Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinshiki Nippon Chiri. ISi^^^^M A geography
of Japan. Author Aoki Tsiinesaburo. Publisher Aoki
Suzandd. Price Yen, 0.30.

Genbun Itchi Bankoku Chiri. "^^ — SS^^HfifeJi A

universal geography in colloquial style. Author

Publisher Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.20.

Natural Sdenees.

(Including Botany, Zoology, Physics, Chemistry,
Mineralogy, and Geology, continued.)

Hotaru no HanasHi. ||(Z>iS An account of fire-flies.

5 20 Catalogue of Books,

Author Watase Shozaburo. Publisher Kaiseikwan. ' Price
Yen, 0.35.

Doshokubutsu to Rekishi. 56 ^ 41/ £ S jtl Animals

and plants, and history. Author Publisher Kinkodo.

Price Yen, 0.18.

Kani Ddbutsu Gaku K5gi. |||^8il^$iP|| Lectures
on zoology. Author Oka Asajiro. Publisher Kaiseikwan.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Kwagaku Kogi Jikkensho. f{l$^$|XJ|St^ Lectures
and experiments in Chemistry. Author Kametaka Toku-
hei. Publisher Kaiseikwan. Price Yen, 1.50.

Kyokwa Y6 Jikken Kwagaku. jftSH-fflSfSStft^A
text book on experimental chemistry. Author Yamamoto
Keitaro. Publisher Fukyiisha. Price Yen, 0.60.

Sht>kubutsu no Keitai. ^^Ol^Wi Shapes of plants.
Author Malsumura Ninz5. Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho
Kwaisha. Price Yen, 0.95.

Jinrui Dan. A^Wi Talks on human races. Author
Tsuboyi Sh5gor5. Publisher Kaiseikwan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Shokubutsu Kai no Dan. ^^^(D^ Talks on Botany.
Author Miyoshi Gaku. Publisher Kaiseikwan. Price Yen,
0.40.

Shintei Butsuri Gaku. iSf^%^3|$ ^ *^ook on physics.
Author Sugano Kaika. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen,
0.85.

Seis5 Gaku Seigi. {^ifl^t^H Principles of phrenolo-
gy. Author Seki Ryushi. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei.
Price Yen, 2.00.

Seiso Gaku Taii. tt^B^iife^ A book on phrenology.
Author Nishina Karoku. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Nippon Sorui Meii. g ^H^^& Names of Japanese

Catalogue of Books. 521

sea weeds. Author Okamura Kintaro. Publisher Kei-
gyosha. Price Yen, 1.50.

Nippon Kais5 Zusetsu. B;4^f9HIHI% Figures with
explanations of Japanese sea weeds. Author Okamura
Kintaro. Publisher Keigy5sha. Price Yen, 0.60.

Nippon Y5shi Shokubutsu Zufu. H:4:^{fij£%^i!^
Figures of Japanese plants of sheep tooth species. Author
Makino Tomitaro. Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.30,

Ddbutsu Saishu Hozon Ho. W6iWlk%1^^ Method
of the collection and preservation of animals. Author
Takeda Ushinosuke. Publisher Seibidd. Price Yen, 0.60.

Dobutsu Gaku Chu Kydkwasho. 'WW^^^I^t^^ ^
text book on zoology for middle schools etc. Author
Terasaki Tomekichi. Publisher Keigydsha. Price Yen, 0.60.

Chishitsu Gaku KokL ^ft$^f| Lectures on geolo-
gy. Author Rekishi oyobi Chiri Koshukwai. Publisher
Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.40.

Rikwa Hyohon Seisaku H5. W^^if^WL^"^ Method

of making specimens for natural science. Author

Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Rikwa Kyokwasho. SI ^ tt ^ llr ^ ^^^^ book on

natural science. Author Publisher Teikoku Shose-

ki Kwaisha. Price Yen, 0.85.

Rikwa Shiryo. S^ftl^* Materials for natural science.
Author Akiyama Tetsutaro. Publisher Tanuma Shoten.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Rikwagaku Koshiki. Sffc^^^ Formulae of physics
and chemistry. Author Kondo Juro. Publisher Kanasa-
shi. Price Yen, 0.35.

Rikwa Kyojuho Kogi Yoryd. a5H-|kgji|5ffi
Method of teaching natural science. Author Tanahashi
Gentard. Publisher Hoeikwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

522 Qttahgne <f B^s,

Shun Ka Shu To Rikwa Tebikigusa. ^'SM^WI^
:^^\^ A guide to natural science for spring, summer,
autumn and winter. . Author Kimura Shoshu. Publisher
Hakubqnkwan. Price Yen, 0.38.

Rikwa Kyoju Yo Dobutsu Zu. aflilt!Sfflll4di!
Figures of animals for the use of teaching natural science.
Author Yazawa Yonesaburd. Publisher Kinshddo. Price
Yen, 1.50.

Chuta Kydiku Kwagaku Mondo. *t*9lJi:Wft9^n^
Questions ai)f} answers on chemistry for middle schools

etc. Author Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen,

0.20. ...

Kaiso Gaku Hanron. JKH4^2H«lll ^ book on Sea
weeds. Author Okamura Kintaro. Publisher Keigyosha.
Price Yen, 2.35.

Yakuyo Shokubutsu Jikken Benran. DiffitttiFltMt
1£ M( ^ guide to experiments with medical plants.
Author Ichimura To. Publisher Keigyosha. Price
Yen, 0.60.

Chuto Kyoiku Butsurigaku Mondo. ^^HCfi^M!^
ffl^ Questions and answers on phy6ic$ for middle

schools etc. Author Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price

Yen, 0.30.

Kobutsukai Chu Kydkwasho. WlO^^lik^'tt A
text book on minerals for middle schools etc. Au-
thor Terasaki Tomekichi. Publisher Keigydsha. Price
Yen, 0.35.

Chuto Kyoiku Kobutsu Kai Kydkwasho. ^^HSCffWi
^^fSl^^ A text book on minerals for middle schools
etc. Authors Takimoto Toz5 and Matsuno Jutaro.
Publisher Tanuma Shoten. Price Yen, 0.50.

Konchu Bunrui Ho. g^Ji^Hj^ Classification of

Catalogue of Books. 523

crawling insects. Author Sasaki Chujiro. Publisher Kci-

gyosha. Price Yen, 0.40.

Saikin Jiki Gagu. ^WSllMJ^ The latest teaching

on magnetism. Author Ichikawa Rintard. Publisher
Sanseido. Price Yen, 0.45.

Kioku-jutsu Oyo Butsuri Juken Sank5sho. lEt^til?^
ffl^SI$S?t^^^ ^ reference book for examination
in physics, for memorizing. Author Onda Shigenobu,
Publisher Kanahara Torasaku. Price Yen, 0.40.

Shokubutsu Saishu Ho. fit '^ ^ ^ ?i Method of
collecting plants. Authors Kurimoto Einojo and Naka-
nishiki Hirotsugu. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Fuji San Shokubutsu Mokuroku. ^dTlljfili'^B^ A

list of plants on Mount Fuji. Author Umemura Jintaro.
Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Jitsuyd Shokubutsu Byori Gaku. fffflfil^^a^ A
book on diseases of plants. Authors Miyabe Kingo and
Ideta Shin. Publisher Shdkwabo. Price Yen, 1.70.

Kiseichu Gaku. ^^^$ A book on parasitic insects.

Author Ikoma T5taro. Publisher Anayama Tokutard.
Price Yen, 0.40.

Shinsen Nippon Shokubutsu Zusetsu. tS'HK H4^tiiL^IS

ift Vol. VI. Figures with explanations of Japanese

plants — annuals. Author Makino Tomitaro. Publisher
Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.50.

Shinsen Nippon Shokubutsu Zusetsu. ^m H 4^>fj£%
H^ Figures with explanations of Japanese plants —
6ndogamous species. Authors Matsumura Ninzo and Mi-
yoshi Gaku. Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Joshi Rikwa Shintei Kobutsu oyobi Kwagaku. ^-p
a^ffSliJ^Sft* A book on mineralogy and
chemistry, for girls. Author Harada Choniatsu. Pub-
lisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.55.

$24 Catal<^ni ef Bodks.

Shogaku Shin Rikwa. /h#ljVf9ff Natural Btfenoe

for elementary schools. Author — «— Publisher Bungiaku-
sha. Price Yen, 0.89.

Shtnsen Butsuri Mondo. 3|fdl4lfSIPI^ QueidoiiB
and answers on physics. Author Okano Eitaro. Pub-
lisher Bunyodo. Price Yen, 0.15.

Seibutsu Kai no Genshd, Dobutsu. ^%|^;Sl%||^> W
tfg Phenomena of the biological worM, — anlmak.
Author Ando Isajiro. Publisher UychatU Shoten. Price
Yen, 0.70.

Seibutsu Kai no Gensho, Shokubutsu. ^^%^^Jf^%,^
tfg Phenomena of the biological world, -plants. Author
Ando Isajiro. Publisher Uyehara Shoten. Price Yen, 0.60.

Jogakko Yo Seibutsu Gaku. :^iPftffl^l||^ Bio-
logy for girls' schools. Authors Sasaki Toyosaburo and
Mizoguchi Shikajiro. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0,60.

Shizenkai no Gensho. 9^^;2lS^ Phenomena of
Nature. Author Misawa Rikitaro. Publisher Uyehara
Shdten. Price Yen, 0.50.

Dobutsu Kai no Seizon Ky5s6. 5ft^$0£#JSI^
^ Struggle for existence in the animal kingdom.
Author Shiono Susumu. Publisher Tanuma Shoten.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Chuto Butsuri Gaku. ^^^S^^ Physics for middle
schools etc. Author Sud5 Denjiro. Publisher Seibidd.
Price Yen, i.oo.

Churui Hatsuiku Hy5. iiUftW^ A table of the
growth of insects. Author Sasaki Chujiro. Publisher
Keigyosha. Price Yen, o.io.

Muki Kwagaku Mondai Sh5kai. JK^ft#ni|IHt|||
A Key to the questions on inorganic chemistiy. Author
Yukawa Iwao. Publislier Aokl Suzando. Price Yefi, 0.4a.

Catalogue cf Books. S^S

Umi no Dobutsu Kai. ^ CD Hi ^ ^ The animal
kingdom of the sea. Author Akiyama Benzo. Pub-
lisher Kobayashi Shimbei. Price Yen, o.JO.

Kobutsu Kai Kyokwasho. 0||ij||tfc3^flr A text
book on the mineral kingdom. Authors Yamada Kuni-
hiko and Ishigami Magozd. Publisher Bungakusha.
Prk3e Yen, 0.65.

Kobutsu Kai. |K%^Jf A book on the mineral king-
Uom. Author Hirose Soho. Publisher Hoeikwan.
Price Yen, a40.

Kinsei Butsuri Gagu Kyokwasho. jl£1H:4feSi9^iic|lllr
A text book on modern physics. Author Nakamura
Solji. Publisher Fuaambo. Price Yen, i.oo.

Shinsen Nippon Shokubutsu Zusetsu. 0fSIS4^'HI^
HIK Figures of Japanese plants with explanations.
Authors Matsumnra Ninzo and Miyoshi Gaku. Publisher
Keigyosha. Price Yen, 3.00.

Shinsen Nippon Shokubutsu Zusetsu. jlfSB^f^M^'
Mil Figures of Japanese plants with explanations.
Author Matsuo Tomitaro. Publisher Keigyosha. Price
Yen, 3,0Q.

Chuto I^obutau Kyokwasho. ^^%^tW^1lk A text
book on zoology for middle schools etc. Author Omori
Chitoze, Publi3hcr Fukyusha. Price Yen, 075.

Chuta Kobutsu Kydkwasho. ^^Wfihi%l^^ A text
book on mineralogy for middle schools etc. Author
ShimiuM S^netaka. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.50.

Rikwa Kyohon. ^^fS:^ A text book on natural
Jicience>'^-^n physics. Authors Nezu Fukuya and Tsu-
kuyi Tokujiro. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.60.

Chugaku Kobutsu Kai Kyokwasho. 4* $ ^ ^ ^ IS^
5^11 A text book on the mineral kinddom for middle

526 Catalogue of Books.

schools etc. Author Yokoyama Matajiro. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.50.

Temmon Kovva. ^X^SS Lectures on astronomy.
Author Yokoyama Matajiro. Publisher Hakubunkwan.
Price Yen, i.io.

Jinshu Shi. A iffi ^ A book on human races.
Author Torii Ryuzo. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei.
Price Yen, 0.50.

Chugaku Shokubutsu Kyokwasho. H'^jfL'^fiC^Ar
A text book on botany for middle schools. Author
Miyoshi .Gaku. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.75.

Shokubutsu Seitai Bikwan. >fil ^ ^ 1^ HJR The
beauty of living plants. Author Miyoshi Gaku. Pub-
lisher Fusamb5. Price Yen, 0,90.

Mathematics.

ChOgakko Sugaku Kyokwasho, Sanjutsu no Bu. 4*^
WLWM^W^^^W^kUM Text books on arithmetic for
middle schools. In 2 Vols. Author Terada Ju and Yoshi-
da Kokuro. Publisher Fuzambo. Price Yen, i.io.

K5t6 Jogakko Daisu Kydkwasho. ^^-^^^tSL^WS^
J^^ A Text book on algebra for girls' high schools.
Author Okamoto Kotaro. Publisher Bungakusha. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Daisu Gaku Kyokwasho. f^jK$$(c3^lir In 2 Vols.
Text books on algebra. Author Sawada Goichi. Publisher
Fuzambo- Price Yen, i.io.

Maiji Haita Sanjutsu Kyoan. H^Kg^fl?^^ Me-
thod of teaching arithmetic, in one hour lessons. Authors
Kondo Kuichiro etc. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price
Yen, 0.30.

CatalPgtie of Books. 527

Shot5 Sanjutsu Kyokwasho. ^^^fl9Dc3p|^ A text
book on elementary arithmetic. Authors Komatsuzaki
Ryotaro etc. Publisher Sugimoto. Price Yen, 0.50.

Sanjutsu Kyokwasho. ^^fjt^$ Ii^ 2 Vols. Text
books on arithmetic. Author Sawada Goichi Publisher
Fuzambo. Price Yen, i.io.

Joshi Kikagaku Kyokwasho. ic^MW^ifc^ff A
Text book on geometry for girls. Authors Hasegawa
Kazuoki etc. Publisher Tanuma Shoten.Price Yen, 0.60.

Daisu Gaku Kyokwasho. RjK^fic^^ I^ 2 Vols.
Text books on algebra. Author Takahashi Toyo. Pub-
ILsher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 1.60.

Heimen Kikagaku Kydkwasho. ^^®^M«^tSl^lJ A
text book on plain geometry. Author Takahashi Toyo.
Publisher FukyQsha. Price Yen 0.80.

Chugaku Sankakuh5. •^'^H^^i Trigonometry for
middle schools. Author lijima Masanosuke. Publisher
Fuzambd. Price Yen, 0.40.

Daisu Mondai Kaito Jizai. IttferaHM^gffi How
to solve algebraical problems. Author Nippon Chu5 Gaku-
sha. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Prise Yen, 0.40.

Sanjutsu Kyokwasho. ^^i^jft^ff In 2 Vols. Text
books on arithmetic. Authors Takahashi Toyoo etc. Pub-
lisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 1.50.

Chuta Kyokwa Sanjutsu Sho. }^^^l^%1f^^ In 2
Vols. Text books on arithmetic for middle schools etc.
Author Sakai Saho. Publisher Ikueisha. Price Yen, 1.20.

Shogakko Sanjutsu Kyoju Ho. /h * t? ^ ^ |fe g j*
Method of teaching arithmetic in elementary schools.
Author Sunazaki Tokuzo. Publisher Toyosha. Price
Yen, 0.60.

Kika Mondai Kaita Jizai. JKHW^JS^Stt How to

528 Catalogue qf Baahs.

solve geometrical problems. Author Nippon Chuo Gaku-
sha. Publisher Keigyosha. Price You, 0,40.

Shot5 Kikagaku Kyokwasho, Heimen no Bu. 409|^Ji|
f^^|JC)^^^|5;2llB A text book on plain geometry.
Author Shirai Denzaburo. Publisher Keigyosha. Price
Yen, 0.75.

Chuto Teido Shinaen Sanjutau Mondat. H*9@[ttW€l
H^WMISI ^ collection of arithmetical questions for mid-
die schools etc. Author Miyata Tonosuke, Publiaher
Sanseido. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinsen Shdgyo Sanjutsu. Wi^MMM^ ^ book on
commercial arithmetic. Author Okada Ichtji. Publisher
Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.55.

Shinsen Suri Mondo. jRSIKSHIS' A book on ma-
thematical theories in the form of questions and answers.

Author Okano Eitard. Publisher Uosumi Shot<n. Price
Yen, 0.15.

Sugaku Rironteki Mondai T5an. fti[93llfit6^P|J6^i^
A collection of answers to theoretical problems in mathe-
matics. Author Nippon Chuo Gakusha. Publisher Aoki
Suzando Price Yen, 0.40.

Tamazan Kairyo An. S^JI^Sft^^ A proposed plan

of reform in the use of the abacus. Author Inouye En-
ryo. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Rittai Kikagaku Kyokwasho. j):||flM9i^ll# ^

text book on solid geometr>\ Author Takahashi Toyoo.
Publif^her Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.55.

Oyo Kika Gwahd Kaisetsu. MMIk^^^fH^ £^*
planations of applied geometrical figures. Author Nobara
Kyuichi. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen. 0.20.

Oyo Kika Gwah5. ffiffiMMHj^ A book on applied
geometrical figures. Author Nohara Kyuichi. Publisher
FukySsha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Cdtahgui ef Bodks, $39

Shoto Bibun Sekibun Gaku. i|n9fti;#)8H^9 A text
book on differential calculus and integral calculus. Author
Fujita Sotojiro etc. PuUisher Kanasashi* Price Yen,
0.70.

Sankakuho Kyokwasho. HA^HIlff^ A text book
on trigonometry. Author Endo Matazo. Publisher Ko-
fukwan. Price Yen, 0.60.

Medicine.

Haikekkaku Hetol Shin Ryoho Ron. AlftSi^^ \^/^
ISiMikWi An essay on the new Hetol cure of consump-
tion. Author Nagaoka Tenz5. Publisher Kanaharu Tora-
saku. Price Yen, 1.35.

Gakko Okyu Chiryd Ho. ^I^t^"^^^^ A book
on "first help" in schools. Author Uyeno Tatsumi.
Publisher Toyosha. Price Yeu, 0.20.

Tsuzoku Kambyd Gaku. ^^^^$ A book on com-
mon sick nurseing Author Oka Ryutaro. Publisher
Nankodo. Price Yen, 0.60

Gekwa Shujutsu Zufu. ^3^^|||ilBI8[ Figures of sur-
gical operations. Author Narimiya Reiichi. Publisher
Nankoda Price Yen, 6.00.

Gekwa Soron Chukwan. ^ ff-lt Ifr 'f*^^ A book on
surgery, Vol, 3. Author Katsura Hidema. Publisher
Kanahara Torasaku. Price Yen, 1.55.

1^'utsu Kaigyo Shiken Mondo Sosho. |§||||Rj||lt||m
i$tft^ A collection of questions and anewers on medi-
cine for examinations for government license for physicians
Author Shuto Kwan. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price.
Yen, 0.9a

Shindan Shorei. ^Wff M A ooilecttpn of phyisician'^

ejo Catalogtu of Books,

certificates. Author Shimada Shosaku. Publisher Naii-
kodo. Price Yen, 170.

Baidoku Chiryo Shinron. j<|#}|S||fr|fir A book on
the cure of syphih's. Author Nakamura Juji. Publisher
Nankodo. Price Yen, 0.50.

Saishin Nippon Yakkyoku Ho Zenshu. ^^^i^%W^
cfc^lfe A complete collection of the laws of medicine.
Authors Onda Shigenobu. Publisher Nankodd Price
Yen, 0.(30,

Kohyo By5 Shinron. W^^^^ A book on fox
possession. Author Kadowaki Maeda. Publisher Haku-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50.

Sankwa Seigi. ^f^MII Vol. 3. A book on mid-
y^'ifery. Author Sakuki Junjiro. Publisher Nankodo. Price
Yen 1.30.

Tsuzoku I-Ch5 Byo Yojo Ho. jifSHft^H^^
Common cures for stomach and bowel complaints. Author
Yamamoto Goro. Publisher H5bunkwan. Price Yen. 0.50.
Nippon Kentai Shoni no Hatsuiku Ron. Q4^{l£t&/h
%C/)^W3& A book on the growth and development of
Japanese children of normal health. Author Mishima

Tsuryo Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha. Price
Yen 0.70.

Nippon Yakkyoku H5 Biko. \M^%W)i^^ Notes

on the Japanese law of medicine. Authors litaka Yoshi-

yasu, Aoki Junz5 and Okonogi Shinrokufo. Publisher
Asakaya. Price Yen 1.70.

Nippon Yakkyoku Ho Chukai. H*|j|^:fr^M Notes
^n the Japanese iaw of medicines. Author Yamashita
Juuichiro. Publisher Nankodo. Price Yen, 3.60.

Tsuzoku Eisei Komon. jiifStSf^^K Simple advice
on hygiene. Autlior Tokyo Yakugaku Kyokwai. Pub-
Usher Shugakudo. Price .Yen, 0.95.

Cataiog}i€ of Books, 531

Onna Isha. "^ ^ ^ A woman physician. Author
Shukin Joshi. Publisher Seikdkwan. Price Yen 0.30.

Katei Eisei Shinsho. W^W^1S[^^ A book on home
hygiene. Author Okabc Seinosuke. PubHshcr Scishid5.
Price Yen, 0.45.

Kaisui yoku. fH^^ A book on Sea bathing Author
Uchida Kotar5. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.20.

Naikwa Shindansho. ft|^^!^]|f A book on the in-
ternal treatment of diseases. Author Terao Kunihei.
Publisher Nankddo. Price Yen, 2.30.

Rinsho Juken Biko Naikwa Zensho. fiRHi'3'iii(i#ft
^ ^ ^r A book on internal diseases for clinical Ex-
amination. Author Kawauchi Tatsuwaka. Publisher Nan-
kodo. Price Yen 1.70.

Malaria Shinsatsu. JfitflJMSSffift A book on Malaria.
Author Tsutsuki Jinnosuke. Publisher Kanahara Tora-
saku. Price Yen, 1.20.

Shuchin Gekwa Iten. %^^^^% Vol. II. A
pocket book on surgery. Authors Tamura Koken and
Oka Ryutaro. Publisher Nankodo. Price Yen, 1.35.

Kyokusho Kaibo Gaku Kohon. ^^MftlJ-^^I^C A
text book on partial anatomy. Author Narasaka Gen-
ichiro. Publisher Handaya. Price Yen, i.io.

Kioku Kyoko Kingaku Benran. %V^W^%^^^ A
book on sinews. Author Chikusa Sataro. Publisher
Handaya. Price Yen, 0.20.

Kinsei Naikwa Zensho. j£ifi:|^fl-^# A book on
the modern treatment of internal diseases. Author Hashi-
moto Sessai. Publisher Nankodo. Price Yen, 3.00.

Meika Shoho. ^*^%')^ A collection of rcnowed
doctors' prescriptions. Author Murayama Kumaji. Price
Yen, 0.45.

532 Catalogue of Books,

Shusei Yakubutsu Gaku. ||j£||i<^i^ Vol. V. A
book on the science of medicine. Author Ise Jojord.
Publisher Nankddo. Price Yen, 0.90.

Shokumotsu Isan. ^^^^ A classified collection of
foods. Author Sagami Kasaku. Publisher Maruya & Co.
Price Yen, i.oo.

Eisei Koryo. flS^mi Vol. IV. A book on
hygiene. Author Tsuboyi Jiro. Publisher Kinshodd.
Price Yen, 0.90.

Eisei Biy5 Jutsu. Itl^SI^^ Facial Embellishment
by hygienic methods. Authors Kawase Genkurd and
Kawase Fumiko. Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Shinan Enkei Shishiryoku Hy5. m^^f^U.WL')}^
A new table of marks for the examination of the sight.
Author Shin Yoshinao. Publisher Asakaya. Price Yen,
0.20.

Byori Soron Kogi. ^SlSH^pH^ Lectures on the
principles of diseases. Author Yamazume Katsusaburd.
Publisher Handaya. Price Yen, 1.50.

Byoteki Sairyo Kwansatsu Ho Jisshii. ^69;^)|^SK^
]^ H ® Practice in the method of observing morbid
materials. Author Yamazume Katsusaburd. Publisher
Handaya. Price Yen, 2.00.

Seirigaku Kogi. ^a^^lH Vol. III. and Vol. IV
Lectures on physiology. Author Miyairi Keinosuke.
Publisher Handaya. Price Yen, 2.2G.

Seishin-by5 Gaku. ^ jji^ ^ $ A book on mental
diseases. Author Kadowaki Maeda. Publisher Hakubun-
kwan. Price Yen, 2.00.

Chugaku Seiri Eisei Kyokwasho. ^$^3%^tic|f
^ A text book on physiology and hygiene for middle

Catalogue of Books. 533

^Schools. Author Kamimura Kenryo. Publishtr Fukyu-
Ssha. Price Yen, 0.65.

Kaibd Byosha Clio. fBSlHS^W A sketch book of
anatomy. Author Ishikawa Kichoku. Publisher Tohodo,
Trice Yen, 1,00

Futsu Anshin Gaku. ^i£^^$ A book on com-
mon shampooing and acupuncture. Author Okiimura
Sansaku. Publisher Seishido. Price Yen, 1.20.

Sanzcn Sango no Kokoroe. Mt^M'&.Qii^^ Care to
be taken before and after parturition. Author Seki To-
jiro. Fubhslier Kobundo. Price Yen, 0.40.

TsQzoku Eisei Me no Hanashi. ii^ffi^aaoti?! L
A common talk on the eye. Author Ogawa Kenzaburo.
Publisher Plakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.18.

Shinzo Byo Ron. jf>|K^ift A book on heart disease.
Author Okamoto Toshiyuki. Publisher Nankodo. Price
Yen, 1.50.

Chugaku Seiri Ky6kwasho. ^^^m.16M^ A text
book on physiology for middle schools. Author Tsuboyi
Jiro. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.70.

Commercial books.

Obei Shogyo Jissei. BfC^-lSUffj^ The real state of
commerce in Europe and America. Author Moriyama
Moritsugu. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0,50.

Kojin Eigyo oyobi Kessha Eigyo. fflAfi^SiK6tfi
^ Business carried on by individuls and companies.
Author Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Saishin Shogyo Y5k6. gfflSIISiH The latest
method of mercantile business. Author Tsuchiya Cho-
kichi. Publisher Jitsugyo no Nihon Sha. Price Yen,

o.;s.

534 Catalog^ue of Books.

Shogyo Annai. |$ Hl^ ^ A guide to mercantile
business. Author Banto Rikuzo. Publisher Shubunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Shogy5 Kyokvvasho. ]fi$ ^ fS: ^^ ^ A text book on
mercantile business. Author Mizushima Tetsuya. Pub-
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 1. 15.

Ginko Shinron, Gwaikoku Kawase. jR ^T K 1^ W ^
@jS^ a book on banking business, including an arti-
cle on foreign exchange. Author Noguchi Koki. Pub-
lisher flakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50.

Shogy5 Kihan. MMWlVi In 3 Vols. Text book
of mercantile business. Author Terada Yukichi. Publisher
P'ukyusha. Price Yen, 1.85.

Shogyo Sakubun. ]]S H f1^ 3t A book on business
letter writing. Author Shogyo Gakkwai. Publisher Ko-
bundo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shdhin oyobi Shogyo Chi. "^ pp jS 1$ H ifi A book
about mercantile articles and places. Author Shogyo Sekai
Sha. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Rokoku oyobi Siberia Shoky5 Chosa Hokoku. fgggj^

?gJ:I:?»Jil5lS^HPSfll^ A report on the mercantile con-
(lition of Russia and Siberia. Author Ndshomusho. Pub-
lisher Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.25.

Baibai oyobi Toki. j^^SfitS Bargaining and specula-
tion. Author Shogyo Sekai Sha. Publisher Dobunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.20.

Nippon Torihikisho Ron. H^^lR^l^lft A book on
exchanges in Japan. Author Aoki Genzaburo. Pub-
lisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.45.

Nippon Fui;5 no Kakcn. Wif^^CD^M Household
laws of the Japanese millionaires. Author Bokutei Inshi
Puljlishcr Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

CatalogHi €f Books. 535

Beikoku Tojiki Sh6gy5 ni Kwansuru Hokoku :)|tSP^

^8?5'ffi|U'IIBf^fil^ A report on the potteries of
America. Author Noshdmusho. Publisher Anayama
Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.12.

Toshin Tetsudo Fukin Shokyo Shisatsu Hokoku. ]ftfi|
*K>tBf>£^%^^^^ A report on mercantile con-
ditions in the vicinity of the East China Railway. Author
Noshomusho. Publisher Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen,
0.25.

K6t5 Jogakko Yo Kakei Boki. i^^ic^^fffllSStfJS
Id The rules of domestic bookkeeping for girls' high
schools. Author Sakuma Buntaro. Publisher Bungakusha.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Manshu ni okeru Yunyu Mcmpu Rui ni Kwansuru

Hokoku. mm'~mi hmxwm%\yM-^ h%'^ Are-

port on imported cotton cloth in Manchuria. Author No-
sliomusho. Publisher Anayama Tokutard. Price Yen, o. 1 2.

Ginko Riyo Ho. ^fff'Jffl^ How to make use of
a bank. Author Suda Mairoku. Publisher Kdkkosha.
Price Yen, 0.40.

Gink5 Boki Gaku. ® >(f ?S l£ ^ A book on bank
bookkeeping. Author Nakamura Sahei. Publisher Ko-
kkosha. Price Yen, 0.50.

Hosha Kydiku Shdgyo Nyumon. %^%M%^Xn
Vol. I. A text book on mercantile business. Author Hama-
da Shird. ' Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.18.

Nippon Shog)'5 Tokuhon. H * ^ H IK 4c Vol. III.

A reader on commercial business. Author ' Publisher

Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shogyd Boki Reidai Kaishiki. ^%mLmm^ A
key to the exercises in bookkeeping. Author Ikeda Gen.
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.40.

536

Catalogue of Books,

Shogyo Boki Reidai. %%WitM^ A collection of
exercises in commercial bookkeeping. Author Ikeda Gen.
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.35.

Shogyo Boki Kyokwasho. ^HftSBIfeSH'^ A text
book on commercial bookkeeping. Author Sano 2^nsaku.
Publisher Dobunkvvan. Price Yen, 1.60.

Chuto Kyoiku Shogyd Gaku Mondo. ^^ftCM^"^^
^^ A collection of questions and answers on commercial

business. Author Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price

Yen, 0.30.

Shogyd Kwaigisho Ho oyobi Fuzoku Hoki.
^fiARfSS^^ffi. Law of Chambers of Commerce and
Dependent Regulations. Author Noshomusho. Publisher
Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.08.

Shinkoku ni okeru Boseki Gy5 no Gaikyo. fl|Bl|(I
^Mhl^Wk^W^ A report of the condtion of spin-
ning industries in China. Author Noshomushd. Pnblisher
Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.12.

Ginko Boki Reidai. ^\^%%tWk A collection of
exercises in bank bookecping. Author Nishikawa Masiaji.
Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei. Price Yen, 0.40.

Shogyo Sakubun. "^Hf^;^ A book on commercial
letter writing. Author Shogyo Sekai Sha. Publisher Do-
bunk wan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Jissen Kakei Boki. %WL%Vi%^ Practical domestic
bookkeeping Author Nohara Tetsuho. Publisher Jitsu-
gyo no Nihon Sha. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shogyd Tokuhon. "^^^I^^ Vol. I. A reader on
commercial business. Author Amagi Yasumasa." Pub-
lisher Ilakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.15.

Catalogue of Books, 537

Agriculture.

Bonsai Shitate Hih5. ^ ii >fi: jt 12 ?i The art of
growing plants in pots. Author Nakajima Nobuyoshi.
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Oyo Tetetsu Gaku. W^%W^ A book on the
horse shoe. Author Kishimoto Tatsuji. Publisher Ana-
yama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.90.

Yosan oyobi Seishi Ron. §l58SS4i^|fif A book on
silk worm feeding and silk manufacture. Author Inouye
Seiga. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

S5ju Saibai Zensho. ^^W^^% A book on the
cultivation of the mulberry tree. Author Ikeda Eitaro,
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.25.

Ndgyo Hyakkwa. JH^lSf^^ A book on agriculture.
Author Watanabe Taro. Publisher Ejima Kintaro.
Price Yen, 0.50.

Sambyo Ron. £^||^ A book on silkworm diseases.
Author Iwabuchi Helsuke. Publisher Hakubunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.30.

Hata Saku Kakushin Ron. jllfflf^j^fflfir A book on
reforms to be introduced in the cultivation of vegetable
gardens. Author Maeda Katsushiro. Publisher Waseda
N5en. Price Yen, 0.20.

Nippon Hiry5 Seibun Ichiran. H*jElSl-)fS;^-^ A
table of the constituents of Japanese manure. Author
Mori Yataro. Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, o.io.

Nippon Yuy5 Shinrin Jumoku Zu. P ^^^^fflHtW^TfC
m 60 sheets. Figures of the trees in the forests of Japan.
Author Dai Nippon Sanrin Kwai. Publisher Kobayashi
Shimbei. Price Yen, 4.00.
. Nippon Suisan Dobutsu Gaku. B;4^7jCj£5&^l^ A

53^ Catalogue of Books.

book on Japanese marine animals. Author Fujita Tsune-
nobu. Publisher Shokvvabd. Price Yen, 2.30.

Nippon Jumoku Gaichu Hen. R4w|)^^W^1il A
book on the harmful insects on trees. Author Sasaki
Chujiro. Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, 2.50.

Nippon Inasaku Gaichu Zu. Q 4Cfgf^|^AiS Figures
of harmful insects on rice plants. Author Hanyu Michiya.
Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.55*

Komono Bonsai Jikken Shu. /h(K!fft^l|||||fc Ex-
pcriments made on small plants in pots. Author Shun-
kien Shujin. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.50.

Juyo Nosakubutsu Gaichu Zu. £3^Ji|1t^4ll9AH
Figures of the chief harmful insects on agricultural
plants Author Hanyu Michiya. Publisher Keig)rosha.
Pries Yen, 0.40.

Gaichu Kujo Yoran. ^W^WWU How to get rid
of harmful insects. Author Ndmukyoku. Publisher Kei-
gyosha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Kan Kitsu Ringo Nashi Rui Kwajitsu Choz5 H5. j^"
mf(^^nM^%^WL^ How to preserve fruits such as
oranges, apples, pears etc. Author Kajuenshu. Publisher
Waseda N5en. Price Yen, 0.06.

Soba Gaku. ;|gjl§^ A book on the physiognomy of
horses. Author Ema Kusaburo. Publisher Anayama
Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.50.

Nogakko Kokugo Tokuhon. Ji^^H 1^014^ In 3
Vols. Readers for agricultural schools. Authors Taka-
hashi Teizo and Suzuki Choko. Publisher Uyebara
Shoten. Price Yen, 1.15.

Noka no Shiori. J^^CD^ A guide to farmers. Author
Inouye Kamegord. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Saikin Yosan Ron. ^MMMMi The latest method

Catalogue of Books. 539

of feeding silkworms. Authors Suda Kinnosuke and
Taniura Kanezo. Publisher Shokvvabo. Price Yen, 1.50.

Shuchin Sanshi Hoten. ^i^'MM^^ A pocket
book on silk. Authors Matsunaga Gosaku and Imanishi
Naojir5. Publisher Meibundd. Price Yen, 0.50.

Santai Seiri Kyokwasho. MVf^^MI&W^ A text
book on the physiology of silkworms. Author Kojima
Michiharu. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.55.

Santai Kaibo Ron. TSSItMWSi A book on the
anatomy of silkworms. Author Matsushita Kenzaburd.
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Jitsuyo Shinrin Gaku. SJfl^^^ Vol. II. Prac-
tical forestry. Author Honda Sciroku. Publisher \Va-
seda Noen. Price Yen, 0.75.

Jitsuyo Doj5 Gaku. Hffli^^ A book on soils.
Authors Sakai Hdnosuke and Rusaba Eiki. Publisher
Shokwabo. Price Yen, 0.80.

Shoto Nogyo Kwa Kyoju Ho. *J^Jg||^t5:J§^
Method of teaching elementary agriculture. Authors Yo-
koi Jikei and Kozuki Kiroku. Publisher Kaihatsusha.
Price Yen, 0.75.

Hir>'0 Gaku. Qfi)|^|^ A book on manure. Author Nishi-
mura Torazd. Publisher Maruya & Co. Price Yen, 1.60.

Kachiku Kisei Dobutsu Gaku. ^"^^^^Wl^^
Vol. I. A book on the parasitic animals on cattle. Author
Uno lyehara. Publisher Nankddo. Price Yen, 1.35.

Aki Tabako Kosaku Ho. Hk^^Ll^^lk A book on
the cultivation of autumn tobacco. Author Kubota
Ryoon. Publisher Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.25.

Sangyo Keizai Ron. H^lffi^lfe A book on the
economy of the silk worm industry. Author Tokuda
Saneya. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

540 Catalogue of Books.

Shiitake oyobi Shotake Yosei Ho. |iiF&%JFfl£^
A book on the cultivation of various kinds of mush-
rooms. Author Fujiwara Kwanju. Publisher Waseda
Noen. Price Yen, 0.08.

Shoto Suisan Gaku. ^^iJliM^ ^^ elenientary
book on marine products. Author Banto Rikuzo. Pub-
lisher Shubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Architecture, Mechanics, Brick-making, etc

Rengwa Ydsetsu. ^%^Wt A book on the brick.
Author Moroi Tsunehei. Publisher Hakubunkwan.
Price Yen, 040.

Tetsudo Tsuron. fli ^ S |fi^ A book on railways.
Author Mogi Hideo. Publisher Ddbunkwan. Price
Yen, 0.80.

Kyoryo Kdshiki. 4S%&^ Bridge Formulas.
Author Kanai Hikosaburd. Publisher Kenchiku Shorin,
Price Yen, 0.60.

Yurui Kogyo Bunseki. iA^XH^^ A book on
the technical analysis of oils. Author Yano Kogakushi.
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50.

Doryoku Hassei oyobi Bumpai. BI^|^^j^^BS A
book on the production and distribution of momentum.
Author Machida Do, Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price
Yen, I. GO.

Tsuzoku Kaoku Kairyo Kenchiku Ho. jfif&StcMQSC
^ ^ IS f£ A book on improved methods of building
houses. Author Inouye Shigejiro. Publisher Hakubun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Kwappan no Maki. flflK;2l/S A book on the print-
ing business. Author Ishii Kendo. Publisher Hakubun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.15.

CatalogU£ of Books. 541

Kogyo Bunseki Ho. Xl^^tff^ A book on technical
analysis. Author Koyama Sai. Publisher Nankodd. Price
Yen, 1.30

Eisei K^aku. fK ^ X ^ A book on technical hy-
giene. Author Onuma Bunsai. Publisher Shobido. Price
Yen, 1.20.

D5ro Gaku Ippan. i^^f^-^^ A book on road
making. Author Kinushima Hachiro. Publisher Haku-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.60.

Doboku Kogaku, Zairyo oyobi Kozo Hen. dt^X^
^Mi^'&^^M A book on building and construction.
Author Ando Hiroyuki Publisher Okura Shoten. Price
Yen, 1.75.

Jitchi Oyo Doboku Sokuryo H5. 1|filia8ffl±*iMtt
j^ Practical method of survey for building and con-
struction. Author Ito Juro. Publisher Seishido. Price
Yen, 0.85.

Chikko. 9k f& ^^1* ^' A book on harbour con-
struction. Author Hiroi Isamu. Publisher Maruya &
Co. Price Yen, i.oo.

Denki Kogaku Ippan. %,M,JLfft -^^ A book on
dectrkal mecfaanics. Author Dshima Tatsunosuke. Pub-
lisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.65.

Kasoi Kogi Y5ran. jif jllX^£9t A book on river
works. Author Kamei Shigemaro. Publisher Kenchiku
Shoin. Price Yen, 0.50.

Zosen Gaku. ^)|B'4^ A book on shipbuilding. Au-
tiior Ydkota Seinea. Publisher Okura Shoten. Prk:e
Yen, 2.00.

Higo Kinko Roku. W&^XSk A book on the gold
mines in the province of Higo. Author Nagaya Shigena.
Publisher Yoshikawa Kdbunkwan. Price Yen, 1.80.

542 Catalogue of Books.

Mokkyd Sekkei Benran. TfC^fil^tHSfl A book
on wooden bridge designs. Author Kanai Hikosaburd.
Publisher Kenchiku Shoin. Price Yen, 0.80.

bai Shiji Yushutsu Juyohin Y5ran. |^l9^ffttli£S
pnfc^ Books on important articles for export — the
4th series. Author Noshonuisho. PubHsher Anayama
Tokutard. Price : Rugs Yen, o. 10, Straw work Yen, 0.25,
Lacquer work Yen, 0.20, Fans Yen, 0.12.

Language.

Nippon Bunten Taiko. H >^ ^ Jft :;k iW A Japanese
grammar. Author Suzuki Chuko. Publisher Kokugo
Denshujo. Price Yen, 0.20.

T5bun Ikai. ^ 3fc ^ M ^ book on the Japanese
language for the Chinese. Author Oya Toru. Publisher
Maruya & Co. Price Yen, 0.70.

Chugaku Sakubun Kydkwasho. ^f'^f^jJtffc^^ A
text book on composition for middle schools. Author
Horii Hideo. Publisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.35.

Futsu Kyoiku Gembun Itchi. ^MffcW B'^'^Sfc A
book on the uniformity of the spoken and written langu-
ages. Author Fujii Kingo. Publisher Kokugokwan. Price
Yen, 0.40.

Kokugo Ho Ichiran. ®IS}i— ^ A Japanese gram-
mar. Author Kvvazoku Jogakko. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.16.

Sakubun Gosendai. #3tS^® 5,000 exercises in
composition. Author Kida Kichitaro. Publisher Shubun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Sliinsen Joryu Bumpan. ffii"^$(ti$S A book on
compositim for girls. Author Hattori Kenji. Publisher
Sjishindo. Price Yen, 0.60.

Catalogue of Books. 543

Nippon Bunten. H 4^3fiC:ft In 3 Vols. A Japanese
grammar. Author Sassa Masaichi. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.60.

Nippon Bumpd Ron. B 4^ 3fiC ^ tft A book on
Japanese grammar. Author Yamada Takao. Publisher
Hdbunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50.

Gazoku Tashd Wakan no Bunten. ^%^W!A^1t
^fc^ A comparative grammar of Japanese, classical as
well as colloquial, and Chinese. Author It5 Sakon. Pub-
lisher Kanasashi. Price Yen, 0.80.

Gunjin Ky5iku Sakubun Kyotei. ¥A|5:^f^X|5:S
A book on composition for the education of soldiers.
Author Tomoda Gik5. Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen,
0.25.

Hyoshaku Joshi Bumpan. I^P^iFjJC^ A book on
composition with notes, for girls. Author Suzuki Aki.
Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.30.

Guntai Shokan Bumpan. %W^%%^ A collection
of letters for soldiers. Authors Anzai Kanae and Shino-
niiya Kensho. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.30.

Joshi Kokugo Tokuhon. ic-FS^0l4^ In 10 Vols.
Readers for girls. Author Makiyama Eiji. Publisher Fu-
kyusha. Price Yen, 2.60.

Shinsen Kokubun Mondo. i&f Sl H 3Jt ffl ^ A book

on the Japanese language in questions and answers.

Author Takano Isao. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price
Yen, 0.20.

Kokubunten Kyokwasho. S^Jftfic^flr A text book
on Japanese grammar. Authors Koyama Samoji etc.
Publisher Matsumura Sanshodo. Price Yen, 2.00.

Kokugo Tegami no Bun. H^#j^C?)3fiC Letter writ-
ing. Author Miyamoto Isao. Publisher Shdyodo. Price
Yen, 0.16.

544 OUisdogue ^ B^oks,

Shukuga Shosai Bumpan. JKlV%li^jAC4fi A collection
of letters of congratulation, and Condolence. AitUior
Tsuda Fusanosuke. Publisher Kobayashi ShimbeL Price
Yen, a25.

Chuto Kyoiku Jitsuyo Nippon Bunten. 't'^JlfcWfflH
H4^3fiC:ft A Japanese grammar ibr middle schools etc.
Author Shinna Kinkitsu. Publisher Keigyosha. Price
Yen, a6o.

Bunkan Chikusa no Nishiki. ^Iffi^Ott A collec-
tion of model compositions. Author Nakaniura. Shuko.
Publisher Maekawa Buneikaku. Price Yen, 0.35.

Shdgaku Kyoiku Kensho Rombun Shu. /l^^J|fcWlS1l[
l^^tlH A collection of compositions for elementary school

children. Author Publisher Kink5do. Price Yen,

0.60.

Gunjin Seinen T5ron Eneetsu Gosendai. 9^AW^M
IftSliftS'f'® 5,000 subjects of debates and speeches
for young soldiers. Author Ohata Yutaka. Publisher
Kyiikokatsu. Price Yen, 0.25.

Gembun Itchi Sakuho Shinan, :t!fc-|i:f^j*ISSi A
guide to composition in the Gembun Itchi style. Author
Sugimoto Muko. Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.20.

Bunsho Koshusho. 3fiC$^8)Br A book on conq>o9-
tion witli exercises. Aulhor Hattori Kenji. Publisher Sei-
shindo. Price Yen, 0.70.

Kokubunten Koiion. 01 ^ jb ^ 4^ A text book on
Japanese grammar. Author Kubota Ryogo. Publisher
Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.75.

Kokugo Kambun Kanazukai Ho. H^flliiS^ll^
A book on the rules for the use of Kana in Japanese
aiKi Chiitese. Autlior Dmiya Hyoma. Publisher Kokko-
sha. Price Yen, 0.18.

catalogue cf Books. 545

Kokuji Kairyo Ronsan. H^eSt^H^ll A collection
of articles on the reform of Japanese characters. Author
Horie Hideo. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.60.

Kokugo no Shiori. H|g © j^ A guide to the Japa-
nese language. Author Iniaizumi Kuntaro. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.20.

Kokugo Shin Bunten. Bi^|fi3fiC:ft A Japanese gram-
mar. Authors Omachi Yoshiki and Takahashi Tatsuo.
Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, i.io.

Kokugo Kanazukai Ichiran. @|IS@^iS'*"IK A book
on the use of Kana. Author Kwazoku J(^akk5. Pub-
lisher Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.12.

Kokugogaku Shomoku Kaidai. 9l@$#gjl¥M Notes
on the titles of books for the study of the Japanese
language. Author Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku. Publisher
Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 2.50,

Kokugogaku Kenkyu Shi. H^^0f^St A history
of the study of the Japanese language. Author Hanaoka
Yasumi. Publisher Meiji Sh5iu. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shogaku Kokugokwa Kyoju Shishin. /h^H^^tit^
iBff A guide to the method of teaching tlie Japanese
language in elementary schools. Authors Saito Kumeji
and Yashiro Kumataro. Publisher Ikueisha. Price Yen,
0.50.

Kokugo Kyoju Satsuyd, HlSlkSHlJ A book on
methods of teaching Japanese. Author Sasaki Kichisabu-
ro. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 1.80.

Kaisetsu Gengogaku. jftlft^^Jp A book on philolo-
gy. Author Nozaki Shigetard. Publisher Hobunkwan,
Price Yen, 0.80.

Shogakko Sanko Yo Kentei Juken Y5, Kokugo no
Shiori. %nt^1SLikn^^%^m%mkZ% A guide to

546 Catalogue of Books.

the study of Japanese for schools and for license exami-
nations. Author Ito Sakon. Publisher Kaihatsusha. Price
Yen, 0.30.

Joshi Kokugo Tokuhon Bik5. icTH^H4^1i# A
reference book for girls' readers. Author Noda Takisa-
buro. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.15.

Shogaku Kokugo Tokuhon Sank5 Yo, Futsugo Sh5-

kai. /h#a^g|*##ffl«PJi^^JI? Notes on the
words in common use, a companion book to elementary
readers. Author Koga Senzaburd. Publisher Meguro
Shoten. Price Yen, 0.35.

Chuto Kyoiku Sakubun Ho. +^|fcWf^3fc^ A
book on composition for middle schools etc. Author
Sato Kwan. Publisher Seizando. Price Yen, 0^5.

Kontai Bunsho Kwappo. ^^%%W&^ A book on
composition. Author Nina Saburd. Publisher Seishindd.
Price Yen, 0.60.

Seinen Gakusei Kijibun Mohan. W^$^ISi9^^^
A book on the composition of narrative style. Author
Ohata Yutaka. Publisher Kyukokaku. Price Yen 0.40.

Cliugaku Kiji Bumpan. ^f^li^^^ A book on the
composition of narrative style for middle schools. Author
Kataoka Tetsu. Publisher Shiibunkwan. Price Yen 0.30.

Danshi Shdgaku Shokan Bun. JJ^/h^^ffijfc Letter
writing for elementary schools. Author Ishikawa Seisoku.
Publisher Toy5sha. Price Yen. 0.20.

Shintai Hanashi kata to Tsuzuri kata. ^ ^ '^~)i £ O
\* ^"jj Rules for speaking and spelling in the new style.
Author Publi-sher. Shueisha Price Yen, 0.15.

Shintai Tsuzuri Kata. j^g§0 \* b^ Rules for spelling

in the new style. Author Publisher Shueisha. Price

Yen, 0.15.

Catalogue of Books. 547

Shinan Shogaku Kokugo Tsuziiri Kata Kyoju Ho. ^
%VW^%%Wi%LWk Method of teaching spelling in
elementary schools according to the new method. Authors
Uyeda Mannen and Hisa Yujird. Publisher Rokugdkwan.
Price Yen 0.45.

Joshi Kokubunten. ^^SJt:ft I»^ 3 Vols. A Japa-
nese grammar for girls. Authors Koyama Samoji and
Kojima Masakichi. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.78.

Shin Biji Gaku. ^^^^t A book on rhetoric. Au-
thor Shimamura Takitard. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price
Yen, 1.30.

Jinj5 Shogakkd Yo Hyojungo Tegami. ^'^/h^Kffl
@ i|^ III 7 IK Letter writing in the standard letters of
elementary schools. Author Misonobu Kintaro. Publisher
Tokyo Shuppan Sha. Price Yen, o.io.

Fine Arts.

Zugwa Kowa. HUr^S? Lectures on drawing. Au-
thor Shiga Seizan. Publisher Kofukwan. Price Yen, o 60.

Hakko Gwafu. |3£[^§|f A picture book. Author
Hakk5sha. Publisher Sh5eid5. Price Yen, 0.20.

Jitsugyd Kyoiku Risshin Gwa. 3tlll5cWjt#ir
Sketches of business education. Author Kobayashi Shuko.
Publisher Shoseido. Okura Kihachiro, Kaivamura Zuiken,

Kifwkuniya Bunzaemon, Mitsui no Sosen, Zeniya Gohei.
Price Each Yen, 0.25.

Yoki Shugwa Ch5. ffl H g ^ W In 2 Vols. Text
books on mechanical drawing Author Takahashi Masa-
yoshi. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.60.

Tanyu Seiko Juni Sho. ^S8ll§tfiB+^^ 12 famous
views of Seiko drawn by Tanyu. Author Rinsai Eito.
Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40.

54^ * Catalogue of Boohs.

Zugwa Kyotei. HSffc^ ^^ 6 Vols. Text books on
drawing. Author Shiga Seizan. Publisher Uyehara Sh5-
ten. Price Yen, 1.38.

Gunkan Ehagaki. ^|6Jtti/>^Sf 50 sheets. Picture

Post Cards of the War ships. Author Publisher

Kyoekishosha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Saishiki Renshii Cho. 5^fe||ii§l|ifi In 3 Vols. Exercise
books in colouring. Author Okakura ShQsui. Publisher
Uozumi Shoten. Price Yen, 0.15.

Shashinjutsu Zensho. ^91:^^^ A book on photo-
graphy. Author Goto Ichird. Publisher Naigwai Shuppan
Kyokvvai. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shukusha Shuko Jisshu Dai Sankwan, Bagu Kyushi no

B'«. m%%-^-\rm^^Mn¥^^^(D% pictures of an-

cient articles for horses and archery. Author Azuma Ken-
zaburo. Publisher Toyodd Shiten. Price Yen, 1.70.

Music and Dancmg.

Kyoiku Shokwa Haru no Asa. |fcW®^Sf0|H Songs
on a Spring morning. Author Uji Haruchiyo. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen. 0.035;

Hobu. "jj^ A book on dancing. Author Yoshida
Nobuta. Publisher Kyoekishdsha. Price Yen, 0.45.

Kairy5 Shinshiki Kembu. K&Sf^SJlft A book on
sword dancing. Author Kogwai Sanshi. Publisher Jisei-
do. Price Yen, 0.08.

Ky5iku Shoka Natsu no Midori. fStWll^KOi^ An
educational song on *' summer green." Author Uji Haru-
chiyo. Publisher Kink5do. Price Yen, 0.035.

Tonka Muteki Kembujutsu. Jif%WMWfk A book

Catalogue of Books. 549

on sword dancing, Author Hibino Shokichi. Publisher
Hakuyusha. Price Yen, 0.30.

Kyoiku Shoka Aki no Yube. SfeW»©i^l^03^ Songs
on an autumn evening. Author Uji Haruchiyo. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.35.

Kydiku Shoka Fuyu no Shirotae. ffeW^^^^CfiJ^
Songs on " winter white." Author Uji Haruchiyo. Pub-
lisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.035.

Kokka Shu. H^^ A collection of National songs.
Author Ongaku Shoin. Publisher Kyoekishosha. Price
Yen 0.12.

Satsuma Biwa Uta. ^JSIS^^ A collection of the
Satsuma Biwa songs. Author Tsunoda Gakushi. Publisher
Seishindo. Price Yen, 0.18.

Satsuma Biwa Uta Zenshu. WM^^^M^"^^ A col-
lection of Satsuma Biwa songs. Author Ogakukwai On-
gaku Bu. Publisher Sanshindd. Price Yen, 0.12.

Kingaku Sh5ka. ||!l $ 1^ ^ A collection of school
songs. Author Jid5 Yugi Kenkyu Kwai. Publisher Shu-
eisha. Price Yen, 0.035.

Min Shin Gappu. A book on modern Chinese music.
W^SI^ Author Takaki Keisui. Publisher Seishindo.
Price Yen, 0.15.

Shinshiki Gakuten Kydkwasho. ^^^%%,^~^ A
text book on music. Author Chikamori Dekiji. Publisher
Hoeikwan. Price Yen, 0.55.

Shakuhachi Ryuko Uta. KASfeff 5^1 A collection of
gongs for the Shakuhachi, — a kind of flute. Author Uye-
mura Setsu5. Publisher Seishind5. Price Yen, 0.15.

Kyoiku Sh5ka Junikagetsu. f5:^Pi^+Il^ j^ Songs
for the twelve months. Author Uji Haruchiyo. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.035.

5 so Catalogue of Books,

Jikken Shoka Yugi. HJII^^^iBit A book of songs for
gymnastics. Author Takahashi Chujiro and Yamada Gcn-
ichird. Publisher Sakakibara Tomokichi. Price Yen, 0.40.

Joshi Shoka Shu. ;^^l@<9tl^ Vol. i. A collection
of songs for girls. Author Yoshida Nobuta. Publisher
Seibidd. Price Yen, 0.45.

Jotoku Shdka. ;^^l^^ A collection of songs on
woman's virtues. Authors Yamada Genichiro etc. Pub-
lisher Sakakibara Tomokichi. Price Yen, 0.06.

Jokun Shoka. ;^fl|l@^ A collection of songs on
woman's ethics. Author Jid5 Yugi Kenkyu Kwai. Pub-
lisher Shueisha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Joshi Shdka -Shu. -^^^i^^Slk Vol, I. A collection
of songs for girls. Author Yoshida Nobuta. Publisher
Meguro Shoten. Price Yen, 0.45.

Engeki Jikko. ;2SI JH-f*^ A book on the drama. Author
Shima Bunjird. Publisher Kanasashi. Price Yen, 0.45.

Sekai Isshu Shoka. I&l?— jS^9|lt A series of songs
of travel. Author Iket)e Gisho. Publisher Shueisha.
Price Yen, 0.06.

Shogaku Shoka Shu. /h^l^8(ltlfe A collection of
songs for elementary schools. Author Kita Bunnosuke.
Publisher Matsumura Sansh5do. Price Yen, 0.08.

Kokumin Kyoiku Chuyu Shoka. HSI^WJ^^H'SW:
A collection of educational songs. On 47 Ronin. Price
Yen, 0.06. On Hotaiko. Price Yen, 0.06. On Nan-
ko, — father and son. Price Yen, 0.06. On Ushiwaka-
inaru. Price Yen, 0.06. On Kwankd. Price Yen, 0.06.
Author Owada Tateki. Publisher Kaiseikwan.

Kinsei Gakuten Kyokwasho. JEifr^Uffc^^ A
text book ou music. Author Tamura Torazo. Publisher
Kaiseikwan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Catalogue of Books. 551

Kinko Meijin Daki Shu. i£l&^Atr^lfe A book
on the game of go, — a kind of chess. Author Kobayashi
Kentaro. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.15.

Lawn Tennis Jutsu. u^xya-^^ A book on
lawn tennis. Author Takaniizawa Sozo. Publisher
Ogawa Shoseido. Price Yen, 0.13.

Wanryoku Yosei Kento Jutsu. IB8:^||fiR^ra* A
book on the art of boxing. Author Okano Hazan.
Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.15.

Taiso Kydhan Furoku. |9l$itic^RI'^ An appendix
to the gymnastic book. Author Rikugunsho. Publisher
Ejima. Price Yen, 0.05.

Ham Natsu Aki Fuyu Kwacho Shoka. ^SI'^C^^
j^CI^I^ A collection of the songs on flowers and birds
of tlie four seasons. Author Owada Tateki. Publisher
Kaiseikwan. Priee Yen, 0.06.

Kyokwa Tekiyo Ydnen Shoka, Shi Hen Jo Kwan.

Ikf^aiffl^^^i!»:la « Jl^ a collection of songs
for young people. Series iv : Vol. I. Authors Nassho
Benjiro etc. Publisher Jujiya. Price Yen, 0.10.

Haru Natsu Aki Fuyu Sempo Shoka. ^HJUc^Wl^
1^ m^ A collection of songs for walks in the four
seasons. Author Owada Tateki. Publisher Kaiseikwan.
Price Yen, 0.06.

Shibai Kairyo. ^ S fifc & A book on theatrical re-
form. Author Jiji Shimp5 Sha. Publisher Kinkodo. Price
Yen, 0.15.

Dai Nippon Shin Gunka. %\Mf>'1S[%^ A collec-
tion of military songs. Author Nakajima Hcnshusho.
Publisher Jiseido. Price Yen, 0.12.

Undokwai no Uta. 3[1K^;5l^ Out-door songs.
Authors Yamada Zenichiro etc. Publisher Sakakibara
Bunseido. Price Yen, 0.06.

552 Catalogue of Books,

Oames etc.

Shogaku Yugi Ho Kohen. /h^i^ilj^^tg A book
on elementary school gymnastics. Author Nakamura
Gennosuke. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.08.

Shogaku Yugi Ho Otsuhen. A'^^WM.^ZM A
book on elementary school gymnastics. Author Iwai Zen-
ichi. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.06.

Lawn Tennis. n ^ v yr :s^ ^ Author Tokyo K5t5
Shikan Gakko Lawn Tennis Bu. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.50.

Yugi Sosho Yachikusa. ?S)tt^tf A^f*^ A book
on children's gymnastic games. Author Yoshida Nobuta
etc. Publisher Sakakibara Tomokichi. Price Yen, 0.06.

Tantei Soh5. 1^^^\ii A book on boating. Author
Miyauchi Toranosuke. Publisher Keigyosha. Price
Yen, 0.25.

Daini Jikken Shin Yugi. %ZL%MW&I6. A book
on children's gymnastic games. Author Said Fukuo.
Publisher Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.75.

Daki Sokusei. tT^i^SK A guide to the game of
go, — a kind of chess. Author Murayama Sen. Pub-
lisher Aono Tomosaburo. Price Yen, 0.25.

Kyoikuteki Shitsunai Shin Yugi. fScW^^^^jlSdlt
A book on indoor gymnastic games.

Yugiteki Kydju Ho. jSJJfe&^lfcg^ Method of teach-
ing gymnastic games. Author Sat5 Fukuo. Publisher
Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Yugi no Hoho. ^M*1t:^^ Method of gymnastic
games. Authors Kusui Shdnosuke and Yabuuchi Chogord.
Publisher Tanuma Shoten. Price Yen, 0.45.

Yugi no Jissai. jS J^ 0 j^ KJ A book on gymnastic

Catalogue of Books, 553 .

games. Author Yugi Kenkyu Kwai. Publisher Bungaku-
sha. Price Yen, 0.75.

Shogaku Tekiyd Yugi Kihan. /h^l^mMiSk^^ A
book on elementary school gymnastic games. Author
Nippon Yugi Chosa Kwai. Publisher Sakakibara Tomo-
kichi. Price Yen, 0.50.

Jitensha Zensho. Q^i^^tf A book on bicycles.
Author Matsui Shoyd. Publisher Naigwai Shuppan
Kydkwai. Price Yen, 0.30.

Rikujo Taiiku Suiei Jutsu. |^JiSSt^;1C^^ A book
on swimming. Author Matsumoto Yojiro. Pubiisher
Hdbunkwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shogaku Joshi Yugi Ho. /h<!^iicT'j^iffi^ A book
on gymnastic games for girls. Authors Ito Nari and
Iwasaki Motoichi. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.50.

Books for children.

Ijin Sodan. ^A^iiE A book on great men. Author
Pubiisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.12.

Ikita Ningyo. ^ ^ 1Z Kl^ Story of a living doll.
Author Gyotenshi. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Ichiro to Saburo. — fiPSHfiP A story of Ichiro and
Saburd. Author Arimoto Sosui. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.03.

Ishikiri Jii. ^-ftJJS A story of a stone-cutter. Author
Ikeba Toen. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.03.

Ha no nai Inu. MO^^lXt^i^ A story of a dog with
no teeth. Author Kusamura Hokusei. Publisher Kinko-
do. Price Yen, 0.03.

Haradachi Zukue. \X^1t%iSl A story of an angry
desk. Author Gyotenshi. Publisher Kinkddo. Price
Yen, 0.03.

554 Catalogue of Books.

Nippon Busho Dan. H 4^ ^ JRF ^ The story of
great Japanese generals. Author Motoki Sadao. Pub-
lisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.15.

Niwatori to Kitsune. ^ £ 30L A s\.ory of a lien and
a fox. Author Toen Shujin. Publisher Kinkodo. Price
Yen, 0.03.

Nitta Yoshisada. ffH j|^ A story of Nitta Yoshi-
sada. Author Suzuki Sadajiro. Publisher Kinkddo. Price
Yen, 0.04.

Homare no Kintoki. liJtflCD^I^ A story of the
renowned Kintoki. Author Sessanshi. Publisher Kinko-
d5. Price Yen, 0.03.

Yk> no Go-h5bi. >$CD^^^ The story of a stick given
as a prize. Author Sassa Seisetsu. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.05.

Benkei. ^K A story of Benkei. Author Pub-
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Bett5 Sanemori. JJfl ft" JSf fi A story of Sait5 Sane-
mori. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Tobi Daimyo. j^^^ A story a Daimyo. nicknamed

Tobi, {kite). Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price

Yen, 0.05.

Torii G5emon. J^/^SS^ffiP^ A story of Torii Go-
enion. Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yer», o 04.

Tora to Shishi. ^£1(1"? A story of a lion and a
tiger. Author Publisher Rinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05.

Tomi-chan no Ryoko. £ ^ 't>^A/0ife>}f A story
of Master Tomi's journey. Author Noda Takisabura
Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.05.

Chugi no Akagaki. &i|C?)^Jg A story of the loyal
Akagaki. Author Henteku Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo.
Price Yen, 0.08.

Catalogue of Books. 535

Chinzei Hacliiro. ^ M A ^ A story of Minamoto

Tametomo also called Chinzei Hachiro. Author

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Jinchu Kanwa Chishima Tali. W^WiU'fUi'kWi The

story of Captain Gunji. Author Publisher Kinkodo.

Price Yen, 0.25.

Cho no Go-chis5. 8|C?)^H^ A story of a Butterfly.
Author Gyotenshi. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.03.

Oni Taiji. ^jiSJp A story of the subjugation of de-
mons. Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Oni Shibata. ^^ffl A story of Shibata Katsuiye
whose nickname was Oni Shibata. Author Mori Keien.
Publisher Kinkddd. Price Yen, 0.03.

0-umaD5-do. is%^ 0 \ \ A story of a horse. Author
Gyotenshi. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

O-bake no Mori. iS\X,\^Q)^ A story of a haunted
forest. Author Fukuda Kingetsu. Publisher Kinkddo.
Price Yen, 0.04.

Okami to Shonen. j^ i d^^ A story of a wolf and
a boy. Author Tobari Chikufu. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.03.

Oyayubi Taro. t9l^>Ec3l^ The story of Tom Thumb.
Author Matsui Shoyo. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen,
0.05.

0 Kawazu. ^fe J^ A story of a big frog. Author
Toen Shujin. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

0 Hebi Tar5. :^ tfe >fc @|5 A story of a big serpent.
Author Fukuda Kingetsu. Publisher Kinkddo. Price
Yen, 0.03.

556 Catalogue of Books,

Oishi Yoshio. ::fc ^ ^ $f A story of Oishi Yoshio.
Author Okamoto Gwaho. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen,
0.06.

Omura Hyobu-no-Tayu. ::kft:^{S^ti A story of
General Dmura. Author Asuke Naojird. Publisher Kin-
kod5. Price Yen, 0.18.

Kato Kiyomasa. JD ^ fi| jE A story of Kato Kiyo-
masa. Author Mori Keien. Publisher Kinkodd. Price
Yen, 0.04.

Katanii no Yubiwa. i)''tZ^(D^O^b A story of a
memorial ring. Author Noda Mazuma. Publisher Kin-
kodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Kudamono no Sumo. ^^ (D f^ ^J A story of
wrestling among fruits. Author Gydtenshi. Publisher
Kinkod5. Price Yen, 0.03.

Karasu no Uranai. ^Q) 1 ^U^^ Story of a fortune

telling crow. Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price

Yen, 0.03.

Dai Kassen. ::fc '^ ?|IJ A story of a great battle.
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price 0.03.

Taiko Hideyoshi. dkf^^^ A story of Toyotomi
Hideyoshi. Author Okamoto Sanzan. Publisher Kinkddo.
Price Yen, 0.03.

Taira no Masakado. 2p ^|$ p^ A story of Taira no
Masakado. Author Suzunoya Shujin. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.035.

Takara Bukuro. ^ ^ A story of a bag of treasure.
Author Mori Keien. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.035.

Takara Choja. f( ^ ^ A story of a millionaire.
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05.

Tar5 to Karasu. -j^ fi|5 £ ,|^ Taro and the crow.
Author Suzunoya Shujin. Price Yen, 0.03.

Catalogue of Books. 557

Daruma Daishi. j^ HI ::k ^ A story of Daruma, the
founder of the Zen sect. Author Hentetsu Sanjin. Pub-
lisher Jiyudo. Price Yen, 0.08.

Tanuki no Haratsuzumi. SCDIi b O V^ A story of
a badger, drumming upon its own belly. Author Mori
Keien. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Neko to Kintard. JfiS^dk® Kintaro and the Cat.
Author * Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05.

Nezumi no Jodo. JiCDiPdb A paradise for mice. Au-
thor T5en Shujin. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Nadeshiko no Maki. /i -p L w 0 ^ The story of
a pink. Author Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.08.

Kuma-tori. J| £ !) A story of a bear hunt. Author

Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.04.

Yamatodake no Mikoto. H;^^^^ A story of Prince

Yamatodake. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price

Yen, 0.03.

Mato no Kiseki. Jftj^CD^l^ A story of miracles in
the demons' island. Author Oshikawa Shunro. Publisher
Daigakukwan. Price Yen 0.25.

Yamaneko Taiji. lU IB ^ ^ A story of a wild cat
hunting. Author Takara Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo. Price
Yen, 0.08.

Yamanosuke. jljJ^IS A story of Yamanosuke. Author

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Mame no 0. S0i A story of the King of Beans.
Author Iwaya Shota. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price
Yen, 0.07.

Mah5 Daio. K^i^I The Marvellous King. Author
Hentetsu S?uijirt. Publisher Jiyudo Price Yen, 0.08.

Mahdshi. |S^^ The story of a miraculous Buddhst
priest. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

SSS Catalogue of Books,

Matchi-uri no Komusume. "^5^^^CD/hift The story
of a little match girl. Author Hirao Fuk5. Publisher
Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Manuke Kozo. ^ )?3itj'/hf^ ^ story of a stupid boy.
Author Odani Risson. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen,
0.03.

Jugankyo. St Bft M Animal Glasses. Author

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Ninin Musume. IlAj(& A story of two girls. Author
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

princesses. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen,

0.03.

P'utatsume Koz5. H'-J'Q/hf^ The story of a two-eyed
boy. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, O.03.

P'u.shigi no Ishi. ^ffi»^CD^ The story of a miraculous
stone. Author Hirao Fuk5. Publisher Kinkodd. Price
Yen, 0.04.

P'ujiwara Kamatari. Ii^ J? M JE, A story of Fujiwara
Kamatari. Author Sessanshi. Publisher Kinkodo. Price
Yen, 0.03.

Buiiibuku Chagama. jJtlS^^ The miraculous tea-
Iccttic. Author Scnzanjin. Publisher Jiseidd. Price Yen,
005.

Bushi no Omokage. i^itOM^ A story of knight-
hood. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Kaiko no Maki. i)^iy Z0^% A story of silkworms.
Author Hanawa P\ikuju. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen,
0.08.

Komori Jima. ^W\% ^^^ Island. Author

Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Ayamc no Maki. i'^&CO^ A story of the sweet

Catalogue of Books. 5 59

flag. Author Hanawa Fukuju. Publisher Kinkddo. Price
Yen, 0.08.

Sho Eiyu. /J^ :^ ig A story of a little hero. Author
Mori Keieii. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.08.

Tengu no HanashL ^^iJCD^ P^airy Story. Author
Kamiya Nuiban. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Tengu-iwa. ^^JS" The F*airy Rock. Author Mi-
shima Sosen. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Teikun Goju Dai. Slp|£+M A collection of
precepts for children. Author Takase Shinkei. Pub-
lisher Kink5d5. Price Yen, 0.35.

Aku Genta. MiW^'i^ A Story of Minamoto Yoshi-

hira, whose nickname was Aku Genta. Author

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05.

Sake-nomi Tar5. iS#>kfi|5 A Story of Taro, the

drunkard. Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen,

0.03.

Sanada Yukimura. JKQ^;^ A Story of Sanada
Yukiinura. Author P^ukuda Kingctsu. Publisher Kin-
kodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Kintaro. ^icfi|5 A Story of Kintaro. Author Sen-
zanjin. Publisher Jiseido. Price Yen, 0.05.

Kitsune no Yomeiri. ^O^ A The Story of a P^ox
wedding. Author Senzanjin. Publisher Jiseido. Price
Yen, 0.05.

Yuri Ko. ^b^ A story of Yuri Ko. Author
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Mitsu no Nandai. H ^^(DWM A Story of 3 difficult
problems. Author Iwaya Shoha. Publisher Hakubun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.07.

Mijikai Hanashi. ^l^^ A short story. Author
Odani Ju. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

560 Catalogue of Books,

Shin Oni-ga-Shima. 1§[%i^^% A Story of a demons*
island. Author Noda Mazuma. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.03*

Shin Urashima. ^ Ijf ^ The Story of Urashima.
Author Fukuda Kingetsu. Publisher Kinkddo. Price
Yen, 0.03.

Sho Gdketsu. /h ^ fH A Story of a little hero.
Author Suzuki Sadajird. Publisher Kink5d5. Price
Yen, 0.06.

Shonen Yobana^hi. ^ ^ >|^ S A story book for

young people. Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price

Yen, o.io.

Shishi Taiji. ifT'^Ji^ A story of a Hon hunting.
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Shiro Inu. Q;;^ A story of a white dog. Author
Publisher Kinkodo, Price Yen, 0.04.

Shobi Jo. ^^jm A story of a rose girl. Author
Tobari Shink:hiro. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen,
0.03.

Hito-Kui. A Pft A story a man eater. Author
Hirako Takurei. Publisher Kinkodo. Prince Yen, 0.03.

Hibari no Chie. f>ti' 1)0^11 The Wise Lark. Au-
thor Mori Keien. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Bimbdnin to Kanemochi. ft^AS^^ A stor>' of
the poor and the rich. Author Tobari Chikufu. Pub-
lisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Momotard. JIfedkfiP A story of Momotaro. Author
Senzanjin. Publisher Jiseidd. Price Yen, 0.05.

Shizugatake Shichihon Yari. ^^^\:^i^^ A story
of the battle of seven spears at Shizugatake. Author
Sone Kinsen. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen/ 0.03.

Suzume no Kataki Uchi. $CD@^ M The sparrow's

Catalogue of Books, 561

vengeance. Author Kusamura Hakusei. Publisher Kin-
kodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Suisen-Hime. 7K jlll JE A stoiy of Suisen-Hime.
Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Iwashi Uri Yotaro. JSSHI'iyl^SP Yotard, the sardine
seller. Author Sanreishi. Publisher Kinkodo Price Yen,
0.03.

Tozai O-waraigusa. IK 15 ^^ ^ ^ A story book.
Author Ashiwara Saburd. Publisher Kinkodo. Price
Yen, 0.04.

Torakichi no Maki. ^$COi^ A Story of Torakichi.
Author Hentetsu Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo. Price Yen,
0.08.

Dkami Tar5. J| >b flP A story of Okami Taro.
Author Nakajima Koto. Publisher Fusambo. Price
Yen, 0.12.

Takegari no Maki. ^f^0^ The story of a mush-
room collection. Author Hanawa Fukuju. Publisher
Kink5d6. Price Yen, 0.08.

Nasu Yoichi. jSTi^^lfl A story of Nasu Yoichi, the
great archer. Author Shimazaki Shokin. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Mushi-tori no Maki. ife £ () CD i& A story of an
insect collection. Author Hanawa Fukuju. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.08.

562 Catalogue of Books,

Kariya no Hachi. ^ ^C?) t^ A story of a bee.
Author Sessan. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Unagi no Tenjo. Ii05^_h The Ascension of the Eel.
Author Kamei Shimei. Publishet Kinkodo. Price Yen.
0.04.

Ume-ko no Aibyo. t$7C7)^JSi A Story of Umeko's
favorite cat. Author Ikeda K5ro. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.04.

Furu Tobi. "j&jil A story of an old kite. Author
Sessan. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Kitsune Jaya. SC ^ M The fox tea house. Author
Hachiro. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen. 0.03.

Shojin To to Taijin Koku. /I^Ai^^jkAR The
Dwarfs* island and the Giants' kingdom. Author Bisan-
jin. Publisher Kink5d6. Price Yen, 0.04.

Jindai no Hanashi. flii|>f^(?) Ji ^i L A story of the
Reign of the Gods. Author Kawai Suinui. Publisher
Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.12.

Shonen Tejina. ^^^pq Legerdemain for young
people. Author Tenichi. Publisher Jiyudo. Price Yen, 0.08.

Kumo'Jno Kyokunori. 1^ Wc 0 ft fH Circus-riding
spiders. Author Tamura Naoomi. Publisher Keiseisha.
Price Yen, 0.03.

Ninin Shonen. HA^^ A story of two young
people. Author Hentetsu Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo.
Price Yen, 0.08.

Natto-url no Komusume. ^iO^^O/hil^ The Natto
seller. Author Tamura Naoomi. Publisher Keiseisha.
Price Yen, 0.03.

Catalogue of Books, 563

Kamikuzu Hiroi. iSE/SC^ol'* A story of a waste
paper picker. Author Tamura Naoomi. Publisher Kei-
seisha. Price Yen, 003.

Wake Kiyomaro. iD^frlfl^ A story of Wake Kiyo-
maro. Author Sessanjin. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen,
0.04.

Saru no Hitomane. jftCT) A Jt ^ The Imitative Monkey.
Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Komatori Soshi. I i £* !) %^ A story book. Author

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Hitsuji no Akambo. ^CD^^* The Sheep's baby.
Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.04.

Ogontd Daio. H ^ j^ ;fc I The Great King of the

Gold Island. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price

Yen, 0.03.

Shojiki Ryoshi. JE i^ IK ^ A story of an honest
hunter. Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.03.

Nezumi no Baishaku. fiCDjKS^ The Match-making
Mouse. Author Pubhsher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Momiji. ^^t)* A story of the maple tree. Author

Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.15.

Shokubutsu En. ^4fifS9 A story of a botanical gar-
den. Auther Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen,

O.IO.

Tokuri Choja. ffifljg:^- The Bottle Millionaire. Au-
thor Iwaya Shoha. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen,
0.07.

Hamaguri Hime. li Jt C b j(K A story of Hamaguri
Hime. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05.

564 Catalogue of Books.

Nio Sama. tl3E{^ A story of Ni5, a Buddhistic idol.
Author Reiroshi. Publisher Kink5d5. Price Yen, 0.04.

Honda Heihachi. 4^^^ A A story of Honda Hei-
hachi. Author Sasakawa Rimpii. Publisher Kdkkosha.
Price Yen, 0.19.

Washi Taiji. ^i^Jp An eagle hunting. Author

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04.

Kwatsu Shakwai. ffiSt^ A living society. Author
Asada Kukwa. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.35.

Ujigawa Gassen. ^ ^ jl| -g^ 18 A story of the battle
at the Uji River. Author Inouye Sessan. Publisher Kin-
kodd. Price Yen, 0.05.

Fushigi Zukushi. i^ffl»^-0* < L A story book. Author
Sakata Rikkwa. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04,

Kokumin no Kokoroe. ^EQifJ^^ Duties of Citizens.
Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.18.

Goro Masamune. BESPjE^ A story of Goro Masa-
mune, the greatest sword maker of Japan. Author Hen-
tetsu Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo. Price Yen, 0.08.

Sarumen Kwanja. tS |5 ^ :^ A story of Hideyoshi
when he was Nobunaga's servant, and called Sarumen
Kwanja. Author Ishikawa Shdkei. Publisher Kinkddo.
Price Yen, 0.04.

Kinobori Goro. ;jfC0(i' bJi% A story of Goro the
tree climber. Author Okamoto Kido. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.05.

Shimbun no Uriko. J^|^0fiT' A story of a news-
paper seller. Author Tamura Naoomi. Publisher Keisei-
sha. Price Yen, 0.03.

Catalogue of Books, 565

Shishi to Kitsune. J| ^ i Jt A story of a lion and
a fox. Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03.

Miscellaneous.

Shimpen Himekagami. iR^C^S)i'&^ S*A A book on

morals for girls. Author Publisher Kokkosha. Price

Yen, 0.25.

Hakon Tokon. ]ft|{|j«^Sll ^ book on naval enterprise.
Author Kimotsuki Kaneyuki. Publisher Sanseido. Price
Yen, 0.35.

Guntai Gakujutsu Kambu Suchi. %W^^%Wlll^^'!^ In
2 Vols. Books on the education of soldiers. Author Mi-
yabe Rinjt. Publisher Ejima Kintaro. Price Yen, 0.50.

Tokyo no Kwako Shdrai. [^M^ii&^Tl?^ The past
and the future of Tokyo. Author Hosono Itaro. Pub-
lisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.65.

Chokin no Susume. Bf ^ CD "f" ^ ft An exhortation
to saving. Author Kanamori Tsurin. Publisher Bum-
meido. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shin Riso. $f iS ^« A new ideal. Author Ogino
Mannosuke. Publisher Bunrokudo. Price Yen, 0.25.

Y5hei Hiketsu. ^:^|5^ I" 2 Vols. The secret how
to keep soldiers. Author Kuratsuji Meishun. Publisher
Maruya & Co. Price Yen, 0.60.

Yaso Kirei. ^ ^ J^ ^ In 2 Vols. Books on field
drill. Author Taga Muneyuki. Publisher Maruya & Co.
Price Yen, 0.60.

Nippon R)'ori Ho. H 4^ JR- g }5fe A book on Japa-
nese cookery. Authors Akabori Mineo and Suzai Konia.
Publisher Dkura Shoten. Price Yen, 0.45.

Kaji Teiyo. ^^^H A book on household

566 Catalogue of Books.

matters. Authors Gokaii Kikuno and Sakata Shizii! Pub-
lisher Scibido. Price Yen, 0.55.

Yoru no Jokai. 1^ 0 ^ ^- The women's world at
night. Author Toyu Sanshi. Publisher Daigakukwan.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Sokki Jutsu. ^ Id ^ A book on the art of short
hand. Author Wakabayashi Kwazo. Publisher Haku-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Koi no Kaibo. j|J 0 % ^j An analysis of love.
Author Ikeda Kinsui. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price
Yen, 0.20.

Yijbi Shu. "^^i^ A literary writing. Author Aoyagi
Yijbi. Publislier Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.30.

Dotoku Keizai Ron. iM[^jK^I& Ethical economy.
iVuthor Doi Kamenosuke. Publisher Bungakusha* Price
Yen, 0.25.

Josjii I'utsu Siiho .She. A'T^Jfiflp^i-^ A book (»ii
ordinary female etiquette. Authors Kiuchi Tetsuiio and
Tanikawa Toku. Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen, 0,28.

Shimpen Reishiki. :?^ ^ jffi ^ A book on etiquette.
Author — — Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, o 40.

Onshi no Yoko. ^%Q^^% A book for women.
\.\ulhor Mizude Eizaburo. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen,
0.18.

Wagci lyc no Ishizuc. ?^ |^ 0 61 ^^'^^ foundation of
niy hon\e. Author Uyehara Seiichiro. Publisher Mac-
.kiiwa Buneikaku. Price Yen, 0.25,

Danjiki Zcsshoku Jikken Dan. Wi%^%%M^ Kx-
l)eriments made oji fasting. Author Kawamura Hokumei.
Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Nagoya tu Isc. ^ 1& M <i ^ ^ Nagoya and Iso.
Author Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price' Yen, 0.25.

Catalogue of Books. 567

Geshukuya. TF ^ M A book on boarding houses.
Author Hakuganshi. Pubh'shcr Daigakukwan. Price
Yen, 0.20.

HimminkutSu. ^ K )^ ^^ description of the poor
quarters. Author llarada Toen. Publisher Daigaku-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Wakan Sansai Zue. |D^H:^H'^ ^ collection of
things Japanese and Chinese. Author Terajima Yoshi-
yasu. Publisher Asakaya. Price Yen, 10.00.

Oyomei Jimbutsu Yosei Dan. 3E^91A4^llfi5cl?
How did Oyomei build his disciples' character. Author
Kimura Yotaro. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen,
0.30.

Yaso Jimbutsu Yosei Dan. fflijISA^IIfiKII How
did Jesus build his disciples' character. Author Take-
uchi Nanzo. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, o 30.

Shiki Genk(» Hoku. i'^^W^k Words and acts of
Masaoka Shiki, a jjoet. Author Odani Yasutaro. Pub-
lisher Kobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50.

Hikawa Seiwa. ^ )\\ j^ |5 A collection of Count
Katsu's talks. Author Yoshimoto Jo. Publisher Yuhi-
kaku. Price Yen, 0.50.

2Ien no Jimbutsu Tansei. URSP) K%^iSL Method of
building character by means of Zen, method of medita-
tion instituted by the Zen sect. Author Hayakawa
Gendo. , Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25.

Nippon Rikugun Gunjin Hikkei. \\ii^W%%K^^-^,
A book for Japanese soldiers. Author Goto Homnia.
Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.50.

Saikjn Guntai Nyumon. :8j£^|^AP^ A book for
soldiers. Author Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Ane to Otooto. jbfj £ J^l^ A sister and her younger

§68 Catalogue of Books,

brother. Author Yoshikawa Osuke. l^ublisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 0.12.

Saijo no Hoinbun. $^04^^ Proper duties of a

wife. Author Publisher Kobundo. Price Yen. 0.30.

Dokujoshin no Kaibo. ^jfc#&0J'Slfil An analysis of
a woman reader's mind. Author Ikeda Kinsui. Pub-
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Kwazoku Meikan. $]^^flS A list of the Japanese

peers. Autlior Publisher Shueisha. Price Yen, 0.50.

Majutsu. JS$R A book on witchcraft. Author

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.18.

Komin no Kaken. ^K^D^X Household laws of a
citizen. Author Tokken Shnjin. Publisher Bungaku Do-
sbikwai. Price Yen, 0.30.

Yume Handan. ^^|^ Method of judging matters
by means of dreams. Author Chidaruma. Pnblisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Seiyo Kesho Ho. 15^{fc|t^ A book on European
toilet. Author Kinukawa Matsutaro. Publisher Naigwai
Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Onna Gidayii no Rimen. ^||:J5c^0^^ The dark
side of the women gidayu, — a sort of .story tellers.
Author Katsuragi Tenkwa. Publisher Daigakukwan.
Price Yen, 0.20.

Dai Ni Nichiyo K5dan. fgH H WM^ A collection

of Tokutomi's articles from his journal. Author Tokutomi
lichiro. Publisher Minyiisha. Price Yen, 0.20.

Ratai no Nippon. ^^1^0 H 4^ True condition 0
Japan. Author Masaoka Geiyd. Publisher Seishido-
Price Yen, 0.25.

Catalogue cf Books. 569

Senchin Banki. ^ ^ ^ -^ A world of wonders.
Author Seishushi. Publisher Seikdkwaii. Price Yen,
0.18.

Nippon Fug5 no Kaken. B^^ifCD^iS House-
hold laws of the Japanese millionaires. Author Bokutei
Jushi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Dai Nippon Teikoku Gunkan Ch5. XiM^'^WMWili
A list of the Japanese men of war, illustrated. Author
Publisher Ky5eki Shosha. Price Yen, 1.50.

Gumba Hoju Ron. "M^^Witlk A book on the
supply of war-horses. Author Yamanouchi Buntaro.
Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yenj 0.40.

Chijto Ky5iku Kaisei Mondo. ff»^&^5^iiScffl^ A
book on the household rule in form of questions and

answers for secondary schools. Author Publisher

Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.30.

Kappo Kwa Kyoju Yo Sosai Sambyaku Shu. '^1,^14
tfcSfflJSl^HSM. 300 kinds of dishes,— for the pur-
pose of teaching cookery in schools. Author Inouye
Zembei. Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha. Price
Yen, 0.45.

Konrei Kagami. j® IB ;b> \^ <^ A book on marriage.
Author Takei Sekizo. Publisher Tokyodo. Price Yen,
0.85.

Jitsuyd Ryori Kyohon. %^P(M%L^ A text book
on cookery. Author Omura Chujiro. Publisher Swibido.
Price Yen, 0.50

Joshi no Shugei. -^^CD^^ Mannal work for Women.
Author Kaburaki Kane. Publisher Uozumi Shoten. Price
Yen, 0.25.

Joshi no Tsutome. ^^0Oifc Woman's duties.
Author Shimoda Uta. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 0.50.

57^ Catalogue of Books.

Jokuii no Shiori. ^ill|(?)S Precepts for women.
Author Miwada Masa. Publisher Okura Shoten. Price
Yen, 0.45.

Dokuritsu Seikyd. IB jt fw ^ A collection of Mr.
Uchimura's writings. Author Uchimura Kanzo. Publisher
Keiseisha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Kinshu Tebiki Gusa. ^tS^'91^ ^ XxthzX, on tem-
perance. Author Oshima Takehiko. Publisher Kyobun-
kwan. Price Yen, 040.

Meika Homon Roku. :^^IBM^ Interviews with
noted characters. Author Ishikawa Keizo. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.18.

Shin Akagetto. J^ift'*^^ The new red blanket, ex-
periences of an eastern tourist in the west. Author Osada
Shuto. Publisher Bunrokudo. Price Yen, 0.25.

Jinsei no Kwairaku. A ^ W "ft ^ The pleasure of
human life. Author Honda Shinkei. Publisher Kinkddo.
Price Yen, 0.60.

List of principal Publishers.

Dobunkwan, Omotejimbochd, Kanda-ku, T5kyo.

Maruya & Co., Tori Sanchome, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.

Toyosha, Kamakuracho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.

Shokwabo, Odemmachd Shioch5, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. _

Shoeido, Tachibanacho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.

Yoshikawa Hanshichi, Minamidemmacho, Nihombashi-ku ^

T6ky(
Kaihatsusha, Ogawa Machi, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.

Keiseisha, Unemecho, Kyobashi-ku, Tokyo.

Kaiscikwan, Kobinata Suidocho, Koishikawa-ku, Tokyo.

Shoseido, Tori Nichome, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.

Catalogue of Books, 571

Ikuseikwai, Morikawacho, Ilongo-ku, Tokyo.
Shueido, Tdrihatagocho, Nihonibashi-ku, Tokyo.
Hdeikwan, Ogawa Machi, Kaiula-kii, Tokyo.
Rokugdkwan, T5ri Sanchome, Xihonibashi-ku, Tokyo.
Meiji Shoin, Nishikicho, Itchdme, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.
Jujiya, Ginza Sanchome, Kyobashi-kii, Tokyo.
Maekawa Buncikaku, Hakuyacho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
Kokkosha, Tsukiji, Kyobashi-ku, T6ky5.
Matsumura Sanshodo, Yumichd, Kyobashi-ku, Tokyo.
Sanseido, Urajimbdcho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.
Seishido, Kajicho, Kanda-ku, T5ky5.
Ikuseisha, Honkokucho, Nihonibashi-ku, Tokyo.
Shunyodo, Tori Shichome, Nihonibashi-ku, Tokyo.
Tetsugaku Shoin, Hongo Rokuchome, Tokyo.
Fukyusha, Gofukucho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
Okura Shoten, Tori Itchome, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
Kanasashi Shoten, Imagawakoji Itchome, Kanda-ku, Tdkyo.
Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha, Ginza Itchome, Kyobashi-ku,

Tokyo,
Shobido, Honshirokanecho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
Hakubunkwan, Honcho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
Kinkodo, Honcho. Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
Seibido, Tori Sanchome, Nihombashi-ku, T5kyo.
Meihodd, Urajimbochd, Sanchome, Kanda-ku, T5ky5.
Yiihikaku, Hitotsubashi Toricho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.
Kinshodo, Honkokucho, Sanchgme, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
Kofukwan, Urajimbocho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.
Seizando, Kajicho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.
Bunrokudo, Higashi-nakadori, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
K5yiikwan, Surugadai, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.
Bungakusha, Honcho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
Fusamb5, Urajimbocho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.

572 Catalogtie of Books,

KobayashiShimbei, Tori Nichome, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyd.
Kyocki Shdsha, Takekawacho, Ky5bashi-ku, Tdkyo.
Okazakiya Shoten, Kijicho, Kanda-ku, T5ky5.
Tohodo, Tatsuokacho, Hongo-ku, Tokyo.
Kobunsha, Bakurocho, Nichome, Nihombashi-ku, T5kyo.
Rokumeikwan, Honkokucho Nichome, Nihombashi-ku,

Tokyo.
Mizuno Shoten, Tori Aburacho, Nihombashi-ku, T5kyo.
JFIobunkwan, Minami-kogachd, Kanda-ku, Tokyo.
Ogawa Sh5eid6, Minami-konyachd, Ky5bashi-ku, T5kyo.
Kinddo, Tori Sanchdme, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo.
Jitsugyo no Nihon Sha, Yurakucho, Sanchome, Kojimachi-

ku, T6ky5.
Sakakibara Tomokichi, Teppoch5, Nihombashi-ku, T5ky5.
Nakanishiya Shoten, Omotejimbocho, Kanda-ku, Tokyd.

PS. — If would be ungrateful ofmenotto mention my
great indebtedness to my friend Mr. K. Hosokai, without
whose help this list could not have been compiled. Mr.
Ilosokai has availed himself very largely of Book Cata-
logues prepared for the Japanese market by the T5ky6
Shoseki Sho Kumiai. A. Ll.

^»»<»-

INTRODUCTION.

Aral Hakuseki is representative of th^ best of old Japan.
He was scholar, poet, historian, economist, moralist and
statesman. He wrote many books, and left many un»
published MSS. at his death, among others one called
" Hyo-chQ-ori-taku-shiba-no-ki. This was written strictly
for his own family and was left unpublished until a few
years since, when it was printed for the first time.

It is an account of his life, and gives a fairly complete
account of his family, youth, education, early struggles,
together with his later successes and his labors in the court of
the Shdgun. It tells its own story with sufficient clearness,
needing little supplement or introduction, and it has its
value as giving us perhaps the most vivid picture of old
Japan obtainable, a picture of the real Japan and not the
fancied land of travellers and poets and foreigners. It
would be diflficult, possibly, to match it as a bit of history,
not necessarily that all its statements are correct, but as
giving us an insight into the centre of Japanese life and
power.

Arai as he tells us, was from an unfortunate family and
only after much labor and some adventures did he surmount
his early difficulties. He finally became the official scholar
to the Shogun himself and made his position one of un-
rivalled influence. He was the court preacher, if we may
so use the term, (though of course there was no hint of the
priest in his position or character), or the philosopher at
court, and he used his position so that without legal

i-:th:r!rr h-:- vet btsci-r.e the crcf^xJeirtiaj ad\'iser of the
f*h%'-r. ar.c tlirr-^h h~ r^I^c ihe empire.

Tr.T-zt io-ra- a^xear t:- have goveraed hiin, (i) The re-
f'.rrr^trn 'A abj^es. 2 The re:':nnation of the rites and
r.jrv-rr.cr.i-j? cf the Shc-j-jr.'? c:urr ar*d- • ;■ The exaltation of
the .Sh^'r^-jn*.^ jji./;ver. A fe.v reniarks may help to an
'^nder^tandin;^ of these three depaitinents of his actwity as
the *tor\' i-j filled with these endeavors.

The .Shog'jn leya^u had eleven children. The first died
young. The second was adopted by Hide>'oshi, and is
said to liave been ruined and niis-erably destroyed after
Hidevoshi's death. The third was the heir and successor.
Hidctada. The eighth, tenth and eleventh sons of leyasu
were made daimyo of Owari, Kii and Mito respectively
with the provision that should the direct line &il a Shogun
should be cho.sen from one of these houses. Hidetada was
succeeded in i6?3 by his son lemitsu, and he by his son
Ictsuna in 165 i. Ffc left no son and was succeeded in 1 680
by his brother, Tsunayoshi. He died in 1709 without a
son to succeed him and was followed by his nephew, L.ord
Kofu, Icnr>ri, the son of the second son of lemitsu Tsuna-
shigc. This sixth Shogun died in 1712 leaving a sickly
infant as heir, Iclsugu, who died in June 1715. With him
tlu- lin(! of Ilidclada became extinct and the next Shogun
was from the house nf Kii descended from the tenth son of
leyasu. It was <luriu^( the brief reigns of the sixth and the
seveuth Sh<>^;un that Arai Ilakuseki was in public life.

The lirth Sho«;uu was at once a strict and superstitious
HuiMliist a .uul a i;nat patron of the Chinese philosophy.
I le leitured \n\ the />/// (lakn to rt''/7/;;/jc; and priests, and
greatly stimulated learning throughout the Empire, But in
his later >'ears at aii\' rate he was far from following the

bitrodiiction. iii

precepts of the moralists, and it was his misconduct which
made necessary the reforms instituted by his successor.
Tsunaycshi seized maidens who struck his fancy and then
put them in strict ward during h'fe. He had moreover ten
boys at the castle and twenty more in a separate yashiki.
Among them were three daimyo and three relatives of the
Emperor. They were kept under the strictest rule, and
permitted no communication with their families. (See Toku-
gawa Ju-go Daishi vol. 6 pp. 245 f )

With personal profligacy naturally was combined admini-
strative looseness. The finances became involved as
expenditures greatly exceeded receipts, and as official waste
and corruptiou were everywhere. The coinage was re-
peatedly debased, daimyo were moved from fief to fief for
the sake of extortion, and the taxes were greatly increased.

The climax was reached when a merciless law was en-
acted in the name of religion. The Shogun was the
persecutor of Christians but also in the name of Buddha he
became the merciless protector of animals. For example,
the official in charge of the Shogun's kitchen was banished
to an island because a cat fell in the well, and this not
because the well was defiled but because the cat died. A
guard threw a stone at a pigeon on a roof, and in conse-
quence he and the officers of his company were imprisoned
at home. A samurai disregarded the eighth day, and
killed a tsiibamc. He was put to death and a comrade was
banished. A samurai hatamoto about the same time had
his allowance reduced one half because he killed a wholly
unarmed merchant, (Ju-go Dai Shi vol. vi pp. 12 ff".), thus
showing the values respectively of a bird and a man.

A tax was levied for the benefit of dogs of three bit on
each house. Genroku ninth year was a ** dog " year, and

iv Introdtiction,

the Shogiin had been born in a " dog " year, and so a priest
of the Goji-in (Koishikawa) instigated a law which was well
in accord with the feelings of the Shogun. Outside of
Kahdabashi a fine temple was built, promising long life if
pity were had for dogs, and commanding that other animals
be cared for. But the dog law was especially troublesome.
If one were found wounded it was to be tenderly cared for
until officials were called and came to attend to it. When
dogs were born, the same officials were to be summoned
that they might right write down the number of pups and
the color of the hair of each. A vacant nagaya was fitted
with new mdiis, futon and blankets, and doctors were pro-
vided. These doctors were to receive the honois given the
Shdgun's own physician. They went abroad with six atten-
dants to feel a dog's pulse and administer physic. Much
expense was incurred, as the streets had to be cleaned for
the passage of these officials. If one wounded a dog he
was arrested at once, tied, and put in prison. Hundreds
were put in prison for killing dogs accidentally, and many
were beheaded that their heads filled thirty /^n^, casks.
Here is a specimen of the notices posted in the streets ; —

" Oboe ! Honjo Aioicho Sanchome, lichibei, apprentice
of the carpenter 2Senjiro, murderer of a dog, by cutting it!

The young daughter, Shimo, of the plasterer Kabeye, of
Honjo, Aioicho Nichome, has informed concerning the
above and as the facts were as stated she is given fifty, gold
ryo as reward."

Ichibei was put to death. (1. c. pp. 124 ff.)

The Japanese historian sums up the situation thus. " That
such a deteriorated government did not find anyone to lead a
rebellion when men's minds were full of it, was owing to the
transmitted virtue of the ancestors of the Tokuga\va femily."

Introduction, v

In part we should say because the fifth Shaguh died and
was succeeded by the sixth who under the tuition of Arai
Hakuseki began a reformation without delay. This con^
dition of the government must be remembered if we are to
appreciate the labors Arai undertook.

The Shogun had a council of state composed ofejders,
but the fifth Shogun was really governed by a confidential
servant named Kippu. This man was of the worst reptitat
tion' and stood between the Shogun and all others, ;• His
official position was adjutant. He was followed! in the
following reigns by another adjutant named Zembo. He
had been the playmate of Lord Kofu and understood him
perfectly. After I^rd Kofu became Shogun, /icmbo was
consulted as to everything. He. stood between the Council
and the Shogun. The Councillors Avere weak men and
deficient in intelligence and Zembo, so Arai Hakuseki says,
had trouble in making dear the simplest matters to them.
The Council met every day but only received the Shogun's
orders and knew nothing of the affairs of state. They
feared the Shogun's wisdom, and Zcmbo privately met with
them, coached them, and prepared tliem for interviews.
Zcmbo was so constant in attendance tliat he went hbme
only three or five times a year, and after the infant became
Shogun he did not go home at all. Arai further says of
Zembo that he had ** had no time for study but was of very
fine natural parts. He satisfied everyone and made no errors.
He was much criticised without reason as carrying on the
government himself But that was even said of me, though
I had no {>ower at all, and could only state my views.*'

But though Arai had no power at all and could only state
his views, still that was enough. As we may judge from
Aral's own words above, Zcmbo was his friend, and. none

vi Introduction.

could be Arai's friend who did not agree with him. He had
the intensity of a Puritan. He was a Confucianist of the
orthodox school of Chuhi, though he tells us that he was
first interested in philosophy by the Okina Mondo, a book
written by a Japanese follower of the idealist Wang Show-
jen, find strenuously sought to carry out the Confucian
theory in private and public life. He not only studied the
ancient classics reverently but he adopted them as his rule
of life, and made them the final authority in matters of law
and politics. To him, the reformation of the abuses found
in the government was a sacred trust, and life itself he
counted not dear compared with the accomplishment of this
task. Nor did he spare the Shogun himself, but unhesita-
tingly rebuked him when his conduct failed to conform to
precept. We can understand Arai*s conduct only as we think
of him not as the politician, or merely as the states-man,
but as the moralist whose theories of law and government
were rendered sacred by the solemn sanctions of religion.
The same interest led him to seek a reconstruction of the
rites and ceremonies. It is almost unthinkable, to us, how
great a place the strict performance of the various rites had
in the mind of the followers of the Chinese sage. But to
Arai the correct performance of these many and onerous
functions, was directly connected with the welfare of the
state itself, so that a question of precedence, the style of one's
robes, the fashion of a box used, the precise determination
of some ancient custom, was worthy the earnest considera-
tion of a statesman and a scholar. Dead as are these
questions to us, still in one instance at least Arai argues his
case so as to make the human interest involved apparent. *

* pp. 68 ff. below. 103 ^,

Introduction. vii

The questions of ceremony when foreign nations were
concerned assumed a portentous aspect. The debates with
the Korean embassy and the long struggle on point after
point of etiquette were really the outward sign ot Aral's
purpose that the Shogun should be treated as the full equal
of the Korean king, and that h's subordination to the
Emperor should in no wise be recognised. Aral would not
admit by so much as the failure to erase a stroke of a pen
that his lord was less in position than the king of Korea. *

This contention it is, perhaps, that has given rise to the
notion that Aral sought to make the Shogun supreme and
that he contemplated the dethroning of the Emperon
Whether there is independent evidence of this I do not
know, but to an obtuse foreigner the autobiography appears
to give its weight against such belief. It is true that Aral
did not believe in the Shinto legends, which he rationalized
to suit his own fancy, and it is not likely that he had any
superstitious reverence for the nominal ruler in Kyoto.
Moreover as a Confucianist he held doubtless that an un-
worthy Son of Heaven might be dethroned, and that he
only is true king who proves hk right to rule.

Aral has been severely criticised, not always it would
seem with justice. Thus a writer in the Shikai (Meiji 26th
year 4th month,) says of him, " He was by nature too
severe. He was too set in his purpose and determined to
carry out his plans even when shown to be wrong. He was
narrow minded and very suspicious of others. He really
reviled Hayashi who was his elder. He was a man who

* It is to be noted that the title Tai Kun, thought too pretentious foj
the Shogun by our foreign historians of Japan, was rejected by Arai as
beneath the Sh5gun's dignity.

viii Introduction,

might have fomented rebellion through ambition, had hot
his idesires been met through his employment by the
Shogun. As a historian, judged by modem methods, he
made statements without sufficient proof. His economics
were too much influenced by his desire to uphold gold.
His books on philosophy are like mere tables and he cannot
be taken as a model of virtue."

Judged by this book, that is far too severe a judgment.
We should not claim him perhaps as a model of virtue, but,
by this account of his purposes and deeds we may we think,
give him a high place among the worthies of old Japan.
And if we are to judge him by Occidental standards even
in his own cefitury, it would be far easier to find statesmen
and philosophers in European Courts who were his inferiors,
than to find those who surpassed him in righteousness and
fidelity to principle.

Nor does he appear narrow minded or bigoted. His in-
terview with Perc Sidotti and his recommendations to the
Shogun in behalf of the imprisoned missionary show at
least an unusual ability to take broad and fair minded views
of men and things. *

His editor, the historian Naito Chiso, quotes with ap-
proval Arai's own words on his retirement from office as
giving evidence of the man's true spirit, and to us too these
final words seem the expression of sincerity, and to bear
the marks of truth. " As you know, by my own exertions
I rose from an obscure position to a place quite beyond my
expectations. Such advance is not common. With all
modesty I may say that, chosen by the Shogun to be his
teacher, it has been my« duty to study all the affairs of the

*Sce The Chrysanthemum Vol. ii pp. 390 ff. and Trans. As. Soc. IX
pt. ii.

Introduction. ix

empire. For more than ten years I have scarcely known
what I have eaten, and I have been ill with anxiety night
and day, nor have I been my own master. With the
accession of the young Shogun I was troubled still more,
and purposed renewed diligence until death. But it was
not to be ; and all has ended like a dream. So men think
I was content, but am disconsolate ! Not so ! It is like taking
off the burden from a feeble horse as he stands laden for a
long journey. The favors of the present Shogun are double
those of the fomier. Salary and rank are continued and I
grow old in peace. But let none think me ungrateful to
the former Shogun ! But what is so painful as the attempt
to do what IS beyond one's powers? For the last few years
I have taken no medicine, enjoy my food, and grow old in
peace, content to leave the time of death to fate. That
mind and body for one day may be at rest is the highest
aim. No pleasui^e excels that. "
Arai was succeeded in office by his friend Kyuso Muro. *

N. B.— ^This translation has been prepared for the society under many
difficulties, and at a distance from the helps essential^to^the^satisfactory
performance^ of such a task. This disadvantage however has been more
than overcome by the kindness of ^ ^^* Gubbins Esq., who has laid me
under great obligations by consenting to read my Ms. critically in
advance.

G. W. K.

Union Theological Seminary,
700 Park Avenue,

New York City, U. S. A.

♦Trans. As. Soc. Vol. XX p. 25.

i#»«^»

FOREWORD.

When men of old had something to say they gave the
gist of it without unnecessary words. So spoke my
parents.

iWhen father was seventy five years old he was at death's
door with fever, but no one dared give him the medicine the
doctor prescribed because father had often said :— ** Young
folks may use all means for recovery when UU but it is
wrong for aged men not to know their end, and to die
with labored breath because of drggs. " However, as his
suffering was frightful, someone put the ginseng in his
ginger soup and his breath came strong again and he
recovered. "^

Afterwards mother asked him, ** Why did you turn
away your fece and keep silent ?" And he replied " The
pain was great, but I had never shown signs of suffering
and now were folks to see my agony in my face they would
think me changed ; and as fever causes men to say things
they do not mean I kept silent."

From this one may know his usual manner. We scar-
cely might ask about necessary things, and when he died
I had many questk)ns still unanswered. In ordinary

* lie was an officer of asbigni'Hy and Inter an omutiukey and was a
strong and skillful man. Once when he hod a carbuncle he said he felt
no pain and so the doctor thought treatment useless but his wife said
" He never admits feeling pain, but when no one is looking he turns to
the wall and his face contracts. Their the doctor said, " I can treat him*'.

(xu)

matters that is well, but silence as to one's family causes
grief. Were I to die my son would have such grief, and
so, having leisure, I write as things occur to me for him
and not for the public, setting down everj'thing in a bad
style full of repetitons.

I write with reverence of the late Shogun. * His
affairs would be forgotten sadly should I not write, for
none else knows the facts. And so that my son and
grandson may not fail in loyalty and filial piety I make
this record of the late Shogun's extraordinary kindness and
of our family's laborious rise in rank.

I took up vny pen this 17th November, 17 16.
Minamoto Kimiyoshi f Retired sixty years old.

« BUNSHOIN the 6th Shdgun, lenobuka.

f Arai is the surname, Hakoseki the nom^e-gHerrtf Minamoto the
aristocratic family name, and Kimiyoshi the « true '* name. Arai's title
was Chikugo-na-Kamu

l.'^ • • *•

•: •« •'-

-•\..

' »-

» - 1

MINUTES OF MEETINGS.

5. March, igo2.
" The Autobiography of Arm Hakuseki."

By kind invitation of H.E. Colonel Buck, a general
meeting of the Asiatic Society was held at the United
States Legation on Wednesday, March, 5, at 4 p.m.,
when the reading of the Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki,
translated by the Rev. G. W. Knox, D.D. was continued
by the Rev. D. C. Greene, D.D. The Rev. Arthur
Lloyd, Vice President of the Society, was in the Chair.
The chairman opened the meeting by thanking Colonel
Buck for his kindness in inviting the Society to hold a
meeting in his Legation. U.S. Ministers throughout the
world were, he said, celebrated for their courtesy and the
friendly interest they took in literary and scientific insti-
tutions.

Dr. Greene, after a brief reference to the early history
of Arai Hakuseki and his relations to the sixth and seventh
Shoguns, proceeded to read extracts from the Autobio-
graphy, confining himself to such passages as dealt with
the public life of Arai.

The first Chapter read contained an account of his pro-
motion to be one of the intimate personal counsellors of
the Heir Apparent (Dec. 20th, 1704), who had previously
been a pupil of Arai Hakuseki. The Heir Apparent had
but recently been adopted by the fifth Shogun. He be-
came Shogun on February 20th, 1709.

The fifth Shogun during his later years was an ardent
Buddhist and was especially active in legislation for the

protection of the lower animals. These protective mea-
sures were carried so far as to cause much hardship
among the people. At the same time the Shogun's ex-
travagance had led to the debasing of the currency and to
other hardly less questionable means of replenishing the
treasury. All this resulted in widespread distress. About
this time there were severe earthquakes and certain
strange phenomena, among which the falling of white
hair is mentioned. These were assumed to portend the
gravest evils, the result of the misgovernment of the state.
To avoid the impending calamities, it was of the first
importance to repeal the obnoxious laws and etiter upon
the needed reforms. Here the new Shogun was met by
precedents, amounting to a constitutional provbion, that
laws left on the statute books by a deceased Shoguh

should not be changed within three years of his death

Accordingly it was ruled that officially the Shogun

not die until the funeral. Hence it was possible by post

poning that ceremony to gain ample time for the

urgent matters of reform. These were, therefore, arrang —

ed for and the necessary laws promulgated in the name^^-^^^

of the late ruler.

Arai sought to reform the currency and the system ot^
administration which he represents as being sadly cornipl^'^^^P^
and otherwise wasteful. While these reforms were noE'^^^^ ^^
all immediately carried into effect, they seem to havc^"*'^^
gained the sympathy of the new Sh5gun and the measures
he recommended were for the most part eventually adopted

Other chapters treated of efforts made to create estab*-
lishments for the Princes of the Imperial Blood ; to refori
the administration of justice, including the wholesale re ^
lease of persons thrown into prison on account of th

harsh laws of the previous Shoguns ; to relieve the people
who suffered equally from the oppression of local officials
and the heavy exactions by travelling daimy5 on the
great post roads ; to improve the system of collecting
taxes, etc.

There were many passages illustrating most vividly the
hardships resulting from the defective conception of justice
embodied in the laws and customs of the time. In one
case, a woman whose husband had disappeared found a
dead body floating in a stream. Not being able to turn
it over so that she might see the face, she applied to
the headman of the village for help. It was found to be
the body of her husband. As it was evident that there
had been foul play, suspicion fell upon the woman's father
and brother, who proved to have been the murderers and
were proceeded against accordingly. Not content with
this, the officials accused the woman and found her guilty
of informing against her father and brother, thought her
information consisted simply in her discovery of the body
which directed suspicion to her father. She was con-
demned to servitude and the Minister of Education ap-
proved the sentence. Arai, while a great reverer of
precedents when they sustained the decisions of his heal-
thy common sense, made short work of this misjudgment.
Possibly his own clear view of right was made still clearer
by his desire to differ with the Minister of Education for
whom he lost no opportunity to show his contempt.

In the case of certain agrarian disturbances, which he
recorded, the same keen sense of justice led him also to
hold the scales with what seems to have been an even
hand.

One of the Chapters gives an amusing report of the

protection of tlic lower animals. Tli
siircs \\i:ro carricil so Tar as to c
among the pjopln. At the same tim
travayance li:u1 led to tlie dcijasin^i^
Otlier hardly less (iiii;>.tiona1>le nioati-
treasiuy. All this resulted in widi-'j;
this time there were severe eailh
strange phenomena, among whicii
hair is mentioned. These were a---
gravest evils, tlie result of the mis;.'
To avoid the impending calamit'
im|X>rlance to repeal the obnoxin^
the necdetl reforms. Merc the i;
precedents, amounting to a ei'r
laws left on the .-statute bool;
.should not l»e changed with;-
Accordingly it was ruled lli ■
not die until the funeral, !!■.
poning tliat ceremony to ;■
urgent matters of reform.
ed for and the necessary 1.
of the late ruler.

Arai sought to reform
administration which he
and otiierwise wasteful
all ininicdiatcly carrie''
gained the .sympathy
he recommended were

Other chapters tre^i
lishnients for the Pri
the administratton >
lease of i

(l1 KNDARS.

April i6, igo2.

keiatic Society was held at

■ftl. at 4. p.m. on Wednesday,

, IVcsidcnt of the Society,

\V. Clement read a paper

of \vhich the following is

Ltime. This is true in more

fst place, they are not in a

fcisiircly. It may be an exag-

Bfcverse the Occidental advice,

an be put off till to to-morrow ;

fcnty of time for doing things.

f proverbs relating to this sub-

iround " {hogaba maware) ; and

" (5(-//r wa koto wo shisonsuni)

^R good equivalent of our proverb,

With an old-fashioned Japanese,

o'clock may be met at any con-

I 10 o'clock, because it is troublesome

and it is, therefore, considered

\ round numbers, until it is 10 o'clock.

\ train, he only ejaculates " shikata ga

bis not," or "there's no use"), and pa-

Ihe next train, even thought it be half

lent that in old Japan there was no use

"Time is money," and especially because

Vwas despised, and the merchant was the

four classes of society (soldier, farmer,

artisan, merchant). And, if it is true that "procrastina-
tion is the thief of time," he must have filched cycles or
centuries out of Old Japan. But Mr. E. H. House has
suggested that the old practice of the Japanese indicated
that they regarded punctuality to be the thief of time.

This propensity to neglect the minutes in reckoning
probably grew out of the fact that in Old Japan the shor-
test period of time was equivalcint to two hours. The
day was divided as follows : —

Kokonotsudoki (ninth hour), X2 a.m. and p.m.
YatsU'doki (eighth hour), 2 a.m. and p.m.
Nanatsu'doki (seventh hour), 4 a.m. and p.m.
Mutsu-doki (sixth hour), 6 a.m. and p.m.
Itsutsu'doki (fifth hour), 8 a.m. and p.m.
Yotsu'doki (fourth hour), 10 a.m. and p.m.

As an hour of that kind is equal to two hours of our
kind and clocks had only one hand, the two-** hour hand,"
it is not strange, perhaps, that it is now difficult for some ^^
to reckon minutely !

In the second place, the Japanese have plenty of time, « -»
because they have several different ways of reckoning the -^^^
days, months, years and other periods. They have both -^^
solar and lunar time; Japanese, Chinese and Occidental -C-^^
time; two national calendars and several special periods: ^ *•
so that they have literally "a time for everything"; and
in some cases, they are very particular to do a certain
thing ** on time." Of the two Japanese calendars, one
reckons from the mythological founding of the Japanese
Empire by Jimmu Tenno in 660 B.C., and is known
kigeft (period-beginning); and the other is the special-^
period called *' Meiji " (Enlightened Rule), which began
with the accession of the present Emperor Mutsuhito, in

1867. Thus, to illustrate, I happen to have befofe mc
an old issue of the Koknmin Shinbun, a daily newspaper
of Tokyo, and find the following dates: " Meiji, 35th
year; Kigen, 2,562; Occidental calendar, 1902; Chinese
calendar, Kocho Era, 27th year, 2rtd month, 7th day,
Friday. Old Calendar, Ka-no-to — Ushi, * 12th month,
26th day, Ka-no-to — Tori f Sun rises, 6:39 a.m. Sun sets,
5:12 p.m. Moon rises, 5:17 a.m. Moon sets, 4.04 p.m.
High tide, 4:33 a.m. and 4:56 p.m." And then, as if to
emphasize the contrasts between the old and new in this
mixture, is added the notice of the following time-saving
device : " Telephone, Shimbashi (Special), No. 70 (Edi-
torial) ; Shimbashi, No. 2.850 (Office)."

In the old style of reckoning, each year was named
according to the twelve .signs of the Chinese zodiac in
conjunction with the "ten celestial stems" {jikkan), ob-
tained by dividing into two parts each of the five elements
(wood, fire, earth, metal, water). These elements are
known in Japanese as ki^ hiy tsuchiy kane^ mizu\ and the
subdivisions are called e (or ye) and to, of which the
former is said to represent " elder brother " and the latter
" younger bro.her." But Rein explains ye as representing
the national state or raw condition, while to represents
manufactured state or artificial condition. This will be
made clear by reference to the following tables: — ^

Ne (Rat).

2. Ushi (Ox).

Tor a (Tiger).

4. U (Hare).

Tatsu (Dragon).

6. Mi (Serpent).

Uma (Morse).

8. Hitsuji (Goat).

Sam (Monkey).

10. Tori (C'xk).

* See later tables.

t From MiUsumUf to be friendly.

• ••

Vlll

II. /;/// (Dog). 12. /(Boar).

1. Ki-no-E (Natural wood).

2. Ki'iiO'To (Wrought wood).

3. Hi-no-E (Natural fire).

4. Hi-no'To (Artificial fire).

5. Tiichi-nO'E (Natural earth).

6. Tsiuhi-nO'To (Wrought earth).

7. Ka-na-E (Raw metal).

8. Ka-tiO'To (Wrought metal).

9. MizU'iiO'E (Running water).
10. Mzu-nO'To (Stagnant water).

Thus Ka-no-To — Ushi, the year, name just mentioned
above, means ** Wrought metal Ox"; and the name of
the day mentioned in the same connection, or Ka-no-To
— Tori, means '* Wrought metal. Cock.*'

The lunar year was divided into twelve months of al-
ternately 29 and 30 days each, and thus contained only
354 or 355 days; but this discrepancy from the solar
was made up by adding ** to the 2nd, 5th, 8th, nth,
13th, i6th and 19th year of every lunar cycle an inter-
calary month of varying length. This bore in Japan the
name of uro-tsuki (iiru-zuki) and followed the second
month of the year, which was then reckoned twice over
as 7iro-7iigatsUy i.e., ** supernumerary second month." The
months were named numerically, as follows : —

Ichigatsu — First Moon.

Nigatsu — Second Moon.

Sangatsu — Third Moon.

Shigatsu — Fourth Moon.

Gogatsu — Fifth Moon.

Rokugatsu — Sixth Moon.

Shichigatsu — Seventh Moon.

Hachigatsu — Eighth Moon.

Kugatsu — Ninth Moon.

Jugatsu — Tenth Moon.

Juichigatsu — Eleventh Moon

Junigatsu — Twelfth Moon.
The first month, however, had another very common
name, Shogatsu (True Moon). All of the months had
also poetical appellations, of which the following are ex-
amples : —

1. Mutsuki (Social month).

2. Kisaragi (Putting on new clothes).

3. Yayoi (I-arge growth).

4. Uzuki (Hare month).

5. Satsuki (Early moon).

6. Minazuki (Water-less month)*

7. Fumizuki (Composition month).

8. Hatsuki (Leafy month), f

9. Nagatsuki (Long moon). %

10. Kaminazuki (God-less month).

11. Shimotsuki (Frost month).

12. Shiwasu (Finishing month).

The gods were supposed during the tenth month to
have left the other parts of the country and to have
assembled in " annual conference '* in their " ancestral
home " of Izumo. And, as the gods had thus neglected
their usual business of watching over the people, it was
not considered of any u.se to offer prayers and sacrifices,
and, therefore, that month was given the special name of
Kami-na-zukiy or Kami-fiaki-tstiki, " god-less moon. "

* Scarcity of rain at this time.

t Or Tsukitni-zuki (Moon viewing month).

% Or Kikti-zuki (Chrysanthemum month).

The four seasons of spring, summer, autumn and winter
were recognized ; and there were also 24 periods of 14 or
15 days each, which, to a great extent, indicated the
weather, such as Shokan (Little Cold), Daishd (Great
Heat), etc., and which the farmer carefully followed in
planning his labours. The peasantry also observed rather
scrupulously other special times. " For instance, they
sow their rice on the eighty-eighth day from the begfin-
ning of spring, and they plant it out in Nyubai^ the period
fixed for the early summer. The 210th and 220th days
from the beginning of spring, and what it called Hassaku,
that is, the first day of the eighth moon (o.c), are looked
on as days of special importance to the crops, which are
certain to be injured if there is a storm, because the rice
is then in flower. They fall early in September, just in
the middle of the typhoon season." *

In old Japan the week was entirely unknown ; and it
was not until the present era \^Meiji\ that the ichiroku^
or holidays on the *' ones " and '* sixes" f of each month,
were introduced. But that was speedily abandoned for
the week system, Sunday an official holiday, with names
adapted from the Occidental names, as follows ; —

Nichiyobi (Sun-day).
Getsuyobi (Moon-day).
Kayobi (Mars-day).
Suiyobi (Mercury-day).
Moknyobi (Jupiter-day).
Kinyobi (Venus-day).
Doyobi (Saturn-day).

* Chamberlain*s ** Things Japanese."

t On the 1st, 6th, nth, i6th, 21st, 26th, [31st].

And Prof. Chamberlain tells of the adoption of even the
Saturday half-holiday: — " Sunday being in vulgar parlance
Dontaku, [a corruption of the Dutch Zontag\ Saturday
is called (in equally vulgar parlance) Handon, that is,
• half Sunday.' "

The days of each month were named, not only in
numerical order, but also according to the sexagenary
tables mentioned above in connexion with the names of
the years in " a cycle of Cathay." And the latter names
were perhaps more important than the numerical ones,
because according to these special names a day was judged
to be either lucky or unlucky for particular events. For
instance, Dr. Griffis informs us in *' The Mikado's Empire,"
that " inany people of the lower classes would not wash
their head or hair on " the day of the horse," lest their
hair become red." On the other hand, this " day of the
horse " is sacred to Inari Sama. It is, moreover, very
important, when planning for weddings, to avoid certain
fixed days and to select one from the auspicious days.

The hours were also named according to the zodiacal
menagerie, in the following way :- —

I. Hour of the Rat, ii. p.m. — i a.m.

Ox, 1-3 a.m.

Tiger, 3-5 a.m.

Hare, 5-7 a.m.

Dragon, 7-9 a.m.

Serpent, 9- 11 a.m.

Horse, 11 a,m. — i p.m.
Goat, 1-3 p.m.
Monkey, 3-5 p.m.
Cock, 3-7 p.m.

Dog, 7-9 P-m-
Boar, 9-n p.m.

T»

7-
8.

9»

10.

II.

12.

»i

The hour of the ox, by-the-way, being the time of
second sleep, was sacred to women crossed in love, for
taking vengeance upon a straw image of the recreant
lover at the shrine of Fudo.

The gchsekku, or five festivals, were also carefully ob-
served. They fell on the first (or, as some say, seventh)
day of the first month, the third day of the third month,
the fifth day of the fifth month, the seventh day of the
iseventh month, and ninth day of the ninth month. They
have various names, of which the most general are those
which call them by the names of the months, such as
Shogatsu no Sekku (** First Moon's Festival*'), etc. But
these names are not so commonly used as those which
more particularly describe the nature of the festival. For
instance, the festival of the third month is well known as
Jovii-nO' Sekku (Girls' Festivals), or Hina-niaisuri (Dolls
Festival) ; that of the fifth month is the famous Tango-
nO'Sekku (Boys' Festival), or Nobori no Sekku (Flag Festi-
val) ; that of the seventh month is commonly called
Tanabata-no- Sekku (Star Festival) because it is dedicated
to the star Vega {Tanabata)\ while that of the ninth
month is called C hoy o-no- Sekku (Indian Summer Festival),
or Kiku-no-Sekku (Chrysanthemum Festival). The name
of a flower may also be attached to the other festivals.

There is now, of course, considerable confusion between
the old and the new calendars, of which the latter is'
official, but the former is popular and still observed in
country districts. And this confusion naturally leads to
some ludicrous anachronisms. For instance, the 7th day
of the 1st month (o.c.) was known as Nanakusa (Seven
Herbs), because the people were wont to go out into the
fields and gather seven certain kinds of vegetables for

Xllt

use on that day, but January 7 is too cold and too
early. In some cases, however, the old day is retained,
no matter whether it fits the new calendar or not. And
not a few people are quite willing to keep both calendars
and thus get twice as many holidays !

But, as this whole topic is well-nigh inexhaustible, and
" time flies " " like an arrow " here as elsewhere, we may
as well stop now, and only reiterate, that assuredly the
Japanese have plenty of time!

[Here followed a translation of the official calendar for
the current year, with copious notes.]

Dr. Riess made a few remarks, referring to Bramsen s
Tables which, he said, were better than those mentioned
by Professor Clement.

Dr. Greene expressed the thanks of the Society to Mr.
Clement for his paper which contained information which
the Society were glad to have in that form among their
Transactions.

BASHO AND THE JAPANESE EPIGRAM.

June 4., /p02.

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was,
by the kind invitation of the Rev. A. F. King, held at
St. Andrew's House, Sakae-cho, Shiba, on June 4, at 4
p.m. the Rev. D. C. Greene, D. D., President, being in
the Chair.

.. The minutes of the previous meeting having already
been published, were taken as read.

Prof. B. H. Chamberlain then read such portions of his
paper on Bastw and tfie Japanese Poetical Epigram as the
time at the disposal of the meeting permitted.

XIV

He began by giving examples of the tiny literary form
in question (called Hokku in Japanese), which consists of
but 17 syllables all told, thus :—

Naga-naga to (5)!

Kawa kito-suji ya (7)>=i7
Ytiki no kara (5)1

which niay be rendered

** A single river, stretching far

Across the moorland swathed in snow."

Entering then into a detailed account of Japanese poetry
on its technical side, he showed that these Lilliputian
poems had had a history a thousand years long, that
they must be regarded, not as wholes, but as fragments
remaining over from a complicated game which resem-
bled our " capping verses," and which was a favourite at
the Court of Kyoto in the early Middle Ages; further-
more how, after a period of frivolity and decadence, the
Epigram had been taken up in the seventeenth century
by the great poet and moralist Basho, who made it the
vehicle for his reform of Japanese poetical taste. Basho's
career was described in some detail, that of his successor
in the eighteenth century sketched more lightly. From
one very eminent female epigrammatist several quotations
were made. Incidentally, various other quotations con-
nected with Japanese literary history were discussed, such
as the intrinsic worth of Japanese poetry, the strong in-
fluence of China even on the poetry of the island empire,
which most writers have hitherto represented as an ex-
clusively native growth, and the influence of the Zen sect
of Buddhism on Japanese esthetics and social life. The
paper concluded with an Anthology of over 200 specimens
of Epigrams covering a period of nearly four centuries,

accompanied by EngHsli metrical translations and notes.
It should be added that the lecturer throughout employed
the term Epigram, " not in the modern sense of a pointed
saying, but in its earlier acceptation, as denoting any
little piece of verse that expresses a delicate 6r ingenious
thought." He showed the favourite w^/^ of the Japanese
epigrammatists to have been a vignette of some natural
scene or occurrence, though human figures, allusions, and
circumstances the most various, even including the Epigram
itself in the narrower sense of the word, occasionally
supplied them with themes. The best productions in this
division of Japanese literature were compared by Professor
Chamberlain with such Tennysonian half-stanzas as

" A single church below the hill
Is pealing folded in the mist. "

" The last red leaf is whirl'd away.
The rooks are blown about the skies. "

But he apparently attributed more value to the we^ro/ in-
fluence of the epigrammatists, — especially Basho, — ^than to
their actual productions, as the form they adopted was
too slight a one to result in any very important addition
to a nation's literary possessions.

After the reading of the paper which, although an op-
portunity was offered, was followed by no discussion, the
Chairman spoke .substantially as follows : —

It is a common experience with students of the Japa-
nese language and customs, though an experience of which
they have no monopoly, that, often by mere accident,
attention is attracted to a new word, or an unfamiliar,
feature of social life, which they suppose is rarely met

XVI

with, if it be not altogether foreign to their sphere of ob-
servation, but which thereafter persistently thrusts itself
upon them, in season and out of season. This has been
the case with me in the matter of hokku. For many
years the term has been more or less familiar to me, of
course, and I have had a vague conception of what they
were, but they belonged, as I fancied, to a realm of
thought remote from that in which I moved.

However, some two months ago, the opportunity came
to me to read Mr. Chamberlain's carefully prepared paper
to which we have listened with so much interest and
profit. From that time forward, these epigrams have
faced me at almost every turn, and my surprise is that I
had not recognised them before as part and parcel of my
own environment. Not long after reading the paper, I
had occasion to make a trip into the region west of Kobe
and in the course of it spent a day or two in Tsuyama,
one of it larger towns of Okayama Prefecture. Near by
is the village of Ninomiya which we are told was once
visited by Basho, of whom Mr. Chamberlain has told us
so much that is interesting. While there, he saw the
moon shining amid the clouds upon a pine forest. Deep-
ly impressed with the sight he wrote the famous lines,

Kumo ori ori

Hito wo yasumuru
Tsuki-mi kana,
which Mr. Chamberlain, although he has not read them
to us, has included with due explanation in the Anthology
appended to his paper.

A little later, but during the same journey, in company
with a few friends I climbed a little hill which forms a
promontory jutting into the bay just outside the old town

xvn

of Kasaoka oil the northern shore of the Inland sea. The
hill has been for many generations a public park and is
much frequented because of tiie beautiful view it affords
of the harbour and the islands, once apparently covered
with pines which at once protect and adorn it. Near the
top of the hill my friends pointed out a small but con-
spicuous stone monument which commemorates a visit of
the hokku writer, Sogi, to the spot in May, 1494, in the
seventy-fifth year of his age. Inspired by the charming
view he composed the verse.

Yama matsu no
Kage ya uki miru

Natsu no umi.
This though, like many another kokkii, it rebels against
all attempts at a literal rendering, may be roughly para-
phrased thus,

The shadows of the mountain pines

Seem floating in the summer sea.
Embedded in the structure of the verse, however, are allu-
sions which defy the skill of the most expert translator.
For example, among the products of that region is a kind
of sea weed {codiiim tomentoswn) called mini or water
pine, if we follow the Chinese characters (^JCji^) which
represent it, and it would appear that the deft allusion to
the business interests of the little port, contained in the
words ntiru and matsu, had not a little to do in arousing
the enthusiasm which the monument symbolises.

Within a few feet is another stone, a disk perhaps four
feet in diameter and nine inches thick mounted on a sui-
table pedestal. This disk records a verse of Basho's, who,
tradition says, nearly two hundred years after Sdgi's visit
climbed the same hill and saw the monument to the

xvm

earlier sage. Apparently surprised to find he was stand-
ing in the very foot-steps of the master, he gave expres-
sion to his feelings in the verse

Yo no naka wa

Sara ni Sogi no
Yadori kana.
that is to say,

I^ the whole world
Is Sogi's dwelling.
In other words, " Wherever I go Sogi has been there
before me. **

This at least gives the meaning which the local scho-
larship has accepted, and that exegesis confirmed by the
best authorities I have access to ; though a learned friend,
skilled in the thirty-one syllable . verses, would translate,
This world is still

The dwelling place of Sogi.
It is evident that Bashd had in mind another hokhio
Sogi's and framed his own on that model, namely,

Yo ni furu wa

Sara ni shigure no
Yadori kana.
which represents our life in this world as spent in a way-
side shelter where we merely wait the passing of a shower.
This, too, Mr. Chamberlain has included in his Anthology
and it need not be commented upon farther. I will
merely call attention to the close similarity in form between
this and the preceding, as indicating that Basho was
not unfamih'ar with the history of his art. Perhaps,
too, we may properly raise the question whether the
close relationship between these two Iiokkti does not
suggest that, while the first rendering I have given

XIX

represents the prima facie ineaning of Basho's verse,
it was none the less his purpose that his readers should
see a deeper thought. That thought was I Fancy, some-
thing like this : —

" Sogi has told us, indeed, that in this world we but
wait the passing of a shower, yet, after well nigh two
hundred years, his spirit lives and inspires the. thoughts
of men. ^»

This agrees with the second rendering given above. The
two monuments, upon which I may say I stumbled without
the least purpose or forethought, illustrate what Mr.
Chamberlain tells us of the national character of the hokkii.
They, as well as the first I mentioned, illustrate also how
dependent many of these verses are upon time and place.
Not seldom they are simply impromptu expressions of a
transitory feeling which fell upon ears appreciative of the
similarities or contrasts which they wert intended to set
forth. As siich they have played an important part in
the social life of Japan. They cannot be fairly judged
apart from their setting, and that setting could not be
preserved. In their very nature they were ephemeral.
Many were low bom and deserved their fate, others
might be classed with the bright repartee whose short-
lived glory we often mourn.

On the other hand, as Mr. Chamberlain has helped us
to understand, there are not a few which will live and
deserve to live. They have the note of universalit}''. The
verse of Chiyo of Kaga, for example, about her little
dragonfly-hunter, speaks not to any one race or age. She
and others have struck some of the deepest cords of our
common human nature.

It is with unusual pleasure that I extend Mr. Cham-

berlaiii the thanks of the Society for his valuable paper.
We shall have much satisfaction in adding it to the aU
ready long list of monographs with which he has favour-
ed us.

We shall all join, I am sure, with great heartiness also
in thanking our hosts for their very kind hospitality this
afternoon. Their thoughtfulness in permitting us to meet
under such agreeable conditions has heightened in no
small degree the pleasure we have all taken in this niost
interesting meeting.

ANNUAL MEETING.

History of Political Parties in Japan.

i6i December 7902.
By kind invitation of His Excellency the British Mini-
ster, the Annual Meeting of the Asiatic Society was held
at the British Legation, Thursday, December i8th, 1902,
the President Dr. D. C. Greene being in the chair.

The minutes of the previous meeting, having been al-
ready published, were allowed to stand.

Report of the Counxll — Session 1902.

The annual report of the Council was read by the
Secretary as follows : —

The Council of the Asiatic Society has to report for
the current year the following events of special interest.

Seven Council and four General Meetings, including the
present meeting, have been held. At the Greneral Meet-
ings, papers have been read, in whole or in part, as
follows : —

XXI

*' Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki,"

By Dr. G. W. Knox.

'* Japanese Calendars," By E. W. Clement, M. A.

" Basho and the Japanese Epigram,"

By B. H. Chamberlain, Esq.

** History of Political Parties in Japan " [for to-day],

By A. H. Lay, Esq.

The first three of these papers have been published
within the year, and publication of the last has been
ordered.

A complete catalogue of publications of this Society
has been incorporated in Part II. of Vol. XXIX. The
Librarian has also kindly prepared for publication in the
Transactions of the Society a catalogue of recent Japanese
Books.

Dr. Baelz was appointed a delegate to represent the
Society at the Congfis International des Ofientalistes de
Hanoi to be held this month in connection with the
Hanoi Exposition.

During the year, twenty names have been added to
the list of members, and four members have died. The
Council expresses deep regret especially at the death of
His Excellency A. E. Buck, United States Minister to
Japan, who, by sympathy and active interest, has render-
ed special service to the Socfefy.

Report of Librarian, [given later.]

The President announced that, unless objection were
raised in this meeting, the Council, in view of no con-
stitutional prohibition, would in future give favourable

XXtl

consideration to application for membership in the society
from ladies.

The election of Members of the Council for the ensuing
year to which was for special reasons deferred till after
Mr. Lay's paper was read, resulted as follows :
President. Rev. Dr. D. C. Greene.
Vice Presidents. Rev. A. Lloyd.

Rev. E. S. Booth. {Yokohama).
CoRR. Secretary. E. H. Vickers.
Recording Secretary,

For Tokyo, E. H. Vickers.

For Yokohama, Dr. J. L. Dearing.
Treasure. R. S. Miller.
Librarian. Rev. A. Lloyd.
Councillors. Messrs. B. H. Chamberlain.

C. S. Griffin.
J. M'D: Gardiner.
J. T. Swift.
A. F. King.
H. G. Parlett.
R. J. Kirby.
R. Masujima.
W. Weston.
Dr. Macdonald.
Mr. Parlett immediately resigned from the Council, and

a motion was carried to the effect that the vacancy thus
created should be subsequently filled by action of the
Council.

The Chairman then read portions of Mr. Lay's paper
entitled: ''A Brief Sketch of the History of Poetical
Parties in Japati* of which the following is a condensed
summary*

xxUl

The idea of popular representation in the government
of Japan may be said to have had its birth with the
Restoration, although some thoughtful men had been
turning their minds in that direction at an earlier date.
His Imperial Majesty the present Emperor, in his oath
on the occasion of his succession to the throne made
known his enlightened desire that men should meet in
council from all parts of the country and all affairs of
state be determined in accordance with public opinion.
This pronouncement may be regarded as the starting
point of the moviement for parliamentary representation.
The germ of the present House of Peers and House of
Representatives is found in the Gi-sei, a department of
the governifient which was organized as early as June
1868. The Ko-gi-jo which was opened in the following
year was representative, not of the people, but of the
governing authorities in the various localities. The mem-
bers of the Sa-In, which replaced the Ko-ji-jo (or shuji-
in) in September 1871, were nominated by the Emperor
and the council of state.

The history of political parties in Japan may conveniently
be divided into four periods: (i) From the Restoration up
to 1882, while as yet they were in embryo, (2) From
the year 1882, when they for the first time took actual
shape, until 1888, (3) From the organization of the
Daido'Danketsu in 1887 until 1898, (4) The period since
the amalgamation of the two strongest parties to form
the constitutional party in 1898.

During the early seventies, discussion went on regard-
ing the advisability of the formation of a popular assembly.
In 1874 was formed the first political society, the Aikoku-
to, or patriotic society, from which later sprang the Liberal

XXIV

Party {jiyu-to). In the previous year a division had taken
place in the ranks of the higher officials of the govern-
ment. The one party was composed of those who desir-
ed rapid progress in domestic matters and a vigorous
foreign policy. The other desired steady progress at
home and conciliation abroad. The latter jxairty retained
control of the government and the former went into op-
position. Among the most important of the radical party
was Itagaki of Kochi prefecture. He organized the first
local society and devoted himself constantly to the attain-
ment of his end of bringing about xparliamentary institu-
tions in the country. We thus have Kochi, and later on
Hizen, working for the extension of the power of the
people, while the government was in the main conducted
by Satsuma and Choshu men.

The agitation for popular representation, although
checked for a time by the Satsuma Rebellion, gained
strength in 1879 and 1880, and the government became
convinced that the question could not longer be postpon-
ed. On the 1 2th of October, 1881, the Emperor pro-
mulgated the famous ordinance in which the promise was
given that a parliament should actually be established in
1 890. . As a preparatory measure, Ito, in company with
a number of j unior officials, was dispatched to Europe
early in 1882 to study the political systems of the West.
The promise of a parliament served to give a more
definite purpose to the various political associations, and
the year 1882 saw the formal organization of the three
parties which, under various names, have continued almost
uninterruptedly to occupy the field until the present time.
The Jiyu'to was the first organized, although not the first
to be properly registered as a political association.

XXV

It IS noticeable that the utterances of the various polit-
ical parties when they first came into existence present
in the main no features of a distinctive nature. All put
forth excellent doctrines, but usually of extreme vague-
ness. The same characteristic has been noticeable through-
out their history except when some temporary question
of urgency has arisen. This is no doubt the reason why
the grouping has constantly changed, one merging into
another, and secessions occuring without apparent cause.
1883 and the following years saw a falling off in the
interest in political parties, — doubtless a natural result of
the over excitement which had just preceded, and of the
apparent certainty of a parliament after 1890. The interest
in politics and in parties revived, however, as the date
assigned for the granting of the constitution approached.

Since the opening of the first diet, the efforts of the
parties have in general been directed towards the securing
of control of the administration, — the establishment of
parliamentary government. Except during the period of
the war with China, when all party differences were for
the time set aside, the parties have all been in more or
less constant opposition to the government. Until within
the last year or two, however, no party has possessed
for any considerable length of time an absolute majority
of the membeaship of the Lower House, sufficient to en-
able it control the votes of that body. Political parties
have now^ become a distinct power in the land which
no statesman can afford entirely to neglect. From small
and unruly beginnings, they have gradually progressed in
influence and in organization. As by degrees they have
be.:n getting rid of their unruly and dangerous elements,
and learning to a greater extent the lesson of respmsib-

xxvi

ility, they have more and more gained the popular con-
fidence. Possessing practically the power of the purse,—
for in the Diet the House of Representatives has the
first say as to the details of the budget presented by the
government,— they have always to be reckoned with.

That there have been no distinct and well defined party
issues may be traced to the fact that feudalism gave place
so suddenly to a modern state of society. The leaders
of thought and those who have taken up the work of
national rejuvenation have all been men of progressive
tendencies. That the parties have frequently opposed the
government in cases where opposition for its own sake
has been the only recognizable principle cannot be denied*
It must be remembered that they have all along been
struggling for a share in the administration. The political
parties have well illustrated the intensely democratic
character of the Japanese people side by side with marked
reverence for the Emperor. The desire for equality and
the revolt against the controlling influence of a narrow
coterie has all along been exhibited.

At the close of the reading from the paper, the FVe-
sidcnt said that only a very imperfect idea of the value
of the paper could be gathered from the extracts read.
Mr. Griffin spoke as follows : Some misunderstanding
might arise from Mr. Lay's remark that the parties
possessed practically the power of the purse. The control
of the Japanese Lower House over the Budget is not to
be compared with that of the English House of Commons
in similar matters. In the latter case, if I am not mis-
taken, the House of Lords may in theory reject, but
cannot amend the budget as passed by the Commons.
In reality the Commons control, in this as in other

xxvn

matters^ by virtue of the latent power of the Cabinet to
appoint new members of the Upper House. In the United
States the constitution provides that all bills for raising
revenue must originate in the Lower House. It would
be a serious error, however, to conclude that on that
account the Lower House has a greater control over such
bilk than the senate. On the contrary, the Senate has
if anything greater control over this as over other matters
than the Lower House. The reason is that the Senate
has the general support of the community as well as the
Lower House, its members have a longer term of service,
and it has control over many appointments to office. In
the various countries of Continental Europe also, wher-
ever the Lower House has greater influence on the budget
or on legislation than the Upper House, the reason Ls to
be found rather in the general strength of the Lower
House in the country, the support which it could rely on
in the case of a conflict with the Upper House, than on
the privilege of initiation of *' money bills." This is true,
for instance, of France and Italy.

** I may perhapis take this opportunity to mention two
characteristics of Japanese political parties which have
impressed themselves upon me in the course of my own,
as yet comparatively slight, study of the politics of this
country. As in so many other aspects of Japanese life,
so also in politics, I think we can see a curious blending
of Old Japan with the very latest and most advanced
which the West has to offer. It was a remark of the most
influential, if not the greatest, English political philosopher
of the 19th century, John Stuart Mill, that, even if we
could be assured that an autocrat, an all powerful in-
dividual ruler, would govern more wisely than a popular

XXVIll

government, we ought, nevertheless, to prefer the popular
government for the educative effect which the effort to
govern produces upon the people.

Now it will be found that there has been very much
conscious or unconscious following of this idea in the
pragress of popular government in Japan. In marked
contrast to his story of popular government in the West,
where parliaments have been forced on the government
from below for the protection of popular rights, popular
representation has been granted from above in this coun-
try, and the people have grown up to it, or are in
process of growing. The truth of this is not affected by
the fact that contest between rival clans has been an ever
controlling factor in the domestic politics of the country
since Restoration days. The agitation of the parties has
been not so much directed against the measures of the
government as against the fact that the government is
not controlled by the representatives of the people.

The element of Old Japan in the political parties is
seen ill the nature of political allegiance. What holds
the parties together is men rather than measures. In
Ok! Japan personal allegiance to one's feudal lord was
one of the strongest feelings of the individual, and sufficed
to give a distinct character to the life of the time.
The most important elements of feudalism, the political
and economic organization of the society which was
founded upon it, have passed away, but the sentimental
part remains in the personal allegiance of men to their
party leaders of tc-day. What would the Sciyu-kai be
without Marquis Ito, or the Progressive party without
Count Okuma ? No doubt other leaders would be forth-
coming if these were not present, the names of the parties

XXIX

might be retained, but the membership would almost
certainly undergo enormous changes.

The Chairman in closing the debate spoke as follows : —
Mr. Lay has placed all students of Japanese politics
greatly in his debt by this careful record of the results
of a minute and painstaking study. It is no small tax
upon one's patience to go through, as he evidently has
done, the newspapers and pamphlets of the period under
review and bring together in orderly fashion the series
of events which illustrate the rise and growth of political
parties. His work is marked by unusual candor and im-
partiality. The limits which Mr. Lay very properly
prescribed to himself forbade his attempting to formulate,
much less to answer, the many interesting questions which
this history suggests, both as regards the past and the
future.

It would, of course, be impossible at this time to
enumerate these questions, but there is one which not
only possesses no little interest in itself but which suggests
some important corollaries. Mr. Lay refers to the influ-
ence of German political thought upon Japanese politics
during the last few years, and regards the growth of this
influence as the characteristic of thi^ period. There is no
question as to the existence of a marked change in the
political atmosphere, and few will deny that this change
came about suddenly. As late as the spring of 1897
there was, so far as the ordinary observer could discover,
no premonition of it. The cry for paity government after
the English model was as loud and apparently as earnest
as ever, but within less than eighteen months, it had lost
much of its strength and in the early months of 1898,
some of the strongest voices among the former apostles

XXX

of party government were to be heard on the other side,
calling for a halt, and a reconsideration of the whole
subject. How can we account for this change of
face ?

Some think it sufficiently accounted for by an alleged
fickleness on the part of the political leaders, but this ex-
planation does not explain, — indeed, one can hardly con-
sider the history of the past thirty years without admit-
ting that so far as the main underlying purpose embodi-
ed in that history is concerned, there is evidence both of
intelligence and of great steadiness. In view of that in-
telligence and steadiness, it seems more logical to assume
the existence of intelligible reasons. To my mind these
reasons are not for to seek.

The first in my judgment is to be found in the closer
relations which had come to exist between the "elder
statesmen " and the party leaders. As Mr. Lay has so
clearly shown us, these statesmen came to see that, how-
ever opposed they might be to the dominance of parties, it
was far easier to carry on the government with a strong
party behind them. Hence grew up the [more or less
temporary alliances between the successive governments
and the parties, these necessitated an exchange of confi-
dences which tended to soften the autocracy of the gov-
ernments on the one hand and the self-assertion of the
party leader on the other. The demands upon the gov-
ernments were for the time being, of necessity, less
urgent, and in the intervals between the alliances, party
discipline became more difficult.

One result of the increasing appreciation on the part of
the government of the need of cultivating friendly rela-
tions with the dominant party in the Diet, as Mr. Lay

XXXI

has told us, was the appointment of political secretaries
in the respective departments of state.

The object was to bring the party with which the Mini-
stry was in alliance into closer touch with the government.
They were regarded as outside the Civil Service and fell
with the ministry to which they were attached. The
effect would appear to have been most helpful. It was
seen in some degree, certainly, in a new sense of respon-
sibility and a new appreciation of the difficulties with
which the government had to contend, In some cases at
least there resulted a genuine sympathy with the ministry
which became the ground of the harshest criticism and
even the most calumnious charges ; but the explanation,
at once the simplest and most satisfactory, is seen in the
steadying effect of the sense of responsibility born of a
direct relation to the affairs of government.

Again, the war with China had brought new convic-
tion to all minds of the importance of making every
thing subserve the one supreme purpose of strengthening
the nation. The grave doubt whether a party govern-
ment could be a really strong government, in Japan at
least, arose in many minds and fostered the hope that
there might be found some middle ground, reasonably
satisfactory to both sides.

These were simply predisposing causes. They chilled
the ardor of many who had been strong party men ; but
there was I think another and more actively efficient
cause operating with especially marked effect in the years
1898 and 1899. It was a closer study of the current
political thought of Great Britain and the United States,
than had been given it before. There has been, of course,
in Japan for many years a goodly number of men who

XXXll

have studied in Germany and who have won deserved
distinction both as students and as administrative officers.
They have in many cases practically moulded the forms
of administration. It still remains true, however, so far
as the great bulk of the Japanese leaders of thought arc
concerned, that their knowledge of foreign affairs comes
to them through English or American channels. It is
also naturally true that criticism of Anglo-Saxon methods
impresses them far more strongly when coming from
Anglo-Saxon lips, or when a distrust of Anglo-Saxon
traditions shows itself in the legislative enactments of
Great Britain or the United States.

One of the most important distinguishing features of
Anglo-Saxon governments, of course, is the stress laid
upon legislatures, whether municipal, provincial, or national.
The executive has been, wherever possible, made depend-
ent on the legislature. But of late years there has been
manifest an increasing distrust of legislatures, and a
growing conviction that responsibility must be laid nK>re
squarely on the shoulders of the one who stands at the
head of the executive. In the case of municipal govern-
ments the effect of this changed attitude is readily seen.
Take, for example, the municipal charters granted in
Massachusetts during the last fifteen years and compare
them with those of forty or fifty years ago. Under the
latter, the mayor was hedged about with restrictions and
all his nominations were forced to run the gauntlet of a
more or lesa jealous board of aldermen. Under the more
advanced of the modern charters, his powers are largely
increased and in the appointment and dismissal of his
his subordinates his hand is largely free.

In the case of national governments, the effect of

XXXlll

popular* opinion is less promptly seen in the introduction
of new forms ; but it is clearly manifest in the tone of
the political column^ of the public press. No one who
IS familiar with current political thought, either in Great
Britain or the United States, can have failed to note the
severity of the criticism of the national legislatures con-
stantly appearing and the recurring question in varying
forms, How can we check the tyranny of legislatures ?

One of the most signal illustrations of this new attitude
was a letter by Prof Goldwin Smith in the London TimcSy
in the early winter of 1899, if I re-call it rightly, in whicli
he gave an affirmative answer to the question " Is party
government decaying?" This distrust of legislatures is
naturally associated with a distrust of party government.
It is a manifestation in a different form, possibly, of the
same thing.

This lessened confidence in party government in Great
Britain and this purpose to strengthen the executive, as
against the legislature, seen in the United States, have
both made themselves felt in Japan. Prof Goldwin Smith's
article was immediately reproduced in the Kokumin Shim-
buHy the paper which has in its own columns illustrated
more clearly than anyother this shifting of public opinion.
Its editor had recently returned from a tour of the West,
covering a year and a half, during which he had met a
large number of leading men. As a result, his confidence
in party government as a panacea for the. ills of Japan
was gone. His journal became, and remains to-day, a
conserving force in Japanese politics. He is one of the
leaders in a coterie of young but active minds which
under the influence of similar doubts has done more in
my judgmejit than appears on the surface to make the

XXXIV

:iransformation of the Liberal Party into the Seiyukwai
possible.

This prompt response of Japanese. public opinion to the
doubts which have so recently arisen among the thought-
ful students of political science in other lands is of the
greatest interest. It is but one of many illustrations of
the already close, but steadily growing, intellectual sym-
pathy between Japan and the West, — a sympathy which
suggests the brightest hopes, from many and diverse
points of view.

There arc other matters not less deserving of attention
suggested by this discussion, but I have already trespassed
too far upon your patience. It is with no small satisfac-
tion that wc have received this valuable paper to which
we are glad to accord a worthy place in our Transactions.

It only remains for me, in the name of the Society, to
thank Sir Claude for his kind hospitality this afternoon,
which has heightened so greatly the pleasure and the
success of our meeting.

The meeting now stands adjourned.

(LIBRARIAN'S REPORT 1902).

Appended to my report will be found a list showing
the numbers of Transactions on hand. During the current
year there have been added to our Tran.sactions.
vol. xxix. pt. 2.
vol. XXX. pt. I and pt. 2.
Vol. viii. pt. I has also been reprinted and added to
our stock.

In another appendix will be found a list of Exchanges,
and of books added to the Library. The department of

XXXV

our activity is a large and increasing one. It is gratify-
ing to receive so many applications from learned Societies
desiring to possess the results of our labours, and willing
to add to our Library by generous contributions from their
own Transactions; and it is probable that as Japan in-
creases in importance and more and more nations are
brought into intimate relations with her, so the desire
for learning something about her will increase and there
will be a still greater demand for exchanges and con-
ributions.

It is a most desirable thing, only every addition t *> our
Exchanges entails additional demand upon our shelf-room,
and our Library is already becoming cramped for want
of space. I venture therefore to call the attention of the
Society to the great need we have for a larger and more
commodious building — one of our own if possible. Such
a building should contain a room large enough for Library
and Reading Room, a Librarian's office, a Store-house for
our books, and a room large enough for our meetings
unless perhaps the Library and Reading Room could be
made available for this purpose. I do not claim to have
any definite scheme in my mind for this ; but if, as I
hope, we should at this meeting make a start in a right
direction by electing ladies to be members of our Society,
I hope that they will give us some practical ideas on this
subject, and that what they have done so successfully in
starting the Tokyo Lending Library may be done equal-
ly successfully in helping the Asiatic Society to a build-
ing worthy of it.

Last year I undertook to bring out a list of new publi-
cations in Japanese. The Collection cost me a good deal
of trouble, but I have since discovered a Japanese Society

xxxvn

doing the same work, and I hope that by availing myself
of their labours I shall be able to present a much better
and more trustworthy list for the last half of this year.

Two most important works remain to be done. Our
Library Catalogue wants revision, and a complete Index
to all our transactions would add very much to their use-
fulness. I have done a little (a very little) in the way
of an Index. I should be glad to hear from any members
of the Society who would be willing to aid in the work
by undertaking the task of preparing index-slips for in-
dividual volumes, or even individuals papers.

In conclusion, I wish to thank Miss Wallace for her
kind help in the Library during the last half year.

ARTHUR LLOYD.

Hon. Libiarian.
Tokyo ^ 17 Dec, igo2.

LIST OF TRANSACTIONS OF THE ASIATIC
SOCIETY OF JAPAN IN STOCK.

VOL.

(

TOPIES.

VOL.

X>PIES.

, ^ ■ ••• ••• ••• / J

XVI.

Part

I .

.. 124

— — .

.. 44

»»

2>*

.. 84

III.

Part I

.. 113

»»

3 ... ... .

.. 154

Appendix

.. 27 XVII.

Part

.. 146

Part 2 .

.. 156 1

»»

.. 31

IV.

— —

... 165 XVIII.

Part

.. 126

Part I

... 163

»i

.. 192

H 2

... 188 XIX.

Part

.. 209

VI.

Part I

... 158

»»

.. 182

'.. 199 t

»»

.. 205

r m

..211 XX.

Part

I .

.. 95

VII.

Part I

... 200

»»

2 • ,

.. 216

» 2

... 195

Sup.

I ..." ... .

... 229

... 225

»♦

... 230

... 198

*»

3 • • ... .

.. 274

VIII.

Part i

... 104

»» .

.. 23Q

■

... 17 XXI.

... 208

... 20 , XXII.

Part

I » ,

... 48

.... ii^

>»

... 182

IX.

Part I .

... 23

»»

3-. ... .

... 227

... 43 XXIII.

^.^.^ ... ... .|

- 257

... 38

Sop.

■

.« 264

Part I

... 40 , XXIV.

— ■

— ... " ...

... 128

... 50

Sup.

.. 236

Sup.

... 85

XXV.

—

.. 253

XI.

Part I

... 61

XXVI.

— —

—

.. 246

... 42

XXVII.

Part

.. 200

XII.

Part I

... 247

.. 118

... 80

>»

.. 613

.. 73

»i

.. 295

... .<6

•- ,

Sup.

.. 298

XIII.

Part I .

.. 44

XXVIII.

—

.. 268

... 83

XXIX.

Part

.. 171

XIV.

Part I

... 63

.. z^:^

... S2

XXX.

Part

.. 341

XV.

Part I .

.. 72

.. 77

•

.. 282

XXXVlll

LIST OF PAMPHLETS AND ODD

PERIODICALS.

7.
8.

Catalogue des Livres Chinois, Coreens, Japonais, etc.

par Maurice Courant.
Formosa under the Japanese — The Saichu Prefecture,

by Rev. W. Campbell. — F.R.G.S.
Journal of Geology — Vol. X., No. 5, July-August 1902,

from the University of Chicago.
Les Peuples de I'lndo-Chine, et des Pays Voisins

** San-Tsai-Sore-Hoei "

par Leon de Rosny (1874.)

Festchrift-Orientalisten-Kongress.
Ressources Vegetales des Colonies Frangaises.
Calendar of the Kyoto Imperial University.
Twenty-eighth Annual Report of the Minister of State

for Education. (Tokyo 1900-1901.)

XXXIX

LIST OF EXCHANGES.

1. Bulletin de la Societe d' Anthropologic de Paris.

2. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society of

Australia " Science of Man."

3. Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great

Britain and Ireland.

4. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

5. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

6. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society — Straits Branch.

7. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society — Ceylon Branch.

8. Journal Asiatique.

9. Bibliotheque d'Etudes.

10. The Chinese Recorder.

1 1 . Journal of the American Geographical Society. — N, Y.

12. Records of the Geological Survey of India.

13. Memories of the Geological Survey of India.

14. Catalogue of Plants of the Geological Survey of

Canada.

15. ** Geographical Journal ** — Proceedings of Royal Geo-

graphical Society.

16. Report and Transactions of the Imperial Russian

Geographical Society.

17. Boletim da Sociedadc de Geographic dc Lisboa.

18. Japan Weekly Mail.

19. Anales del Museo Nacional de Montevideo.

20. Mittheilungen des Vercins fur Erdkunde zu Leipzig.

21. Notulen van de Algemene en Bestuurs — vergarder-

ingen van het. Bataviaasch Genootschap van
kunsten en Wetenschappen.

o'y

Zeittschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Ge-
sellschaft.

23. Oestcrreichische Monastschrift fiir den Orient.

24. Journal of the American Oriental Society.

25. Revue de L' Historic des Religions.

26. Proceedings of the Royal Society, (London),

27. Boletim Mensal do Observatorio do Rio de Janeiro.

28. Proceedings of the State Historical Society of

Wisconsin.

29. Bulletin of Free Museum of Science and Art.

30. Proceedings of the Washington Academy of Science.

3 1 . Dagh-Registcr.

32. Tijidschrift vpor Indishe Taal, Land en Volkenkunde.

33. Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasche Genootschap

van Kunst and Wetenschappen.

34. Annotationes Zoologicae Japonenses.

35. Annual Report of the Curator of the Museum of

Comparative Zoology at Harvard College.

36. l^ulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology of

Harvard College.

37. Transactions of the Ungro-Finnish Society, Helsing-

fors.

38. Transactions of the Oriental College, Hanoi.

39. Societas Scientiarum Fumica. Helsingfors.

40. Seminar fiir Oricntalische Sprachen. Berlin.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Honorary Members.

Arnold, K. c. s. i., Sir Edwin, Daily Telegraph Office,

London. England.
Aston, c. M. G., W. G., The Bluff, Beer, E. Devon, England.
Day, Prof. Geo., Yale College, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A.
Edkins, D. D., Rev. Joseph, Shanghai, China.
Hepburn, m. d., l. l. d , J. C, 71 Glenwood Avenue, East

Orange, New Jersey, U. S. A.
Powell, Major J. W., Smithsonian Institute, Washington,

D. C, U. S. A.
Rein, Prof. J. J., Bonn-am-Rhein, Germany.
Satow, G. c. M. G., Sir Ernest M., British Legation, Peking.

Life Members.

Alexander, Rev. R. P., Hirosaki.

Amerman, d. d.. Rev. James L., 25 East 22nd St., New

York, U. S. A.
Andrews, Rev. W., Hakodate.

Atkinson, r. s. c, R. W.^ 44 London Sq., Cardiff, Wales.
BigeloWj Dr. W. S., Boston, Mass., U. S. A.
Bisset, F. L. s., J., 9 Greenhill Park, Edinburgh.
Blanchet, Rev. C. T., Philmont, N. Y., U. S. A.
Booth, Rev. E. S., 178 Bluffy Yokohama.

11 List of Members.

Brinkley, r. a., Capt. F.. 3 Hiro-o cho, Azabu, Tolcio.
Brown, Capt. A. R., Dhuhill House, Helensburgh, Argyll,

Scotland.
Gary, Rev. Otis, Karasumaru, Kioto.
Carsen, T. G., Bannfield, Coleraine, Ireland.
Center, Alex., Pacific Mail Office, San Francisco.
Chamberlain, B. H., Miyanoshita,^ Hakone.
Cheon, A., Hanoi, Tonkin.

Clarke-Thornhill, T. B., Rushton Hall, Kettering, North-
amptonshire, England.
Clement, E. W.. 29 Sanai saka, Ichigaya, Ushigome, T6ki5.
Cocking, S., Yokohama.

Conder, J., 13 Nishi Konya cho, Kiobashi, Tokio.
Cooper, L. L. D., C. J., Mundford, Norfolk, England.
Dautremer, J., Hankow, China.
Dcas, F. W., 12 Magdala Place, Edinburgh.
De Bunsen, M., Abbey Lodge, Regent's Park, London.
Dick ins, F. V., University of London, Burlington Gardens.

London, W.
Dillon, E, 13 Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensington,

London, S. W.
Divers, m. d., f. r. s., Edward, c/o Pere Evrard, 35

Tsukiji, T5kio. (absent)
Dixon, F. R. s. E.. J. M., 5886, Von Verein Ave , St. Louis,

Mo., U. S. A.
Dixon, M. A., Rev. William Gray, Warrnabool, Victoria,

Australia.
Duer, Y., Shiba Koenchi, Tokio.

Du Bois, M. D., Francis, 27 Rue de la Lepiniere, Paris.
Eaves, Rev. Geo., Poste Restante, Denver, Colorado.
Eby, D. D., Rev. C. S., Vancouver, B. C.
Fearing, D., Newport, Rhode Island, U. S. A.

• •»

Ust of Members. ni

Flemmich, O. C, Alton House, Roehanipton, England.

Foxwell, E , St. John's College, Cambridge.

Gardiner, J. McD., 15 Goban cho, Kojimachi, Tokio.

Giussani, C , 6 Via Vivajo, ^Jiian, Italy.

Glover, T. B., Shiba Koenchi, Tokio.

Goodrich, J. King, Koto Gakk5, Kioto.

Gookin, F*. W., 20 Walton Place, Chicago, III., U. S. A.

Gowland, W., 13 Russell Road, London.

Greene, d. d., Rev. D. C, 22 Naka-no-cho, Ichigaya, Toki5.

Gribble, Henry, Shanghai, China.

Griffis, D. D., Rev. W. E., Ithaca, N. Y., U. S. A.

Griffiths, E. A., British Consulate, Tainan, Formosa,

Groom, A. H , Kobe.

Gubbins, c. M. G., J. H., British Legation, Tokid.

Hall, Frank, Elmira, Chemung Co., N. Y., U. S. A.

Hall, M. A., John Carey, H. B. M. Consul, 118-B, Bluff,
Yokohama.

Hattori, I., Morioka.

Hcllyer, T. W., Kobe. .

Holme, F. L. s., C, The Red House, Bexley Heath, Kent,
England.

Hope, R. C, Grangefield, Scarborough, England.

Hopkins, G. B., 120 Broadway, New York.

Hunt, H. J., Hunt & Co., Yokohama.

James, F. S., 1 19 Bluff, Yokohama.

Kenney, W. J., H. B.M. Consulate Tainan, Formo.sa. (absent)

Kinch, F^dward, Agricultural College, Cirencester, England.

Kirby, R. J., 8 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Kirk wood, M., Junior Carlton Club, Pall Mall, London,
England.

Knott. D. s. c, F. R. s. E., Cargill G., Royal Society, Edin-
burgh.

Lay, Arthur Hyde, H. B. M. Consulate, Chemulpo, Korea.

W List of AkmbfTS,

Liberty, I^izenby, J. P., The Manor House, The Lee, Gr.
Missenden, Bucks, England.

Longford, J. H., H. B. M. Consul, Nagasaki.

Low, C. W., Stowtnarket, Suflfplk, England.

Lowell, Percival, 53 State St., Boston Mass., U. S. A.

Lyman, Benjamin Smith> 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa.,
U. S. A.

Lyall, Sir J., c/o Messrs H. S. King, Cornhill, London.

Macdoqald, m. d., D-, 5 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Maclagan, Robert, Cadogan Place, Belgrave Square, Lon^
don.

Marshall, D. D., Rev. T., 48 McCprmick Block, Chicago
111., U. S. A.

Marshall, m. a., f. r. s. e., Prof. D. H., Queen's University,
Kingston, Canada.

Masqjima, R. 3 Ichome, Uchis?iivv:ii cho, Tokio.

Miller, Rev. E., Rothesay, Toriizaka, Azabu, Tokio.

Milne, f. g. s., f. r. s., John, 14 Shide Hill House, New-
port, Isle of Wight, England.

Morgan, Geo. D., c/o Messrs Comes & Co., Yokohama.

I^vlorsc, C. J., 1825 Asbury Ave., Evanston, III., U. S. A.

Morse, W. H., c/o Messrs Smith, Baker & Co., 176, Yoko-
hama.

Napier, H. W., Milton House, Bowling, Scotland.

Olcott, Colonel Henry S., Adgar, Madras, India.

Parker, E. H., 18 Gambier Terrace, Liver[;ool.

IVttee, Rev. J. H., Okayama.

Piijjgott, F*. T., Attorney General, Port Louis, Mauritius.

]^)le. Rev. G. H., 26 Morland Rd., Croydon.

Putnam, Harrington, 45 William Street, New York.

Robertson, m. d., Argyll, Mon. Plaisir, St. Aubins, Jersey,
Channel Islands, England.

List 0f Memifrs, v

Satow, F. A., Cairo.

Severance, Riv. C. M., 2n(i Church, Hope St, N. Ave.,

Baltimore.
Shand, W. J. S., c/o A. A. Shand, Paris Bank, Lonibard

St., London, E. C.
Shortall, J. G., io8 Dearborn St., Chicago, U. S. A.
Soper, D. D., Rev. Julius, Aoyama Gakuin, Tokio.
Spencer, ph d , Prof. J. O., Morgan College, Baltin^ore,

Ind., U. S. A.
Sjjencer, Rev. D. S., Aoyama, Tokio.
Stephenson, m. d., u. s. n., a. a. s., etc., F. B., U- S. Navy

Yard, Boston, U. S. A.
Stokes, J., 49 Cedar St., New York.
Stone, W. H , 3 A')i cho, Akasaka, Tokio.
Todd, Rev. C. J., Wentworth House, The Green, Richmond,

Surrey.
Toiiikinson, M. Franche Hall, near Kidderminster, En-
gland.
Trevithick, F. H., Penzance, Cornwall. England.
Troup, J., Shedfield Grange, Botley, Hants, England.
Trower, H. Seymour, 9 Bryanston Square. London, VV.
Tsuda, Sen, 217 Hommura-machi, Azabu, T5kio.
Tuke, S , New Univ. Club, St. James St., London S. W.
Vail, Rev. Milton C, Nagasaki.
Von Wenckstern, D. A., Friedrichstrasse, 49-A, Berlin,

Germany.
Wesselhceft, Dr. Wm. P., 176, Cominonwealth Avenue,

Boston, Mass., U. S. A.
Whitney, m. d., Willis Norton, 17 Hikawa cho, Akasaka,

Tokio. (absent)
Wickersham, Jas., Tacoma, Wash., U. S. A.

Wigmore, Prof. J. H., Evanston, 111., U. S. A.

vi List of Members,

Wilkinson, Sir. H. S., H. B. M.'s Supreme Court, Shanghai.

Williams, F. Wells, 135 Whitney Ave., New Haven,
Conn., U. S. A. .

Williams, Lieut., Rupert, '* The Goodwins," Gosham, Hants,
England.

Wilson, J. A., Hakodate.

Winstanley, A., Thatched House Club, St. James St., Lon-
don, S. W.

Wollant, G. de. Charge d'affaires de Russie, Mexico City,
Mexico.

Wood, Arnold, c/o Wood & Co., Publishers, N. Y. City.

Ordinary Members.

Andrews, Rev. R. W., Mito.

Arnold, Miss, 28 Hirakawa cho, Gochome, Toki5.

Awdry, d d., Rt. Rev. Bishop William, St. Andrew's

Close, Sakae cho, Shiba, Tokio.
Baelz, M. D.„ E. 41 Azabu, Imai cho, Toki5.
Ballard, Miss, 3 Yarai-machi, Ushigome, Tokid.
Batchelor, Rev. J., Sapporo.

Bates, Rev. C. J. L., 2 Yayoi cho, Hongo, Tokio.
Boothby, Sir Brooke, Bart., British Legation Tokio.

(absent)
Borden, Rev. A. C, Azabu, Tokio.
Brindley, H. S. B., 35 Mita Itchome, Shiba, Tokio.
Cartwright, Rev S. H., Hirosaki.
Clarke, E. B., 15 Dai-machi, Akasaka, Tokio.
Coates, Rev. H. H., 16 Tatsuoka cho, Hongo, Toki5.
Cooke, Rev. A. W., Wakamatsu.
Courant, Maurice, 3 Chemin du Chancelier Ecully, Lyon*-

List of Members. vii

D'Anetban, H. E. Baron, Belgian legation, Nagata cho,
Tokio.

Davidson. Jas. W., U. S. Consul, Tamsui, Formosa.

Da vies, Rev. G. H., Kobe.

Dearing, d. d.. Rev. J. L., 75 BIufT, Yokohama.

Dening, W., Sendai.

Deshler, D W., VVunsan Mines of Korea, Chemulpo, Korea.

Dooman, Rev. I., Kobe.

Droppers, Prof. Garrett, Vermillion, So. Dak., U, S. A.

Dumelin, A., 90-A, Yokohama.

1*2 vans, Rev. C. H., Macbashi.

Kvington, Rt. Rev. B shop, Naga.«iaki.

Fdvrc-Brandt, J., 145 Bluff, Yokohama.

Ferguson, J. M., U. S. Legation, Tokio.

I'ishcr, Galen M., 6 Ura Sarugaku cho, Kanda, Tokio.

i^ltircnz, Dr. Karl, 102 Hara-machi, Koishikawa, Tokio.

I'^ord, Worthington C, Library of Congress, Washington,
D. C , U. S. A.

Francis, D. D., Rt. Rev. J. M., 1501 Central Avenue, In-
dianapolis, Iiul., U. S. A.

I'^ascr, C. I., c/o Howell & Co., Hakodate.

rVaser, Rev. Thurlow, Tamsui, Formosa.

Gjmmill, Rev. W. C, St. Andrews House, Shiba, Tokio.

Greig, Arnold A , East View, Ockbrook. near Derby.

(iriffin, C. S, 43 Suidobata-machi, Nichome, Kobinata,
Koishikawa, Tokio.

Griscom, H. E. Lloyd C, U. S. Legation, Tokio.

Guy, Rev. H. H., 257 Nakasata, Take-no-gawa-mura,
Tokio-Fu.

I laas, Hans, Herr Pfarrer, Kamitomizaka cho, Koishikawa,
Tokio.

Ha worth, Rev. B. C, 6 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Vili List cf Members.

Harrison, W. A. C, 19 10 Sansom St. Philadelphia) Pa,,

U. S. A.
Hageri, Fred E., 72 Myogadani-machi, Koishikawa, Tokio.
Helm, V. W., Y. M. C. A., Mitoshiro cho, Kanda, Tokio.
Herod, J. R., New York City.
Hind, Rev. J., Kokura, Fukuoka-Ken.
Hockin, Dr. M. D., Dunedin, N. Z.
Hohier, T. B., British Legation, Tokid.
Howard, Rev. A. T., 1 7 Hikawa cho, Akasaka, Tdkio.
Hyndman, J. Hongkong & Shanghai Bank, Yokohama.
Irwin, E. W., 7 Tsuna-machi, Mita, Shiba, Tokid.
Isawa, S., 50 Dairokuten cho, Koishikawa, Tokio.
layasurindr, Phra., Secretary of Siamese Ijegation, Azabu,

Tokio.
Junghennj Caesar, Burma, India.
Kate, Dr. Ten, 59 Itchome, Ikuta cho, Kobe.
Kano, J., Higher Normal School, Tokio.
King, Rev. A. P., 1 1 Sakae cho, Shiba, Toki5.
Knox, D. b.. Rev. G* W., Union Theological S€minar>%

New York City, U. S. A.
Koeber, Prof. Dr. Raphael von, Surugadai, Tdkio.
KoudachelT, Prince, Russian Legation, Tokio. (absent)
Latham, Rev. H. L., Tsu, Miye-Ken.
I^ayard, R. de B., H. B. M. Consul, Formosa.
Leavitt, Rev. E , 32 Tsukiji, Tokio.

I^hmann, Rudolph, 30 Doshin-machi, Koishikawa, Tokio.
Lloyd, Rev. A., 13 Rokuchdme, ligura, Azabu, Tokio.
I^nholm, Dr. L. S., 8 Kaga Yashiki, Tokio.
MacDonald. H. E. Col. Sir Claude, G. C. M. G., K, C. B.,

British Legation, Tokio.
MacCauley, Clay, 25 Beacon St., Boston.
MacNair, Rev. T. M.^ 2 Nishi-machi, Nihon-eneki, Tokio.

list of Mimiers. i^

Madcley, Rev. JV. F., Akita.

McKim, D. D., Rt. Rev. Bishop John, 38 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Mason, W. B., 104-c, B'uff* Yokohama.

Meriwether, C., Box 65 Washington, D. C., U. 3- A.

Miyabe, Dr. K., Agricultural College, Sapporo.

Miller, R. S., United States Legation, Tokio.

Morrison, James S., 200 Randolph St., Chicago, Illinois.

Morse, F. S., Kobe.

Munro, m. d., U. Gordon, 91 Bluff, Yokohama.

Moseley, Rev. C. B., 5 Kita-no-cho, 4-chome, Kobe.

Moore. Geo. Whitney, 30 West Canfield Ave., petroit,

Mich., U. S. A.
Murdoch, J.. 43 Tatsuo cho, Kagoshima.
Nachod, Oscar, Klein Zschachwitz bei Dresden, Germany.
Newman, Henry R., I Piazza de Rossi, Florence, Italy.
Parlett. H. G., H. B M. Legation, Tokio.
Parrott, F., 66, Yokohama.
Parshley, Rev. W. B ,66 B|uff, Yokohama.
Partridj^e, Rt. Rev. Bishop S. C, Kioto.
Patton, Rev. J. L., Karasumaru-dori, Kioto.
Patrick, Rev. V. IL, 52 Tsukiji, Tokio.
Pcrin, Rev. G. L., Boston, Mass., U. S. A.
Pieters, Rev. A., Kagoshima.
Pli^ott, H. C., 64 Bluff, Yokohama.
Polianovsky, M., Russian Legation, Tokio. (absent)
Ponsonby, R. A. B., Government House, Hongkong.
Poole, Otis A, 178 Yokohama.
Pruett, Rev. R. L., 3 Kawaguchi-machi, Osaka.
Kajkitch, H. E. Phya Narisra, Siamese Legation, Azabu,

Tokid.
Rentiers, T. B. (absent)
Kevon, Michel, 5 bis. Place de Pantheon, Paris.

X List of Members,

Riess, Dr. Ludwig, Derfflinger Str., 25 Berlin, W.

Rigby, Rev. A. E., 6-b, Higashi Yamate, Nagasaki.

Robinson, Rev. J. Cooper, Nagoya. (absent)

Robinson, Prof. Jas. H., Columbia University, New York
City, U. S A.

Ryerson, Rev. Egcrton, Naoetsu.

Ryde, Rev. F. L., 89 St. Helen's Gardens, North Ken-
sington, London, W.

Scherescliewsky, Miss, 51 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Schwartz, Rev. H. B., Kagoshima.

Scherer, Rev. J. A. B. (absent)

Scriba, m. d , J., 19 Hirakawa cho, Sanchdme, Tokio.

Scott, Rev. John, Toki5.

Sperry, L. E., 2 ligura, Kata-machi, Azabu, Toki5. (ab-
sent)

Spooner, Prof. D. B., Sanskrit College, Benares, India.

Sweet, Rev. C. F., 25 Tsukiji, T5ki6.

Swift, J. T. , 5 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Takaki, Dr. K., 10 Nishikonya cho, Kiobashi, T6ki5.

Terry, H. T, 13 Reinanzaka, Akasaka, Tdkio.

Thomson, Rev. R. A., 39 Nichome, Kitano-machi, K6i)e.

Thornton, Miss, St. Hilda's House, Nagasaka cho, Azabu,
Tokio.

Tison, A. M., L. L. B., A., 66 Broadway, New York, U. S. A.

Topping, Rev. Henry, 30-A Tsukiji, Tokio.

Trollope, Rev. W. N., English Church Mission, Seoul,
Korea.

Tucker, Rev. H. St. G., St. Paul's College, Tsukiji, Tokio.

Van de Polder L., Netherlands Legation, Tokio.

Very, Miss, 16 Goban cho, Kojimachi, Tokid.

Vickers, Enoch Howard, 2 Nicho.Tie, Mita, Tokio.

Walne, Rev. E. N,, Nagasaki.

List cf Members, xi

Wallace, Rev. Geo., 7 Tsukiji, T6ki5,

Walsh, T., Villa Monte Fonte, 12 Poggio Imperiale, Flo-
rence, Italy.

Warren, Rev. C. F., 4 Kawaguchi cho, Osaka.

Weipert, Dr. H., German Consul, Corea.

Weldon, Ell wood, A., 4073 Powelton Avenue, Phila., Pa.,
U. S. A.

Weston, Rev. Walter, Yokohama.

Wileman, A. E., H. B. M. Vice Consul, Hakodate.

Wood, Prof. V. E., 33 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Woodd, Rev. C. H. B., Osaka.

Woodward, A. M. Tracy, c/o Shoyekikan Head Office,
Osaka.

Wyckoff, M. N., Meiji Gakuin, Shirokane, Tokio.

Young, Robt, Kobe Chronicle, Kobe.

MINUTES OF MEETINGS.

By kind invitation of kcv. A. F. Kin<;, a (icneral Meet-
ing of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held at St.
Andrew's House, 1 1 , Sakae-cho, Shiba, at four o'clcKk
on November 4th.

The Chirman announced that tlie Minutes of the last
Meeting liad already been printed and might be allowed
to stand so in the records, without reading.

The Secietary read and explained an amendment pro-
posed by Council to Article XV of the Constitution.
That Article, as a-^^ended March 2orii, 1901, is^ "All
Members of the ScKiety shaH be elected by the Council.
I'hey shaU ns a rule be pro|x>sed at one Meeting of the
Council and ballotted for at the next, one black ball in five
to exclude ; but the Conncii may, it Hicy deem it othHsable^
propose and elect a member at one and the same Meeting.
Their election shall be amuju«ccd at the (ieneral Meet-
ing foMowing." It is ^)i'opt>sed to an>end it so as to read :
" All Members of the Society shall be elected by tlie
Council. They shall be proposed at one M«et'mg of the
Cotmcil and baflotted for at the next, one black ball in
five to exclude ; but the Council may, if they deem it
advisable, propose and elect a member at one and the
same Meeting : Prmnded, that the name of the Candidate
has been notified to the members of the Council at least
tivo weeks beforehaml. Their election shall be announced
at the General Meeting following." The Chairman an-
nounced that, in accordance with the provisions of the

2 Minutes of Meetings,

Constitution, action on this proposal must be deferred
until the next General Meeting.

Dr. Baelz then read an interestii^ and instructive re-
port on his visit to Tonkin as Delegate of the Societ)'
to the Congress of Orientalists held in connection with
the Hanoi Exposition. The report was as follows:

A REPORT ON A YISIT TO TONKIN.

By Dr. E. Baelz.

At the end of last year I had the honour to represent
tills learned Society at the Congress of Orientalists, which
was held in Hanoi, the capital of French Indo-China, from
the 4th to the 8th of December 1902, in connection with
the l^ast-Asia Exhibition.

The goverimient of Indo-China, had sent most liberal
invitations with every imaginable facility for going there
and for the sojourn at Hanoi, and I fullfil a pleasant duty
in giving expression to my gratitude for all the politeness
and kindness I met with in private as well as in official
circles at Hanoi.

From Tokyd alone not less than three other societies
had decided to send delegates to the Congress : the Ger-
man Asiatic Society, represented by Dr. Florenz, the Tokyo
Univeisity, by Prof Takakusu, and the Tokyo Toyo-
gakukai, whose representatives were Mr. Nanjo and Mr.
Fukushima.

Withal it was not easy to find out the best and
quickest way to Tonkin. . Even at the Yokohama agency

Baelz : A Report on a visit to Tonkin 3

of the Messageries Maritimes, which h'ne was to run special
steamers between Hongkong and Haophong (the port of
Hanoi), they could not tell us the time of the departures
from Hongkong, or rather they gave us the wrong time,
as we found out when we arrived at the latter port, the
special steamer for Haiphong having left two days before.
We now had the choice between the coasting steamers
of the subsidized French line and a private German line.
A subsidized steamer leaving the next day, we engaged
berths, but found her a rather poor affair. Yet we had
the advantage of touching at three ports of Southern China,
and to get at least a glance at the land and the people
there. The first port reached after twenty two hours sail-
ing along the coast was Kwanchouwan, in French spelling
Quangtcheou. This is the bay which France took in
1899, as a compensation, it is said, for the German oc-
cupation of Kiauchou. Nominally it was leased from China,
but one knows what leasing means in the eyes of western
powers, and France, like Russia at Port Arthur, En-
gland at Wei-hai-wei, and Germany at Kiauchou, made
herself at home in Kwanchouwan, and the very sanguine
and energetic Governor of Indo-China, M. Doumer, gave
to his countrymen at home such a glowing account of
the commercial and military possibilities of the place, that
large sums were voted for constructions and for railways.
Kwanchouwan is situated near the tropic of Cancer in
latitude 21° N., and longitude iio*^ E. It is a large bay
of a gourd-like shape, running North and South. The
depth is from 18 to 20 metres, but the entrance for large
steamers is after all only a very narrow channel, near a dan-
gerous bar, which will have to be removed at a cost of
7,500,000 fr. At the end of the bay, where it is about

4 Biuh : A Report on a visit ta Tonkin.

a mile and a half wide, are the settlements, the one on
the eastern shore being called the mililary town, while the
other, on the western shore, is the civil town, which not-
withstanding its peaceful profession, boasts of the proud
and warlike name of Fort Bayard. Both are in every
respect separate and independent.

The country is flat all around, only to the west of the
bay is an isolated hill, which serves as a land mark for
ships. At some distance back of the military settlement,
half a dozen miles away, rises a flat mountain range
which is said to contain a crater lake, to be utilized later
on for drinking-water but, as it is at least 8 miles distant
the undertaking will prove a rather expensive enterprise.

The soil is everywhere sandy and good water is,
even with artesian wells, not easily obtainable, a fact par-
ticularly bad for the civil town as it is so far not indudi-
ed in the waterworks scheme. For the present, it is
true, there is no need of much water there, as the
whole white population consists of 17 people, of whom
only one is not an official. But the place is beautifully
laid out, there is a first, second and third avenue, inter*
sected at right angles by other streets, 15 yards wide,
and lined with four rows of young trees, which however
do not take kindly to the soil. Altogether, the vegeta-
tion is rather poor, the only tree growing to any size
and in any abundance being what is c.illed the Chinese
lilac. Apparently the civil settlement as such has no future
within a measurable time and in consideration of this
there is a question of making it a base for the navy,
with jetties, docks, arsenals etc , which would cost no'
less than 25,000,000 francs. The few civilians would
then settle across the water in the military town, which

Baeh: A Report ofi a visit to Tonkin, 5

lias quite an imposing appearance. The landing there is
not yet easy, the sampans not being able to reach the land,
owing to the shallowness of the water, and each passen-
ger is carried ashore on the crossed hands of two coolies.

Here too every thing is sandy and flat, yet there is
quite a number of new large, whitish, or yellow clean-
looking buildings, solidly constructed of brick. The
architect is a captain in the artillery, who has put to
splendid use the results of his studies at the Ecole Poly-
technique, His Avorkmeii were the native Chinese and
the Annamite soldiers, of whom there are 350, under the
direction of French officers and sergeants. The Euro-
peans, 6co altogether, look quite healthy, and it ap-
pears that every thing is done to made the place
satisfactory from a hygienic point of view. The barracks
are two storied, airy, with a liberal allowance of spa.ce
for the soldiers. There is a well-built hospital besides
the usual official dwellings for the governor and the
officers. But what strikes one most, is the new Cathe-
dral the size of which is quite out of proportion to the
present population. Near the church is a small beehive-
like brick hovel with some heles in it, which is said to
have been the refuge of Christians in times of persecu-
tion. The vegetation is a little richer than in the civil
town, but one big banyan tree is a sufficiently striking
object, to serve as a landmark. There was a Chinese
fort, wliere the military town stands, but it was found in
such a horrible state of filth, when taken over by the
French, that it was thought advisable to destroy it and
to strew the place repeatedly with quick-line for purposes
of disinfection.

Although we were now in the la.st days of November,

6 Baeh : A Report tm a visit to Tonkin,

It was very hot and oppressive, and the summer must
be a hard time for Europeans.

Altogether one may doubt, whether Kwanchouwan was
worth taking. Tlie concession occupies 840 square kilo-
metres with 200,000 inhabitants, who live in some towns
and in numerous villages at some distance. The sanguine
Governor General Doumer's plans as to the future of
Kwanchouwan will probably never be realised. He saw
in it the basis for a great naval station and at the same
time a port which might tap the trade of the Chinese
provinces Kwangshi and Kwantung and divert it from
Canton and Hongkong. This was to be done by a rail-
way to Wenchoufu on the West River. So this, till
lately, lonely, pirate-haunted, bay seemed to be destined
to form an important link in the Great Indo Chinese
empire, whiclf M. Dounier wanted to build up. But
the railway would be costly, and transport by water be-
in^ so much cheaper, it is not probable that the above
named ports would lose the trade of the West River.

M. Doumer having returned to France, his country-
men become rather sceptical as to the future of Kwan-
chouwan, and it is not improbable that all the great
plans for fortifications, for harbour work, and arsenals will
be abandoned in favour of the bay of Along, which
is near to Haiphong, is enclosed by French territory,
instead of being an enclave, and would therefore be a
far more suitable base for the defence of the colony.

From Kwanchouwan it took us 9 hours to arrive be-
fore Hoihao on the island of Hainan. The sea here is
so shalK)w, that at low water we could not get nearer than
within about four miles of the shore. Hoihao lies opposite
the main land from which it is only 10 miles distant.

Baelz : A Report on a visit to Tonkin, J

It is the main port of the big island, and it has, with
the neighbouring town of Kuingchou, 30,000 inhabitants,
amongst them 60 Europeans.

Hoihao is the seat of a Chinese Customs office* and
it has, notwithstanding its difficult access, a lively trade
mainly with Hongkong. It is said that Hainan has two
million inhabitants, the greater part of whom are so-

called " savages," yet from what I was told by one of
the Customs officials, they seem to be not as bad as

their reputation. Their language makes it probable that
they belong, like the Siamese and a part of the Anna-
mites, to the nai branch of the southern half of the
yellow race. Anyhow Chinese influence has been strong
enough to insure the adoption of the pig tail.

The women of the so-called tame inhabitants on the
south coast near Yulinkwan wear garments of rather
pretty patterns, of which only a few samples have reached
Eurofxj so far. There, as in the whole chain of islands

extending from Saghalin to Borneo, Japan alone except-
ed, the ivomen^ and they alone, tattoo their faces, in
Yulinkan, in the form of two thin straight lines on each
cheek and something like an arrow, with the point upr
wards, on the chin. Amongst the savages some of the
men are said to be tattooed too.

The French, who consider Hainan as belonging to
their sphere of interests, have followed in Hoihao the
same plan as in other parts of South China, and th<^y
have besides^ their consulate, a subsidized school unde^
the direction of Catholic Missionaries^ and a Government

hospital with a naval surgeon at its head. This practical
method has succeeded well, not in Hoihao only, but in

8 Baelz: A Report an a visit to Tonkin.

all the larger towns of Kwantung, Kwangshi, Keichou,
and Yunnan.

It is said that France regrets not having leased Hai-
nan at the same time as Kwanchonwan, as nobody would
have opposed the occupation then; and there can be no
doubt that the island, which is as large as Ceylon, might
in the course of time prove a very valuable aoquisitiofi.
Yet even then the trade would probably, as now, be in
the hands of Knglishmeu and Germans, as French mer-
chants do not emigrate.

From Hoiiiao we went in i6 hours to the southern-
most open port of China, PakhoL The passage is often
pretty rough owing to the strong current at the southeni
entrance to Hainan Strait. The town is said to have
about thirty thousand inhabitants, and with its two-storied
white or grey brick houses, covered with white-lined tiles,
it makes at a distance, a far more substantial and western
impression than a Japanese town.

The place has furtlicr a curious aspect owing to some
higli square solid walled buildings towering like castles
above the other houses. These arc pawn houses, which
seem to play an important part in the life of the towns-
people. The favourable impression disappears, however,
as soon as one enters the streets, which are narrow, filthy,
and full of horrible smells.

The aspect of the numerous junks in the harbour re-
minds us that we are now within the area of the notori-
ous Chinese pirates, which extends from Canton right down
to Tonkin. ICach trading junk carries from t^vo to four
guns and a corresponding number of rifles, just as did Euro-
pean merchant vessels during the seventeenth or eighteenth
centuries. There is a garrison, too, of 250 tall and soldierly

Baelz ; A Report on a visit to Tonkin. 9

looking men under an officer who was trained bj' von
Hannecken. Tliey have Krupp guns, which are kept in
splendid order.

The women wear very curious hats. From a round flat
disc of straw, with a hole in the middle for the top-knot,
hangs all round a piece of dark blue cloth covering the
whole head almost down to the neck. As this makes
the women quite helpless in the streets, the cloth i.s gen-
erally lifted more or les.s in front, although that is quite
against the etiquette. It is said that this strange head-
gear was forced upon the women of Pakhoi by a gover-
nor, who found tliat they tried to attract the attention of
men iti an unbecoming way, and to this very day the
liats are called in Pidgin Knglish, Hide-shame hats. The
swine at Pakhoi arc of a remarkahle breed : small black
animals with a ri^gular saddle and the belly reaching right
down lo the ground. Hogs are nowhere pretty, but these
animals beat all their tribe in ugliness. They are to be
seen everywhere, even in the streets of the town.

leaving Pakhoi at three in the afternoon of November
24th, we came in sight of the coast of Tonkin near Hai-
phong at daylight. The a|jproach to this most imix>rtant
]»ort on the whole .eastern coast of Indo-China is not
very in.spiriting. It is true, on the right hand that is to
say, towards the north, there is a wild naked range of
abrupt mountains, about 500 metres high, enclosing the
famous Bay of Along ; but before us everything is flat.
We are in the great velt of the Red Rivei', famous for
the wonderful fertility of ils plain, which was definitively
conquered by the French after many vicissitudes. A canal
has been cut through a big grass-grown twr of alluvial
sand admitting, at high water, steamers up to about two

lO BaeLz : A Report on a visit to Tonkin,

thousand tons. A group of houses towards the north-
west marks the bathing resort of Doson where, fatite de
mieiix the inhabitants of Hanoi and Haiphong take refuge
during the greatest heat of the summer. The large white
building on a flat green plateau is a Sanatorium of which
tiierc is much need in this unhealthy climate ; for where
now the modern town of Haiphong stands, there was no-
thing but swamps little more than lO years ago. Now
we steam into a harbour with but little shipping ; and
land at a regular stonewalled jetty, pass our luggage
through the customs, and taking jinrikishas (here called
poiisse-poHsse) are soon wheeled along wide well-laid
roads into the main street of Haiphong. Everything is
solid and most modern. The clean street with its rows
of trees, the new white houses, the cafes, the telegraph
and telephone wires, all would make us feel in an Euro-
[)ean town, were it not for the tropical heat and for the
stranj^e race of yellow people populating the place. Of
ICuropeans very little is to be seen; indeed, after the bustle
of Hongkong or Shanghai or Yokohama, the whole town
seems to wear a dead appearance. Yet one can not but
admire what the French Government has made of a most
desolate and horribly unhealthy place. Every square foot
of the town is made land ; as soon as one leaves the for-
eign quarter one sees everywhere pools and swamps be-
tween the houses of the native population, who number
somewhat over 20,000 souls, whereas the French number
1 100.

There are several obstacles to the greater development
of Haiphong. The first is the insufficient depth of the sea.

•

This could be remedied by a large canal from the bay
d'Along, through the swamps, which could be made at an

Baeh : A Report on n visit to TonlciH. 1 1

expense of 20 million francs ; and which probably will be
nude in the case of Kwanchouwan being given up and
the Bay d'Along being chosen in itx stead as a naval
station by the Government, Haiphong, as the great com-
mercial port of the Indo-Chinese empire, would then be
accessible to large steamers, and at the same time have
the advantage of being protected by the French navy close
by in the case of war. The other drawback is the pre-
ferential tariiT which imports from France enjoy ; this is
the source of a great income from foreign merchandise,
but it cripples the trade of foreign nations, and as it is,
there is not much prospect of a large commerce between
the mother-country and the colony. Even with the high
duties, hardly 5096 of the imports come from French har-
bours, and of the exports only one tenth goes there. It
is therefore no wonder that again and again voices are
raised to make Haiphong a free port.

Haiphong is connected by rail with the capital of Indo-
China, Hanoi, the distance being 84 miles. The line is
^>out the same gauge as in Japan but the cars are wider
and larger : almost as wide as in Europe. The first-class
is comparatively expensive, and with its soil cushions,
rather hot in such a climate. The third-class has curved
wooden seats and large windowij with curtains ; it is there-
fore airy and preferred by most passengers. Then there
is a fourth class, which is the special feature of the whole
System It consists of very large cars forming an open
space, covered with a roof only, and lined with narrow seats
all round. The passengers, who |>ay a ridiculously small
fare, are charged some thing for the merchandise which
they take with them, and so tlie whole car looks like a
waiidering market, on wheels full of rice, millet, vegetables

12 liach : A Report on a insU to lonkin.

friiit, fish, aiid alt kinds of other merchandise, and those
things are handled here just as in one of the market
halls of the TtMikin towns. People are bargaining, selling
and buying, ^nd this curious sight affords to the traveller
a good opportunity of studying the types and the habits
of the natives.

.The line runs through the fertile delta and valley of
the Sonkai or Red River, which has its origin in Southern
China in the province of Yunan, and which forms the line
along which French enterpri.se hopes to open not only
Yunnan but also Kweichou and particularly Szechwan.
Seeing the country with villages half-hidden in bamboo
groves, with ricefields. and their little dams, with canals,
and pea.sants carrying on each end of a pole a basket,
and trotting along the paths with conical straw hats and
in short trousers, one might imagine oneself in Japan if
it were not for groups of Areca palms here and there.
The train takes fully five hours to cover the 84 miles be-
tween Haiphong and Hanoi. Shortly before reaching the
latter city, the Red river is crossed on by far the long-
est and finest bridge in the Far East. It is over a mile
long, and very gracefully constructed in iron. It cost five
million francs, which sum was paid out of the colony's
own revenue. So we were at last at the place of our
destination, Hanoi.

Hanoi, the capital of the Indo Chinese Empire, as it i.s
often styled in French literature, is a creation of hardly
a decade, and yet it is undoubtedly the finest European
town in the whole of Eastern Asia, a creation of which
France may be justly proud. It is splendid alike in con-
ception and in execution. Everywhere fine well-kept
wide streets or rather boulevards with from two to four

BaeU : A Report on a visit to Tonkin. 1 3

rows of trees, and elegantly paved sidewalks wide enough
for the crowd in the Rue Royalc in Paris or in Regent
Street in London, the centre bring formed by a beautiful
lake with two picturesque islands in the midst of a fine
park : electric light and electric tramways every where,
coquettish carriages drawn by diminutive yet graceful and
swift horses, jinrikishas at every corner, it is little short
of marvellous, what has been done in such a short time.*

The adjoining native town with its hundred thousand
or more inhabitants, with its clean streets lighted by elec-
tricity and traversed by electric railways, with its pictures-
que, two-storied, white brick houses, makes a very pleasing
and far more solid impression than Japanese towns. It
is difficult to describe the houses, suffice it to say that
they show unmistakable Chinese influences, having at the
same time something special which reminds one of the
Moorish Orient.

It is only a few years since Hanoi was made the capi-
tal. Until then Saigon had been the leading town in
French Indo- China. But when M. Doumer was made Gov-
ernor-General he decided, that, in the interest of his gran-
diose plans, the capital must be further north, nearer to
China, for the whole of southern China was, in the mind
of that ambitions and energetic man, to be included in
the French sphere of influence; and he at once prepared
everything for the peaceful conquest of the provinces of
Yunan, Kweichou, and Szechwan, by means railways,
schools, missions etc. For an Empire comprising the
whole of the present French possessions, and influenc-
ing those Chinese provinces, with more than 80 millions

* Since my visit, a terrible typhoon has worked shocking havoc in
Hanoi, and the beautiful park round the lake has been almost destroyed.

14 Bailz : A Report on a insit to Tonkin,

of inhabitants, and extending from Saigon to the upper
valley of the Yangtze, Hanoi would indeed recommend
itself as a well situated centre. For all these plans a
loan of 200 millions francs was necessary. Tonkin was not
popular in France just then, and it .seemed very doubtful
whether such a sum could be obtained. But M. Dounver
was not the man to be discouraged. He went to Frana
himself, and, thanks to his contagious enthusiasm and the
glowing picture he drew of the future of the French colo-
nial empire, he was successful. He got the 200 millions,
and railway and harbour building was begun at once.
Hut the only recently conquered province of Tonkin did
not vield enough to keep up such enormous expenses, so
the fomierly separate provinces of French Indo-China,
Cochinchina. Cambodja, Annam, Laos, and Tonkin, were
niadc into one state with a common budget. Thus the
surplus of the ver>' rich province of Cochin-china could be
nude available for Tonkin, and this was done. That the
southern provinces did not like the arrangement, is na-
tural* and M. Doumer was never popular there. But he
was so, for some time at least, in Tonkin, on which he
concentrated all his efforts, it being contiguous to south-
ern China. Yet numerous sceptical voices were raised in
France. Therefore, to show to the world what France
had already done in the East, and what a fertile and pro-
mising country she possessed there, M. Doumer conceived
the idea of an International East-Asia Exhibition in Hanoi.
He set to work at once and everything was done on a
grand scale. The Main or Art Building of the Exhibition
is a permanent stone edifice in the style of the Louvre
at Paris, and by its dimensions as well as by its propor-
tions satisfies even very high expectations. The other

Baelz : A Report on a visit to Tonkin, 1 5

buildings were structures erected for the purpose, and were
to be taken down afterwards. They contained the ex-
hibits of Indo-China, of China, Japan, the Philippines,
Siam, and some specimens from Java, Sumatra and Poly-
nesia. There were besides, ethnological exhibits with spe-
cimens of almost all the various tribes and Inhabitants
of South-Eastern Asia. The usual pleasure-resorts were
there too. The whole was situated within well-laid out
grounds, and made a pleasant impression. One saw every-
where that no expense had been spared to make the
whole a success. But like, most exhibitions, it was not
successful from a financial point of view ; in fact it could
not be, as the entrance was free. But it was never ex-
jxjcted to be a financial success. The Goverimient voted
a certain sum of money to impress the world arid parti-
cularly France, and the inhabitants of Tonkin, who were
carried to Hanoi for the purpose at reduced railway rates ;
and they availed themselves largely of tins facility. Had
they been possessed of any spirit of enterprise they might
have profited economically as well by starting new indus-
tries or improving the existing ones.

The exhibition was to have been opened on November
1st 1902, but the inauguration was postponed for a fort-
night and even when we arrived in the last days of
November it was hardly quite ready. I am sorry to say,
that the Japanese exhibition was the poorest of all, poor
in quality of the exhibits, and defective in its arrange-
ments. This is the more to be regretted, as the Chinese
exhibition next door was the best of all. It is hardly
conceivable why a nation, artistically gifted as the Japa-
nese are, should on such occasions be conspicuous by the
absence of good taste. It seems that in Japan even great

1 6 Baeh : A Report on a visit to Tonkin,

exhibitions are considered as a kind of bazaar (kankoba),
where the wares are put into crowded cases without any
regard to artistic effect. It was so at the Parb exhit>"v-
tion, and it was so now in Hanoi.

That the number of foreign visitors did not come i^p
to what was expected, is after all not astonishing, Cot
Tonkin lies outside of the great routes of travel, not on<
of the great .steamer lines of the Far Ea.st touching th^r«,
and then the season (winter) was not the one which peof>le
select for a visit to Cliin.i and Japan, the two countri^^s,
which attract the immense majority of travellers. T^o
doubt some day the Messageries Maritimes Steamers -v^-^ i'l
include Haiphon;^ amongst their ports on the way fi-cii^ni
iMance to Mongkon^, but now they only touch at Saig"^"
and from there it is five days travelling along the co^^^^t
of Annam in .second-class ships ; and again three or f^"^^^
days to Hongkong.

Anyhow those who went to Hanoi to see the cxlii fc'"
tion, did not regret it. Even the climate was favourat^ '^*.
December being a delightful month in Tonkin, neitl'^^r
hot nor cold, and sunshine almost every day. In sixm-
mcr it is very different. Then Tonkin has the unenvial^fc
reputation of being the hottest place in French Indo-Clii*'^.
so that particular care has to be taken against sunstrokes.
Towards the end of January a two months period of fin^
drizzling rains sets in, and then, too, the place is not ft
for a visit from people travelling for pleasure.

The Congress of Oncntalists connected with the ex-
hibition, was held under the auspices and under the di-
rection of the French school of the Far East. This is
not a school in the common sense of the word, but an
institute for scicntiflc investigation. There are no students,

Baelz : A Report on a visit to Tonkin. 1 7

but a body of young professors, wIk» make a special study
of the languages and the history of Eastern Asia, in
particular of Indo-China. Vet there is a chair for Chinese,
and one for Japanese, the occupant of the latter, Mr.
Maitre, being in Japan now. There is the nucleus of a
splendid library, and there will be a museum connected
with the school. The institution is of quite recent oirgin,
but with its competent staff of professors it promises to
become one of the most important centres of scientific
researches in the East. It is regrettable that there is no
chair for ethnology and anthropology ; for valuable as the
researches into inscriptions, history, and languages, may
be, the people to whom they belong, ought to be studied
too, and from my own experience I may say that there
are few parts of the world which compete with Tonkin
in the variety of tribes, nations, or races ; and they are
comparatively easily accessible to study. So far, all that
we know about these tribes is due to the labours of doctors
belonging to the French army or navy, and to French
officers. I can not indeed let pass this occasion without
paying a compliment to the earnest scientific spirit pre-
valent among.st the French officers in Indo-China, who
have contributed so very much to our knowledge in many
different fields of investigation.

The Congress lasted from the fourth to the eighth of
December. The attendance was less than had been ex-
pected, and particularly noticeable Was the fact that not
one of the distinguished Orientalists of France, who had
formed the Comite of Initiative of the Congress in Paris,
put in an appearance. This was a great disappointment to
the foreign delegates and members, who had been eager-
ly looking forward to the pleasure not only of hearing

i8 Baels : A Report on a visit to Tonkin.

valuable communications from the mouths of leading men,
but also of making their personal acquaintance, which in
such cases is generally of great value, as furnishing the
younger generation or those who have not much time
for special studies with new ideas and with frequent sug-
gestfons. However, the meetings were quite satisfactory,
although no important discovery was made public and no
contribution to our knowledge of the Far-East was made
such as might have far reaching consequences in the do-
maine of science. Tokyo had sent more numerous re-
presentatives than any oth:.T place. Professor Takakusu,
of the Imperial University, read a paper on the San-
khyakarika in the light of its Chinese version, and on the
voyage of Kanshin to Japan ; Professor Florenz made
communications on the Archaic poetry of Japan, and on
a Japanese novelist of the 17th century. Your repre-
sentative spoke on the races of Eastern Asia, Mr. Nanjo
Bunjo on the Saddharmapundarika, and Mr. Fujishima
on the History and Doctrine of the Shin Sect.

Interesting excursions were made first to the spot where
a capital stood two thousand years ago, which has now
completely vanished and then, by a special train, to the
Chinese frontier beyond I^ngson, to the so-called Porte
dc Chine (Door of China). This latter excursion offered
a good cliance to see the country, which is quite flat,
Ixriiig the Delta of the Red River, as far as the town of
Bac-ninh, which will be an important railway centre within
a few years. Here the line along which we travelled
further on (the only one in working order so far), divides
from the great line, which, following the Red River, is to
reach the Chinese frontier at Laokai, whence it is to be
carried on to Mengtse in Yunnan, to Yunnanfu, and even-

Baels : A Report on a visit to Tonkiit 19

tually into Szechuan, which the French regard as within
their sphere of interest, in China. Another line from
Bac-ninh leads due south to Namh Din, the greatest manu-
facturing town in Tonkin Beyond Bac-ninh distant chains
of hills appear on each side which, closing up more and
more, reach the railway at ICap, 42 miles from Hanoi. From
here the line passes through country which shows two
kinds of mountains as dififerent in form as can be imagined;
one form consists of numerous mound-like hemispherical
hills, to which the French have given the significant name
of Mamclons. They rarely attain a hundre^d feet or more
of height, and their surface is mostly covered with liigh
grass or shrubs. Behind these soft hills, or between them,
or sometimes out of the level plain, rise steep rugged
abrupt perpendicular mountains, and mountain ranges,
sometimes a thousand feet high, at others not higher
than a house. Where they occur in the plain, their con-
trast with their surroundings, without any gradual tran-
sition into the latter, makes a very picturesque and almost
bizarre impression.

On the heights of such a range there are a number of
isolated deep crater-like depressions, which are however
not of volcanic origin. On the contrary, the most pro-
bable explanation of these various mountains is that they
are old coral reefs. This theory explains the craters or
circuses, as they are called in French, in a most natural
way, and it is borne out by the fact, that they contain
enormous holes and caves. One of these caves near
Langson, which wc visited, has been changed into a Bud-
dhist Temple; it is like the Benten Cave at Enoshima on
a grand scale. This cave, as well as the circuses on the
mountains, served as refuges and as a kind of fortresses

20 Baelz : A Report on a visit to Tonkin.

for the lawless bands of Chinese who are generally
called pirates (even on the terra firma) and who gave
the French a good deal of trouble when they conquered
the country in the nineties. The whole low country was
once covered by sea, and the rocks of the famous bay
of Alon^ near Haiphong, which is grander and, in its
way, at least as ^v\k:. as the best parts of the Japanese
Inland Sea is simply a continuation of the steep mountain
ranges. Here the single recks or mountains are still
separated by water, which in the course of aeons may
disappear too. ,

Langson is the head town of this mountainous district ;
it is beautifully situated, and seems a healthy place. It
has a strong garrison. All along the line one sees from
time to time, on the tops of hills, white houses with or
without towers, which look like Italian villas, but they
serve a less idyllic purpose, being simply for military
posts.

The railway leads on to some miles beyond Dong
Dang, and then the rails stop abruptly in the open field
within one foot of the Chinese frontier. The valley is
here very narrow, bordered on each side by steep cliffs,
on one of which, high, high up towers a Chinese fort,
looking down on the French frontier fort, which, though
situated on a hill, is far below it. The narrow valley, or
rather the pass, for it is a pass, is closed by a double
castellated wall of formidable aspect, which climbs up the
mountain on each side, but which would not be of much
use against artillery fire. The monster which is painted
over the main gate of the building in the centre of the
pass, looks, from its slieer ugliness, more dreadful to a
European eye, than all the Chinese soldiers together.

Hads : A Rcf^ort ou a visit to TonkitL 2X

The Chinese Colonel, on whom we called, was a very
kind elderly gentleman who treated us to tea and ci-
garettes. The rVcnch have got the concession to build
the railway on though tlie pass into the province of
Kwangshi to Nannir.gfu and thence to Wuchoufu, both
on the West River ; but iu -one way or the other the
Chinese officials have so far prevented that extensioa,
perhaps not much to the detriment of the Indo-Chinese
tax payers, as it is very doabtful whether it will ever
pay from a commercial point of view. So far the rail-
way, with its 1 20 miles of length, may be said to be
purely strategical or political.

How will it be with the piece de resistance amongst
the railways in Indo-China, the one into Yunnan and
eventually into Szechuan, for which the definitive con-
cession was granted by the Chinese only a few days ago?
This is nominally a private enterprise with a capital of
loo.ooo.ocx) fr. (4.cxx).ooo £), In reality the capital is
raised in this way: 12.500.000 fr. by the company, the
same seem as a subvention by the Government of Indo-
Qiina, and a guaranteed annuity of fr. 3.000.000 for 25
years, equal to 75 000.000 to be paid by the colony too.
Thus the company itself pays only 1 2 ^i of the wliole
capital, the country pays 88 % , and yet the whole piofit
goes to the conipany! One is inclined to think that a
railway under such conditions, must pay a good dividend
if not, it is certainly not worth being built. Other pro-
jected railway lines arc to run length-wise and across
the whole of Annam, and to connect Saigon in Cochin-
china with Bankok in Siam. But none of these lines will
be completed in the near future, since the present Gov-
ernor General, Mr. Beau, takes a far more sober view

22 Baelz : A Report an a visk to Tonkin.

of all these grand but expensive schemes, than his san-
guine predecessor, who wanted to build up the French
colonial Empire in hot haste.

French Indo - China is composed of five provinces :
Cochinchina with 3.ocx>.ooo inhabitants, Cambodja with
1.600.000, Laos with i. 000.000, Annam with 6.000.000,
and Tonkin with 10 000.000. This, together with 289.000
inhabitants in Kwanchouwan, brings the total up to nearly
22.000.000 on an area one filth larger than that of France.
I take these data from the guide book to Indo-China
by Madrolle, who had access to official information. Yet
the almanac of Gotha, based on official statistics too,
gives only 17.000.000 for the same year. The difference
IS explained by the absence of any reliable census of the
population of Tonkin, the estimates of which vary be- — -•
tween three and ten millions. The former number is ^^ Js
certainly far below the reality.

The revenue and expenditure of the whole Colony wene
estimated at 27 000.000 piastres each for 1902, that is
about 25 million yen. The trade balance is greatly in
favour of exports, of which only ^ went to the mother
country.

The inhabitants of Indo-China all belong to the southern
or Malay branches of the yellow race ; the natives of* ^'
Tonkin and of noithern Annam, the so called Annamites, ^ -*»
being more like the southern Chinese, than the other, who
come nearer the Siamese and the Javanese. Yet the
general characteristics of the yellow race are so pro-
nounced that not only I, but even my Japanese fellow
travellers could not make out Tonkinese dressed in Eu-
ropean style from Japanese. In fact, in a case in which
I raised some doubt, the three Japanese delegates to th<

Bailz : A Report on a visit to Tonkin, 23

Congress took a man to be undoubtedly a Japanese who
was a pure Tonkinese. Such experiences are a strong
support of my often expressed but often opposed opinion
that there is no characteristic and decisive difference be-
tween the Japanese, Chinese and Korean on the one, and
the so called Malay races on the other side.

It is true, that the aristocratic northern type of the one
with the long oblique eyes, the aquiline and nose, the long
face, is very rare in Indo-China yet the " emperor '* of An-
nam himself, has these eyes in a most marked degree.

Altogether the Annamites are a rather weak race, small
and slender. The fine tall figures of many Chinese and
the splendid muscular physique of the Japane.se fisherman
or peasants are the great exception. On the other hand
they are more elegantly and more gracefully built, par-
ticularly the women. I know no country in the Far East
where women have so gracefully shaped wrists and ankles,
and where they carry themselves so splendidly upright,
or where they walk as in well as Tonkin. On the other,
hand, the faces are not pretty or regular, though some-
times sweet.

The disposition of the natives is, as in most tropical
countries, languid, and there is a general want of energy
and activity, which forms a marked contrast lo the
Japanese. Here, again, we .see that peoples belonging
originally the to same stock may under different climates
and circumstances develop quite a different character
and temper.

What are the prospects of Indo-China ? This question
has been very differently answered. Some authors take
a glowing, some a gloomy view, amongst the latter not
a few Frenchmen. For instance Mr. Marcel Monnier,

24 Batfz : A Report en a lisit to

whose book : the *' Tour of Asia *' has been- awarded a
feigh prhe by the French Academy, is amongst these.
He sees too much officialdom everywhere, and too little
private enterprise. That is, indeed, the fundamental draw-
back in French colonies ; but as France has no increasing
population, there is no inducement for emigration, and as
long as merchants, and engineers and agriculturists do
not go to a colony on their own initiative, it can not be
quickly developed. But there can be no doubt, that
the French (government has done all within its power to
help on private enterpiise as well as public works by
givfng every possible facility to all who are ready to in-
vest money and risk their health in the opening up of
Indo China. Unfortunately it is hampered in its well meant
efforts not only by the usual difficulties attending the
governing of a numerous, indolent, native population by a
handful of Europeans, but also by the constant opposition
of the French press organs in Tonkin itself. On seeing
their unrelenting and far-fetched objections to whatever
the administration does, one is reminded of the Irishman,
who was shipwrecked on an unknown island and whose
first words to the first native he met, were. *' What is
the government here? I am against it." There may have
been mistakes, most probably there were, there may be
taxes, which weigh heavily on the natives, but altogether
the position of the latter is undoubtedly much more favour-
able under French rule than it ever was under their na-
tive mandarins. They are more independent, they arc
taught new kinds of industry, fertile bnt uncultivated parts
of the country are opened up by roads and railways,
and if the native population did not profit by these
advantages, it would be its own fault.

Baelz : A Report on a visit to Tonkin, 2 5

There are still many other questions, which might be
tt>nchecJ here, the chances of the culture of coffee, tea,
camphor, tobacco, the Chinese immigration question, the
influence of the climate on Europeans etc , but I fear I
have already trespassed too much on your patience, and I
close my report with the remark that, when one sees what
wonderful progress India, Ceylon, Burma, and many other
tropical countries have made under British rule, a rich and
fertile country like Tonkin should have a brilliant future
before it, if equally well administered and developed.

The report held the close attention of all those who
were present and elicited comments and questions from
Rev. Walter Weston, Mr. Gubbins and Dr. Greene. The
President, in behaif of the Society, warmly thauked Dr.
Baelz for his entertaining and in.structive report ; also Rev.
A. F. King for hospitality in entertaining the Society ; and
declared the Meeting adjourned.

MEETING AT YOKOHAMA.

2$. November, ^9^3-

A special general meeting of the Asiatic Society of
Japan was held at Van Schaick Hall, Yokohaaia, on
Wednesday afternoon Nov. 25. Rain unfortunately fell
just about sun-down and this, combined with the immi-
nent departure of the Christmas mail for Europe, the
Convent concert, and other social fixtures, undoubtedly
kept a goodly number of folks away.

The Rev. E. S. Booth presided and in introducing the
lecturer said that meetings of the Asiatic Society in
Yokohama had been very rare of late years. He could
remember, 15 or 20 years ago, when they frequently met
in the Grand Hotel parlours, and Professor Milne would
come down from Tokyo and tell them of his latest dis-
coveries in the then new science of seismology and how
he would send them home shivering with fright at his
veiy emphatic assurances that tlie very centre of seismo-
logical activity in Japan lay almost within their view in
the middle of Tokyo Bay. — (Laughter). The Council of
the Asiatic Society had long been considering the calling
of a meeting in Yokohama so that residents could sec
that the Society was still in active existence and was still
carrying on its excellent work of research and investigation,
but the opportunity did not immediately present itself until
to-day. That afternoon the Society had to place before
them a subject possessing exceeding great novelty, novel
in that it was seldom nowadays that one could meet a man

Kawagucni : Journeys in Thibet, 27

who had come straight from a land still shrouded in
mystery. The speaker that afternoon had come to tell
them about some of his adventures in Thibet, and more
particularly in the closely guarded city of Lhassa. In
the latest number of the Century Magazine appears an
article by a Russian, a Mr. Ushe Narzunof, who describes
a visit he had paid to Lhassa, and this gentlemen and
the lecturer that afternoon, were the only foreigners —
outside the Chinese, of course — who had penetrated within
its walls during the past 25 years. Mr. Kawaguchi spent
1 }4 years in Lhassa and at the request of the Council
of the Asiatic Society he had prepared a lecture upon his
adventures. Now, to save the interruptions inseparable
if the lecture was first delivered in Japanese and then
translated into English, the Rev. H. H. Guy had kindly
visited Mr. Kawaguchi the previous day and obtained
from him an outline of the lecture. This outline he
would proceed to read to them, and afterwards, Mr.
Kawaguchi would be pleased to answer any questions and
to explain and describe the very interesting collection of
Thibetan curios which were placed about the Hall.

Mr. Kawaguchi, speaking in Japanese, expressed his
thanks for the honour done him by the Asiatic Society
and also by the ladies and gentlemen who had assembled
that afternoon to hear his adventures. He was particular-
ly indebted to Mr. Guy for the work he had done in
connection with the translating of the lecture.

The Rev. H. H. Gny then went to the reading desk.
He said that Mr. Kawaguchi left Japan on June 26th,
1897, arriving at Darjeeling on August 3rd, of that year.
On January 5, 1899, he left Darjeeling for Calcutta and
and proceeded thence to Buddhagaya, to visit the famous

28 Kawaguchi : Jaunieys m Thibet,

teraples there. From thence tie took a month's journey
to Khatmandoo and then passed on to Mount Dhwalagiri.
On the northern side of the mountain he found the hill-
side village of Lohtzalahn, where he stayed a year per-
fecting himself in the Thibetan language and customs.
He left Lohtzalahn on June 12, 1900, and though the
road was obstructed bv soldiers he reached the borders
of Thibet on July 4, 1900. To avoid suspicion, he made
a detour and went to lake Manasarowar, and tlien at
Gyaninia found a market town frequented by Indian and
Thibetan merchants. From this rendezvous he made his
way round Mount Kailas and eventually reached Lhassa
on March 21, 1901. He at once went to a sera^ or priest
college, one of the great Llamaseries which abound in
Lhassa, and obtained a temporary lodging. Though nut
a physician in reality, Mr. Kawaguchi found it expedient
to adopt the role, and having succeeded in effecting sosoe
astonishing cures — astonishing from the Thibetan point
of view — he found his path fairly smooth for awhile.
Tliere is a peculiar kind of dropsy very prevalent in
Lhassa, which, if taken in time, can be cured, and, Mr.
Kawaguchi being fortunate in his treatment of some
dropsical patients, his fame spread abroad, and tlie Minister
of Finance took him to live at his house. So great was
the belief of the Thibetans in his healing powers that
they were i^ersuaded that he could heal all sorts of disease,
and Mr. Kawaguchi is convinced that many people were
actually healed by faith alone. But his popularity almost
led to his undoing, for the practitioners grew jealous of
his fame and his life was threatened. Through the in-
fluence of the Grand Llama the danger passed. This
great dignitary having heard from the mouths of some

Kaivaguchi : Journeys in Thibet. 29

poor priests whom Mr. Kawagiichi had cured free of
charge, of the mighty powers of the psetieio-dociov ^ the
Grand Llama proposed that our traveller should become
a Court physician. The head Court physician, the Teikan,
was accordingly instructed to present Mr. Kaw-aguchi to
the Grand Llama. This audience took place in a de-
tached palace on the north side of the Kichu river. The
walls of this palace, like all other specimens of purely
Thibetan architecture, were concave, Inside the gate the
traveller found buildings having flat roofs like buildings
in Calcutta, while others bore roofs of the high Chinese
design : some of the gardens were laid out in accordance
with the Chinese system of landscape gardening, while
others were laid down with broad lawns and grass-plots
in the European style — these showing undoubted traces
of Anglo-Indian influence. Mr. Kawaguchi had received
minute instructions as to his procedure on reaching the
audience chamber, and so when he entered the apartment
with the Head Physician, he bowed thrice, striking the
floor each time with his head ; then he crawled along the
floor towards the Grand Llama and received his blessing,
the Llama placing his hand on the suppliant's head.
After a formal introduction the Grand Llama said : " I
hear that you have been performing great cures : go on,
I will see that you are looked after." A brief conversa-
tion followed and then Thibetan tea — tea mixed with salt
and butter — was handed round, and a few questions re-
garding Chinese Buddhism clo.sed the audience.

Mr. Kawaguchi, describing the appearance of the Grand
Llama, said that in August, 1901, he appeared to be
about 26 years old ; a large man, with eyes more almond-
shaped than the average Chinese. A Chinese phrenolo-

30 Kawaguchi : Journeys in Thibet

gist who saw him passed this remark, " He is a man
who will cause a rebellion.*' The look of the Llama
might be described as being sharp like a fox. He usu-
ally wears the clothing of a Thibetan priest, but when
transacting affairs of state he assumes silk garments cut
in the stj'le of the clothes worn by the common people.
He was educated at the Rebun College in Lhassa, where
he graduated, and he claims to be the 13th incarnation
of the Bohdisattisvista. In character he is exacting, but
has great sympathy with the lot of the common people.
He readily hears their requests and helps them. He is
just, impartial in judgment, a?id possesses great political
resources. He is inidoubtedly more interested in politics
than in religion, and is looked upon as a man of great
power and influence among the people. But foreign
politics as they influence Thibet are a source of great
worry to the Grand Lama, who dreads foreign interfer-
ence. To illustrate this, Mr. Kawaguchi tells a story
related to him by the Thibetan Minister of Finance. In
December, 190 1, a Thibetan who had been sent to Russia
to ivy and arrange a secret compact, returned and re-
ported that *' Russia would help Thibet at any time, in
spite of any interference on the part of England." This
gave the Grand Llama much peace of mind. Thibet has
had relations with China since the 7th century, but it
was not till 1700 that she became a dependent on China.
Now Thibet is almost independent again and China's in-
fluence there has fallen to earth. This is largely the
result of the China-Japan war, news of which quickly
found its way to Thibet. It seems that, when that war
broke out, China sent Imperial messengers to the Grand
Llama asking that prayers might be offered for the sue-

Kawagiichi : Journeys in T/Ubet. 3 1

cess of the Chinese arms. To carry out these wishes,
the priesthood throughout Thibet were engaged, and to
render their prayers more effective, mimic battles were
arranged in which the priests took part. With reference
to these wholesale prayers for China, another good story
is told. Thibet is supposed to pay tribute to China, but
as a matter of fact she pays nothing. She squares the
bill in this fashion. Every year, on the 6tli March, the
Thibetan priesthood has to pray for the Chinese Emperor.
This involves some expense, so the Chinese tribute money
is ostensibly employed in paying the costs of the Em-
peror's annual prayer-meeting, and part of the exix:nses
incurred in sending messengers to Peking to enquire after
the Emperor's health. Priests and laymen are equally
involved in these transactions.

Hussia first became interested in Thibet through a Buriat
Mongolian who went to Thibet to study Buddhism. He
was followed by others of his race, and when Russia
took over the Buriats and incorporated them in her Siberian
dominions she soon took advantage of the situation. The
first Buriat student, Ngakuwangdordge, was a man of some
importance and he studied for 20 years at the Rcbun
College and, graduating, become a Doctor. He eventually
became teacher to the present Grand Llama when but a
child, and on the foundations thus laid built up a position
of power and influence. When this Buriat returned to
his own country it did not take long for the news to
reach St. Petersburg that he had been a teacher of the
Grand Llama, and he was sent back to Thibet loaded
with money * and other acceptable things. These he
presented to the priests, the teachers in the Colleges at
Lhassa, and to others of influence. Then when Chinese

32 Kawaguchi: Jourmys in Thibet,

influence began to wane upon the close of the China-
Japan war, he strengthened his position still further and
taking advantage of an opportunity said to the Prime
Minister, ** If Thibet does not look to Russia, England
will do her damage." Then the question arose, what
sort of a man is the Russian Emperor, and it was not
long before the diviners found that he was " an incarnation
of Maha Bodisatva — the Maha Bodtsatva who is to unify
the world." This declaraiiou fitted in with the Thibetan
belief that Utopia (Paradise) lies to the north of Thibet
and that the founder of the new religion will come
from there when he sets about founding the kingdom of
the whole world. Thus *vith fine words and the exf)enditure
of much money, a great faith in Russia was stimulated
among the official classes. Toys, pistols, watches, all
ostensibly made in Russia but really hailing from America,
now began to filter in as presents for the folks of in-
fluence, while the Grand Llama himself received a Bishop's
robe from the Czar. An embassy was now organized to
thank the Czar for his presents, and the Lord Chamberlain
(Danicru Cheumo) was sent to St Petersburg. He was

reported in December, 190 1, to have made a secret
coni[)act with Russia. Two months Ipter a caravan of
about 200 camels came from the north, bringing rifles
and small foreign things, a present from Ruesia to Thibet.
Mr. Kawaguchi learned of the contents of the caravan
from the Minister of Finance, with whom he was then
living. Though these relations with Russia are most
pleasing to the Grand Llama and the Prime Minister, the
people in general arc in great doubt as to the puq>ose
of such intercourse and are asking many questions. The

Kawaguchi: Journeys in Thibet. 33

Grand Llama, however, allows nothing of this grumbling
to come to the surface.

England's relations with Thibet have proceeded through
Darjeeling, and many have been the efforts made by the
Indian Government to establish a state of good feeling.
At Darjeeling there are schools were Thibetans can db-
tain their education free; scholarships are given to those
students who show' special aptitudes, and these later ob-
tain positions as teachers, secretaries and surveyors. Thi-
betan students greatly appreciate the advantajjes to be
obtained in India, for in their own country they suffer
many hai-dships, and when they return home they spread
abroad a spirit of good-fecHng for England, the English
officers, and the Indian Government. Indeed many of
them held the belief that the late Queen Victoria was an
incarnation of I'aludenlhamo, a famous idol in Lhassa,
who is either the Goddess of War or Minerva. When
they heard of her death they said she had returned to
her own country. There can be little doubt that the
general opinion among the people of Thibet is in favour
of England. With regard to Nepaul, which lies on the
Thibetan boundary, relations are rather .strained at pre-
sent' Thibet fears Mepaul, which is an independent
monarchy having an army of 40 or 50 thousand men,
and Thibet still pays the Nepaulcsc a tribute for the
conquest made by the latter in Thibet. ,Mr. Kawaguchi
was present in Nepaul when the tribute bearers arrived
and he was fortunate enough to obtain from the I lead of
the Mission himself all the particlars relating to the overture
made by Russia to the Grand I.luma. Mr. Kawaguchi
found the Ncpaulese much hke the Japanese, but the
great weakness of the country arises from polygamy which

54 Kawagiuhi: Journeys in TfUbet.

kads to much internecine strife and many murders and
assassinations. Summing up the political situation in
Thibet at present, Mr. Kawaguchi is of the opinion that
Russia is in the lead through the officials, but should
she take steps to enter the country even with an armed
force, she would then encounter the strong feelings which
the ixiople have for England. This naturally raises the
question: has Thibet the desire to be independent? — and
Mr. Kawaguchi's answer is that the Thi^ietans as a nation
have no spirit of independence. Rather they are of a
dependant spirit: they want always to lean on some one
stronger than themselves, and this development of their
character he atttibutes greatly to polyandry. Yet the
population is increasing tremendously. Already Thibet has
to import a great deal of barley from abroad ; her cotton
clothing is all purchased from India, and her trade
relations with that country are expanding in all directions,
so it seems that if England only pursues the right methods
she must inevitably become the protector of Thibet.

At the close of the lecture the speaker invited questions.
In answer to Mr. A. Bellamy Brown Mr. Kawaguchi
said be entered Lhassa in the garb of a Thibetan, a red
woollen robe, and when interrogated as to his profession
he said he was a Chinese physician. Of course he spoke
Thibetan all the time.

In answer to another question, Mr. Kawaguchi said
tliat he was obliged to leave Lhassa in consequence of a
merchant from Darjeeling giving it out that he was a
Japanese priest. He had to leave at once.

The Rev. Walter Weston said that with reference to
the remark that Mr. Kawaguchi was only one of two
foreigners who had been in Lhassa, he supposed that

Kawagnchi : Journeys in Thibet. 35

this only referred to the last quarter of a century, A
great many foreigners had really been there from the
14th century downward.

Mr. Kawaguchi. — Yes, that is so. The remark would
only apply to the last 20 years, and of course Chinese
are continually coming to and fro.

Mr, Weston wanted to know whether Mr, Kawaguchi
had any idea whether Major Youngiiusband's boundary
commission, which they read of occasionally in the
papers, had any pros))ects of success.

Mr, Kawaguchi said the commission would undoubted-
Ij' have to suffer great hardships and privations owing
to the great cold of winter. The question of provisionB
was a serious one, and besides they must expect the
opposition and hostility of the Thibetan soldiery ; still a
good campaigner might hope to see his mission crowned
with success.

Another questioner asked what was the reason for
England sending such an expedition.

Mr, Kawaguchi explained that England had long been
desirous of making a treaty of friendship with Thibet,
but had never succeeded. Just opportunely a dispute
arose between Nepaul and Thibet with reference to the
boundary line dividing the two states. Thibet said
Ne[iaul had taken too much, but instead of sending com-
missioners to fix the line at once, Thibet delayed and
delayed. Then the Indian Government intervened and
got together a scientific expedition which was now en-
.camped on the borders of Thibet waiting the arrival of
the Thibetan commissioners.

Another gentleman wanted to know whether Russia
would send a similar commission and what would be

36 Kawagiuhi : Journeys in Thibet.

the success it might expect ; to which Mr. Kawaguchi
replied : Keredomo : Waiakushi wakarimasen, and raised
a general smile.

Finally, Mr. Weston said that a great deal of interest
was attached to the election of the Grand or Dalai Llama
of Thibet, but very little was known regarding it. Could
Mr. Kawaguchi give them any information on the point ?

Mr. Kawaguchi said that the election of the Grand
Llama was called an act of insi)iration. The four chief
temples of Lhassa were called upon to select a new
Grand Llama, and as the gods had not time to call a
council and decide among themselves who was to be the
Grand Llama, each temple took a hand, and its chief
wrote down the name of a child whom it thought fit
and proper to fill the office. These four names were
then placed in a golden box and sealed. The box re-
mained unopened for seven days. Then with all pomp
and ceremony it would be brought out before a solemn
conclave of the higher priesthood, the seals broken and
a slip withdrawn. The child whose name appeared on
this slip became the new Grand Llama.

On the motion of the Rev. E. S. Booth a hearty vote
of thanks to Mr. Kawaguchi and his able interpreter,
Mr. Guy, was cordially given, and then the rest of the
time was sjDent in examining the unique objects of interest
which Mr. Kawaguchi has brought from Lhassa.

By unanimous vote, Article X\\ of the Constitution
was amended, as previously proposed, to read : ** All
Members of the Society shall be elected by the Council.
They .shall be propo.sed at one Meeting of the Council
and ballotted for at the next, one black ball in five to
exclude; but the Council may, if they deem it advisable,

Kawaguchi : Journeys in Thibet, 37

propose and elect a member at one and the same Meet-
ing : provided, that the name of the Candidate has been
notified to the Members of the Council at least two weeks
beforehand. Their election shall be announced at the
General Meeting following."

ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.

14., Detetfiber, 190J.

By kind invitation of His Excellency Sir Claude Mac-
Donald, the Annual General Meeting of the Asiatic So-
ciety was held at the British legation, Tokyo, on Monday,
December 14th, at 4 p.m.

The minutes of the previous meeting were taken as read.

The Secretary read the list of Members elected during
the year ; also the following

Report of the Council — Session, 1903.

The Council of the yVsiatic Society has to report for
the year ending to-day the following matters of interest.

During the year, nine Council Meetings, two General
Meetings and one Special Meeting have been held. At
a General Meeting on November 4th, Dr. Belz read a re-
port on his visit to Tonkin as a Delegate of theSociety to
the Congress of Orientalists held in connection with the
Hanoi Exposition. At the meeting to-day, Professor A.
Lloyd lectures on " A Chapter in Indian History." At
a Special General Meeting in Yokohama, November 25th,
Mr. ICkai Kawac^uchi lectured on his '* Visit to Lha.ssa."

Mr. Lay's paper, " History of the rise of the political
parties in Japan," icad at the last annual General Meet-
ing, has been published as Part III. of Volume XXX. of
the Transactions. No new papers for publication have
been accepted within the year. Such ** lean " years are
perhaps inevitable for a Society which depends wholly on
voluntary contributions. The Council keenly regrets this,

Annual General Meeting. 39

and is therefore specially glad to report at least four
papers as being already in prospect for next year.

In other directions, the Council can report encouraging
progress. Accessions to the membership of the Society
have been eighteen — seventeen newly elected members and
one renewal. Ia)sses have been three — two deaths and
one resignation.

As indicated by the number of meetings, the Council
has actively worked to promote the interests of the So-
ciety. It has ordered the publication, for information of
members and others, of a pamphlet containing the Con-
stitution as revised to date, and a complete list of all
publications of the Society. It has had prepared an index
of one number of the Transactions, with a view to ascer-
tain the cost and the feasibility of preparing an index for
all the Tran.sactions. It has with the aid of special com-
mittees revised, and in some cases slightly modified, the
prices of Transactions, taken stejjs to infuse greater interest
in the election of Officers and Members of Council, and
fixed terms on which Learned Societies and Libraries
(not private) may obtain publications of the Society on
regular subscription. Finally, it has under its supervision
a Committee engaged in the extensive work of arranging
works in the Library with a view to renden them more
easily accessible and thus vastly to increase the utility of
the Library. This is merely a brief record of things
done.

The Report of the Treasurer was presented as follows: —
Treasurer's Report, Asiatic Society of Japan,
December 14, 1903, Receikis.

By Balance in bank Dec. 16, 1902. ... 2,513.82

40 Annual General Meeting,

By Membership fees 406.33

By Sale of Transactions S80.75 987.

By interest and Miscellaneous 65.87"^

3,5667;^
Expenditures.

I'o Librarian, for printing of Transac-
tions, assistant, postage, &c 4OI.32

To Insurance loo.oo

To Rent (2 years) 200.00

To Postage 21.07 722.39

To Balance in Bank, Dec. 14, 1903.... 2)844.38

3.566.77

R. S. MILLER,

Hon. Tre.\s.

The Librarian said that he was unable to make a
formal report. A year ago he had stated that the S|)acc
of the Library was so over-crowded that, not only were
the works in the library more or less inaccessible, but
also there was absolute lack of accommodation for publi*
cations actually being received. The matter was brought
to a head by the arrival during the Summer of four large
cases of books from the Smithsonian Institution. Council
appointed a Committee to investigate the condition of the
Library and to remove to some school library such publi-
cations as were hardly likely to be used in the Library
of the Society. That Committee began to hold .sessions
in October, and is still in the midst of its labours. The
result is such a confusion in the state of the Ubrarv
that a report at present is impossible.

Uoyd : A Chapter' in Indian History. 41

The election of Officers and Members of Council for
the ensuing year resulted as follows : —

President, Professor A. Lloyd ; Vice Presidents, for
Tokyo, Dr. D. MacDonald; for Yokohama. H. B. M's
Consul -General, Mr. J. C. Hall ; Corresponding Secre-
tary, Professor E. H. Vickers; Recording Secretary for
Tokyo, Professor E. H. Vickers, for Yokohama, Dr.
J. L, Dearing; Treasurer, R. S. Miller, Esq.; Librarian,
Professor J. T. Swift; Members of Council, B. H.
Chamberlain, Esq., Professor C. S. Griffin, J. McD.
Gardiner, Esq., J. H.. Gubbins, Esq., Rev. D. C. Greene,
D. D., Rev. A. F. King, R. J. Kirby, Esq., Rev.
Walter Weston, Professor E. W. Clement, Rev. H.
H. Guy.

Professor A. Lloyd, having been introduced by the
Chairman, Rev. D. C. Greene, D.D., read his lecture on.

A CuApfER IN Indian History.

There are two points that I wish to make by way
of preface to this paper. In the first place, it is, I
fear, on a subject which however attractive i;: may
be to me personally, cannot be made amusing or interes-
ting even to the majority of my hearers or readers.

In the second place, I fear, that in addition to being
neither amusing nor interesting, it will have to bear
the reproach of not even being instructive. To be
instructive there must be at least a certainty about the
thing taught; but when we come to the History of
India all is uncertainty, confusion and guess-work. We
cannot tread with the firm step of the historian who is
confident of his ground: all that we can do is to grope
and feel and make a cautious step here and there. The

42 IJoyd: A OuxpUr in Imiian History,

only thing then that I can say about my pai>er is that
it is tentative, and possibly suggestive ; and with these
few words of introduction I will plung into my subject.

Our earliest knowledge of India — the India of the
Vedas, a thousand or more years before Christ — shows
us the country then, as now, under the rule and dominion
of a white race of conquerors. The white conquerors of
antiquity spoke of themselves as the Aryans- — the brave
race, possibly, or the men of culture — ^and invading India
from the N. W., across the Indus and through the upper
reaches of the Ganges and Jumna, naming this district
the Ary a varta, or home of the cultured.

This district came imder their own direct rule, but
their power and influence reached out far beyond the
lands which they had formally annexed to themselves.
As far as the mouths of the Ganges, as far as the
Vindhya Hills and beyond them, from the Himalayas to
Cape Comorin, they extended their influence and their
presence, and, being a race of energy and power, they
gradually acquired for themselves everything that was
worth having in the lands which they had chosen for
their adopted home. They were the priests, and the
warriors, the merchants and the farmers, and from these
professions which they thus monopolized they took the
names of their highest classes or castes — the Bralimans
were priests, lawyers, and scholars, the Kshattriyas^ were
warriors, and the Vaisyas were farmers and merchants.

These three classes — the aristocracy of ancient India-
were a close corporation, held together by pride of birth
and station. They were dvija, ** twice born," "the
regenerate" — the term had a social as well as a religious
meaning with them — and they had nothing but contempt
for what was outside of their pale.

Lloyd : A Oiapter in IwHan History. 43

What was outside of these three holy castes was mark-
ed off by a colour line as sharply drawn as that which
is now drawn in the United States. The Stidras, and the
Pariahs, — ^the former, the dark-skinned aborigines living
in Aryan states as helots, serfs, or bondmen, and the I

latter, the aboriginal hill-tribes altogether outside the pale !

of Aryan civilization, — none of these were *' twice-born,"
none of them possessed the Arya varsha, or Aryan colour.
They were on the other side of the colour line, and "be-
tween them and their light-skinned conquerors no social
intercourse was possible. They tolerated each other, and
that was all.

A good deal of the history of India may be summed
up as a record of continual upheavals of the down-
trodden aborginal races against the Aryan predominance,
and especially against the high-handed tyranny of the
of the Brahman caste.

In these upheavals they gained unexpected allies from
the ranks of their oppressors. Tlie Brahmans, who were
priests, lawyers, and scholars, often exhibited in their
dealings with their fellow Aryans of other castes, a com-
bination of intolerance, cunning, and pedantry which the
others bore with a very ill-grace. Or, it often happened
that a Kshattriya or Vaisya, living away from his own
people on his estate or farm, where he had none but
aborigines to associate with, gradually came to be drawn
closer to his neighbours and associates, and to lose touch
with his own people v/hom he saw but seldom. In these
and in other ways there grew up a discontented party
amongst the Aryans themselves, and thus there was
formed between the two races an intervening class, form-
ed from both, whom I should compare, if it were

44 IJoyd : A Chapter in Indian History.

not obviously an invidious thing to do so, with the " poor
white trash " of the Souths In the hands of these men
the opposition to Brahman despotism took a more en-
lightened as well as a more spiritualized form. Several
of the great schools of Hindoo philosophy are esteemed
heretical by the Brahmans : they were established by dis-
contented Aryans seeking some logical ground for
their opposition to Brahmanism. Several forms of religion
showed themselves in opposition to the religious system
which had grown out of the worship of Vedic times.
The most noted of these — Jain ism and Buddhism — were
the Kshattriyas, men of the warrior caste, in revolt against
the ceremonialism of the Brahmans.

Buddha died in b.c 481 (that is at least the common-
ly accepted date). His long life had been spent in the
inculcation of a simple and yet exalted system of religious
morality which was well calculated to unite together into
one the complex network of races that live together in
the peninsula of India. Buddha knew nothing about a
privileged race of twice-born people, nothing about the
colour line that separated Aryan and Pariah. His salva-
tion was free for all men, and his community of monks
made no distinction between clean and unclean. He tried
to weld India into one body : and if we remember that
during the years of Sakyamuni's ministry the Persian
King Darius Hystaspis established himself in the Punjab,
we shall not perhaps be astonished at the success which
attended his efforts. India perhaps felt that she needed
a united front to present to the new invader.

Buddha died in B.C. 481, and within a few weeks of
his death, his followers, meeting in Council in the cave
at Rajagriha, recited in an oral form the whole of his

IJoyd : A Chapter in huiian History, 45

teachings on doctrine, morals, a4id discipline. That they
could recite it orally s{)eaks volumes for the simplicity of
the oriofinal deposit of Buddhistic teaching.

Just one hundred years later it was necessary to hold
a second council, and the subject discussed was the Ten
Indulgences. The early Buddhist morality had been a
hard and severe one. It was admirably suited for a band
of religious fanatics going forth in the first burst of mis-
sionary enthusiasm. When the number of a<iherents be-
came a large one, and when for other reasons it became
necessary or at least advisable to attract to the Buddhist
cause as large a number of adherents as possible a:nd to
let Buddhism loom as large as possible in the eyes of
the world, it was very natural that a demand should
arise for a relaxation of the original rule. This, I think,
will be found to give a satisfactory reason for the Ten
Indulgences which the Second Buddhist Council sanctioned.

The Brahmans were at this time weak and divided :
the Buddhists strong and buoyant with hope. They were
evidently straining every nerve to become the dominant
state religion of India, and it was not long before they
got their chance.

In B.C. 334, not fifty years after the Council which had
granted the Ten Indulgences, Alexander the Great started
out on his career of conquest, and eight years later, B.C.
326, crossed the Indus, defeated the Indian King Porus
at the*Hydaspes, and threatened the whole of India with
his power. Porus was a Brahman, and in his person
Brahmanism had showed herself powerless to defend India
from invasion. It is true that Alexander died .soon after,
but Hellenism had come to stay, and India needed a
saviour. The saviour was found amongst the dark-skin-

46 Lloyd: A Chapter in Indian History,

ned aborigines and the hour of Buddhist prosperity had
come.

In the middle reaches of the Ganges, on the confines
of what is now the province of Bengal, with its capital
near the city now known as Patna, was the Kingdom of
Magadha, a country which lor centuries had been ruled
over by a dynasty of Aryans with liberal tendencies who
liad from the earliest times been very favourably disposed
towards Buddhism. Magadha w;is, in fact, the head-
quarters of Indian Buddhism, and if we take a map of
India and compare the position of Patna with that of
Delhi, which in later years became the capital of the
Mogul Kmperors, we shall see that it was not so badly
placed for becoming the scat of Empire for the whole
of India.

In the year 320, three years after the death of Alex-
ander, a successful insurrection placed on the throne of
Magadha an adventurer of the Sudra caste, Chandragupta
by name, who established a dynasty that lasted for many
generations. He was not a Buddhist but he was certainly
not a Brahmanist, for he did what no Brahmanist would
have done — he married the daughter of Seleucus Nicator,
the general who succeeded to the Asiatic dominions of
Alexander, and by his consummate state-craft saved
India from a conquest by the Greeks.

Chandragupta, (who has been supposed to have been
by religion a Jain) died n c. 291. His son may t^* pass-
ed over : his grandson, the celebrated Asoka, came to
the throne n.c. 263. Asoka was a man of strong religious
feelings, he has been called the Constantine of Buddhism,
he might perhaps equally well be called its Kaiser Wil-
helm, for he had all that monarch's fondness for preach-

Lloyd : A Chapter in Indian History. 47

in^ sermons to his subjects, and he preached them on
stone so that they might never be forgotten. Originally,
like his grandfather, a Jain, he was converted to Buddhism
some years after his accession, and distinguished, himself
by the fervour of his zeal in the propagation of his new
faith.

A third Council was held : doctrines revised, discipline
restored, and what was more, a great band of missionaries
sent out towards all the four quarters of the compass to
preach the faith to which the Great Asoka had given his
adherence, and, it may be, extol the power and justice
of the great monarch who, in early days, had styled him-
self Piyadasi, ** the friend of the gods," and who had
now become the patron and friend of the Buddhists.

Within a few years after the close of the Council, the
Buddhist emissaries had pushed out from Magadha to
Kashmir and Sind in the West, to Ceylon in the South,
to the Malay Peninsula, Java, and Siam, in the South and
l^^^st. What they took with them we know from the
conditions of Buddhism in Ceylon, the country in which
Budddhism has found a more congenial soil than any.-
where else in the world. It was no longer that simple
and condensed form of words which the early disciples
had been able to recite without books in the cave of
Rajagriha, neither did it consist of tremendously long
dissertations such as the Dai Hannya Kyo (Maha Prajna
ParamJta Sutra) known to Buddhists in Japan. The
sacred books of Buddhism, written in Pali, and revered
in Ceylon, arc those known as the scriptures of the Lesser
Vehicle, and form as it were a mean between the brief
simplicity of the original deposit and the lengthy prolix-
ity of some of the Mahayana Scriptures. They arc far

48 IJoyd : A Chapter in Iiuiidn Itistdry,

more philosophical and less theological or doctrinal, and
perhaps not so lofty in their aim.

Asoka died in B.C. 225. His principal work was undoubt-
edly to promote the spiritual and ethical welfare of his
subjects, but mixed with his religious work there seems
to have been more or less of a lower ambition — ^the de-
sire to be the ruler of a mighty Empire and to unite the
peoples of India, as far as might be, under one sceptre.
These dreams, however, were destined only to have a
transient fulfilment. His heirs were not the inheritors of
Asoka's genius : the dynasty which he had founded passed
away, and not many years after his death, Northern India
passed under a foreign yoke. From B.C. 181 to B.C. 151
mixed hordes of Greeks and Bactrians re-established the
conquests of Alexander and Seleucus, and Graeco-Bactrian
influence established itself in the peninsula. It is in this
period that is placed the life and activity of Nagasena,
the forerunner of the Mahay ana School of Buddhism,
known to us through a book in which he is represented
as discussing religious problems with Menander, one of
the latest of these Graeco-Bactiian Kings. The book it-
self is probably of a later date, but the very fact of its
existence points to the existence of the tradition which
makes the Greek King Menander to have been a Buddhist.

The age of the Graeco-Bactrian Kings — B.C. 180 B.C.
100 must have been an age of great commercial and
literary activity. Rome, which had just destroyed the Em-
pire of Carthage, was in the period of greatest expansion.
Syria and Egypt were still mighty monarchies, and the
luxury which was already then invading Europe made
great demands on Indian commerce. Greece and India
acted and. reacted upon owe another, and the influence

Lloyd: A Chapter in I fhiUin History. 49

mostly exercised by Greece upon India was not purely
Hellenic, but Hellenic mixed with Syrian or Egyptian
elements.

1 have often thought, and here I write more by way
of conjecture and suggestion, that it is to this period,
when the intercourse between India and the Levant was so
frequent, that we must ascribe the origins of (inosticism
on the one hand, and a i)art of the Mahayana Scriptures
on the other.

Gnosticism, I know, did not make its formal apj^earance
in the world until some time after . the appearance of
Christianity, but Gnosticism was a very complex system
of philosophy, if philosophy it may be called, and com^
plex systems such as this do not spring into existence in
a day. 1 look upon Gnosticism as a s)'stem of eclectic
religionism which took something from Buddhism, and
something from India, and something from Palestnie and
something from (ireece and which, confronted by the rising
tide and youthful energy of Christianity, took something
from that faith too. But Gnosticism existed before Chris-
tianity, and has so many points of similarity to Buddhism
that it is imjxjssible to avoid the inference that the two
have had some connection with one another. , Certainly,
the Greek word gnosis has the same meaning as the
Sanscrit bodhi.

It is in this period also that I feel disposed to place
the beginning of some part of the Mahayana Scriptures.

It is known that there arc among the Mahayana writ-:
ings a few that select Amida as the sole Buddha to
whom the devout seeker after salvation need have recourse,
and vvlio place in the Western Paradise of Amida the
Heaven which should be the immediate goal of this lifip's

50 Lloyd: A Cfiapter in Itulian History.

religious aspirations. The books themselves, as we have
them, belong perhaps, from their style, to a later century
— I am not judge enough to express an opinion on that
— but we find in Greece and Rome at this time a tend-
ency to Henotheism, the picking out of one God to the
exclusion of others : we find the same in Hindooism in
the devotion to Krishna as the one divine being who is
worth cultivating, out of the whole number of divine be-
ings, and I look upon Amida as the Buddhist answer
to Krishna and the counterpart of the Gnostic concep-
tions of later times.

But to return to history. About lOO years before Christ,
a Turanian tribe, sometimes spoken of as Scythians, and
sometimes ^s Sakae, in Chinese Sze, invaded India, and
established a Kingdom in. Kashfnir, which lasted fully
three centuries. When Our Lord was bom, a Scythian
monarch (an ancestor of the present Rajputs) was sitting
on the throne of the largest and most powerful state of
India : and when the first Christian preacher came to
India, the sovereign of the state to which he is said to
have come was the Buddhist sovereign Kanishka (a. d.
64-120). Kanishka was not only one of the greatest
Kings of the north of India, but also one of the most
zealous of Buddhists. It was lie who summoned tlie
third, or, as some call it, the fourth Council of Buddhism,
and it was he who, with the assistance of AsVaghosha
and Nagarjuna, pushed the preaching of Buddhism far
beyond the borders of India proper, to Thibet, to the
country beyond the Himalayas, and as far as Turkestan.
Kanishka's council, which was held, according to the
generally received opinion, about the year a.d. 60 or 70,
settled the first draft of the Mahayana Canon of Scripture.

IJoyd: A Chapter in Imfian History, 51

What that Canon originally comprised is not exactly
known. It certainly did not contain the whole of the
multitudinous volumes which now belong to it, for many
of these are confessedly of a much later date : but its
principal books were certainly the so-called nine dliannas^
of which the Mahaprajna Paramita Sutra (Dai Hannya
Kyo) the Lalita Vistara and Saddfiarma pumiarika, are
the most important. The first of these contains the philo-
sophy of the reformed Buddhism; the second, the earthly
life, and the glorification of the Founder of Buddhism.

In the formation of the Mahayana Canon, Kanishka
had the assistance of two great priests who may be con-
sidered the founders of Mahayana Buddhism.

Nagarjuna, (Jap. Ryujyu) a native of Berar in Central
India, the writer of the so-called Madhyamika Sutras,
which maintain the philosophical doctrine of the void, a
doctrine which permeates the Hannyakyo, and which is
found in some Greek philosophies, but very distinctly in
the kenoma and pleroma of Valentinus, Basilides and other
contemporary Gnostic writers. The Hannyakyo is pan-
theistic, the impersonal essence from which Buddhas,
gods and men alike emanate (Jap. Shinnyo), being a con-
ception very much akin to that of the Gnostic Bythos,

Kanishka's other coadjutor was AsVagosha (Jap.
Memyo), a poet and the author of a famous Sanskrit
lyric, the Buddha carita, or life of Buddha, which is an
abbreviation or condensation of the Lalita-vistara men-
tioned above.

Two points, connected with this period, deserve to be
touched on.

Indian tradition says that Nagarjuna obtained his
Mahayana during his sojourn amongst a tribe known as

5 2 Lloyd : A Chapter in Indian History,

the Nagas or siiake-men. It is perhaps only a coincid-
ence, but it is certainly curious, that one of the most
prominent, though least known, sects of Gnostics was
called the Ophite, or Snake sect.

It is also worth remembering that St. Thomas, the
Apostle of Christ, is said to have preached in India
during the reign of Kanishka, and that the Apocryphal
** Acts of the Blessed Thomas," .says that he was marty-
red in a city which has been identified with Kanishka's
capital, and by a prince of the name of Misdeo, who has
been identified with Kanishka's grandson Vasudeva.

The whole of the Sakya era, and of the Gupta era
which followed it (these two eras embracing the first
three centuries of our chronology), was an age of great
literary activity. The Brahmans, who had been long
waiting for another innings, were stirred to activity, by
leaders such as the great Sankaracharya, to a fresh com-
bat with Buddhism, whicli, divided into the opposing
schools of the Greater and Lesser Vehicles, was no
longer able to withstand the attacks of its determined
and persevering foes, and though in a.d. 634 . a fifth
council was held under a King of the name of Siladitya
to settle the differences between the two great schools,
the day of Buddhism was over. It was attacked by
Brahmanism on the one side, by the rising vigour of
Mahommedanisni on the other, and it fled from the
sacred soil of India to recuperate itself in Thibet, China
and Japan.

The rest of Buddhist history scarcely concerns India :
but it should follow as a necessary conclusion to this
paper.

About the year 800 ad a Buddhist monk of Peshawur,

Lloyd : A Chapter in Indian History, 53

Asanga by name, preached a new form of Mahayana,
known as the Tantra Buddhism, which consisted in en-
grafting the local deities of Thibet on to the Buddhas,
so that the former were considered to be the personifica-
tions of the latter. This Tantra Yogacchara Buddhism
was brought over to Japan by Kobo Daishi in the so-
called Shingon sect, and, by identifying the deities of
Japan with the Buddhas, was the first to make a perma-
nent place for itself in the religious consciousness of Japan.
Thus the l-ist formed of Buddhist sects was the first to
take root in Japan, and the others came in reverse order —
after the Shingon, the philosophic 2^n and Tendai, which
based themselves on the Hannya Kyo and Hokekyo, and
after these the Pure I^nd sects of the Jodo, which took
as the basis of their teachings the faith in the mercies of
the one Buddha Amida.

At the close of the Lecture, Rev. C. F. Sweet asked
Professor Lloyd how he could fix upon the year 4S1 B.C.
as the exact date of Buddha's death ? Professor Lloyd
replied : *' The date of the death of Buddha is fixed by
the Second Council, which is known to have occurred
100 years before the invasion of Alexander."

The Chairman then spoke substantially as follows : —
You certainly will not expect me to say anything new
regarding the history of Buddhism which Mr. Lloyd has
so clearly outlined for us. He has made us all his
debtors by his very interesting lecture. When he said
in advance that he feared his sketch would not be in-
structive, he under-estimated, I think, the part which in-
telligent conjecture plays in instruction. Conjectures based
on the careful collation of facts by one scholar after an-
other have filled many a gap in history and it may well

54 Annual General Meeting.

be that a trustworthy chronology of Indian Buddhism is
among the possibilities of the future. If so, it will be
reached through a series of conjectures each term of
which will have had its value, — will have been instructive.
Certainly the relation between Gnosticism and Buddhism,
which Mr. Lloyd sees, is a matter of deep interest, and
the points of similarity between the two systems are very
striking. Incidentally Mr. Lloyd has referred to the trans-
mission to Japan of one of the later forms of the Mal>a-
yana school, where it has become the doctrine of the
Shingon sect. This reference suggests an important field
for research lying before our door. It is no doubt true
that the beginnings of Japanese Buddhism are obscure,
but I think that investigations conducted under the
guidance of the spirit which has opened so many clo5^:d
doors in the history of other lands would yield results of
great interest to the student of the history of religion all
over the world. We must not forget that it is not merely
the beginnings of Buddhism in Japan which should attract
the student, for the growth of Buddhist thought and
liuddhist institutions in Japan is not less worthy of patient,
painstaking study. The literature is abundant, superabun-
dant, indeed, after the period of planting.

To one possessed by the historic spirit so sedulously
fostered in these days in our best universities, the other-
wise tedious path of sifting this mass of literature will be
enlivened by many glimpses of the social life of the
people, which, taken together, will enable him to reconstruct
the society of olden time with a completeness hardly
possible now. Certainly no adequate setting forth of that
old life has yet been made, and the chasm which separates
it from the life of to-day is by no means appreciated

Annual General Meeting, 55

by most observers, even among those who have lived
long in Japan ; yet it is only those who by the construc-
tive imagination have made the old days live again that
can rightly measure the progress Japan has made and
see the goal towards which her course is making.

While not strictly germane to the subject of the
afternoon, before leaving the chair which you have
kindly allowed me to fill for so many years, you will
pardon me, I am sure, if I suggest for the benefit of the
younger members of the society, two or three other fields
of inquiry into which I trust they may see their way
to enter.

The first is that of biography. The lives of a few of
the leading men of Japan have been written, but there
are many others of whom the world would like to know,
esix:cially if their lives could be shown in their natural
environment. Some of the most interesting and instructive
biographies will be those of men of lesser note, such for
example as belonged to the little coterie of scholars of
the Dutch language, in the first half of the last century, who
might well be called the harbingers of the new civilisation.
Here, too, the materials are abundant. A translation of
a biography with suitable annotations would have the
deepest interest.

Another line of investigation might well be the dialects,
especially those of Kyushu, though those of the extreme
north would posses hardly less interest to the philologist.

Another still might well be some department of modern
life, such, for example, as agricultural education. Perhaps
no country in the world is making more strenuous, or
more successful, efforts to place its agriculture on a
scientific basis. Witness the two Agricultural Colleges

56 Annual General Meeting,

and the two grades of subordinate schools in, I think,
every prefecture, not to speak of several schools with the
specific object of training young fanners in the production
of silk. Such investigations would not consist simply in
the collation of the statistics published by the Depart-
ment of Agriculture and Commerce; but in visiting the
schools, studying their methods ; observing their success
in awakening an intelligent interest in practical agriculture
on the part of the students ; examining the attempts being
made to adjust the life of the farmer to the new social
conditions, etc. The i)roblems of the Ja|)anesc small
farmer are many and grave, far more so than most
foreign residents dream, and whether we look at them
from the point of vie\v of philanthrophy or from that of
sociology, they shoukl possess absorbing interest.

These examples are simply illustrations of the many
and varied fields which are as yet relatively unworked.
There are others not less inviting. But they arc not to
be looked upon simply as interesting. The results arc-
bound to be instructive and who can tell but "vvhat some
of them may sway in an important degree the current
of the world's thought.

The CiiAiKMAX then said that he had for several veal's
(Icrivcd great pleasure fiDin his position as President of
the Society; that he desired to thank the Society for the
honour and the pleasure conferred upon him by his re-
peated election ; and that he would most cordially be-
s|)eak for his successor the same warm support and sym-
pathy that had been extended by the Society to himself.

Professor A. Llovd said he was sure that many others
would have been better than himelf as President of the
Soeiet)'. But, since tiie Society had honoured him by

Anfiual General Meeting, 57

electing him President, he could only express his warm
apprectiation of the honour and say that he would do
all in his power to serve the Society efficiently.

On the proposal of the Chairman, every member of
the Society rose to vote thanks to His Excellency Sir
Claude MacDonald for his kind and pleasant entertain-
ment of the Society.

The Chairman declared the meeting adjourned.

MEETING IN TOKYO.

Jan. ij. rgo^..

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan
was held at the Parish Building, No. 54 Tsukiji, on
Wednesday, Januaiy 17th, at half past three o'clock The
previous announcement that a lecture would be given by
Rev. Ekai Kawaguchi on his *' Personal Experiences a-
mong the Tibetans *' had attracted a large audience. The
President of the Society, Professsor A. Lloyd, occupied
the Chair. He annouuced that the minutes of the last
meeting had already been published, and would therefore
be allowed to stand without reading. He said that it
gave him very much pleasure to introduce to the andience
Mr. Kawaguchi of Tibetan fame. Tibet is a country in
which none of us would like to live, yet it is a country
of great interest. It is much before the world to-dav.
Mr. Kawaguchi is so well known as an entertaining lectur-
er and Mr. Guy also as an able interpreter, that he migiit
be excused for not taking any time and for introducing
Mr. Kawaguchi at once.

Mr. Kwaguchi expressed great pleasure in addressing the
audience. He begged to thank Mr. Gardiner, Chairman
of Committee, for inviting him, and the auditors for their
presence. He then delivered his lecture in Japanese, stop-
ping at intervals for Mr. Guy to interpret it in English.
From notes made on the English interpretation, the fol-
lowing summaiy has been prepared.

Mr. Kawaguchi had in mind to go to Tibet in 1893,
but actually left Japan in 1897. The country which we

Meciing in Tokyo. 59

call Tibet is not so designated by its inhabitants. In their
language, the land is called Po-i Fot, If asked about his
nationality, a Tibetan would reply that he is a Pot, Two
explanations arc offered for this term, (i) Tlie inhabitants
of India say that it is the region whence their three or
four great rivers flow down into India, giving life and
prosperity. These rivers are gods, and their source must
be where the gods dwell, their most sacred home — Boda,
which is corrunted into Poi. (2) The Tibetans assert
that their ancestors were divine people who called spirits
from six different sources : from fierce beasts, beasts which
cat no food, ordinary brutes, men, heaven aud hell. They
were the Poi, The word ** Tibet" is of Persian origin,
meaning high land. In Japanese writing, the character
moans (i) West, (2) godown, (3) earth. The term Tibet
or Tobet used by Japanese is an imitation of the foreign
word. The name of the country known to its inhabitants
is Poi^ and concerning that country the lecture treats.

Mr. Kawaguchi left Japan in June, 1896, and went to
Darjeeling, India. He had selected that place to study the
Tibetan language, on account of recommendations from
Indian students in Japan. At Darjeeling, he passed one
and a half year studying the language. In 1899, he
left Darjeeling and went to Nepaul. It would have been
an easy journey to go direct to Lhassa. But, in order to
avoid suspicion and discovery, he chose a circuitous
route. He sought his information concerning roads from
*^*»to^r^- Beggars do not usually follow direct routes,
and so their knowledge best served his purpose. He
proceeded north-west around Manasarowar Lake. With
guides and porters, he rounded this lake in fifty days
and came to Lohtzalahn within fifty miles of Lhasa.

6o Kmvaguchi : On Thibet.

Having met soldiers here, he stopped at Rho Tsalon for
one year and studied the routes. It is a roadless country.
The people direct the inquirer, not by pointing out a
roadway, hut by saying that at a certain place a hermitage
would be found. He dared not make direct inquiries,
but had to proceed cautiously and piece together his
information, so as not to cause suspicion and discovery-
The way lay through the Himalayas. Finally he set
out from Lohtzahn, and pursuing a circuitous route, arriv-
ed after fifty days at the City of Lhassa. His servants
had been bothersome, and so he sent them back. Thus,
carrying his 60 to 80 pounds of baggage and traversinjj
mountains covered with snow, he entered the City of
Lhasa alone.

In looking over Thibet from the mountains, Mr. Kawa-
guchi was much surprised by the view. He had expected
to see a great plain ; there stretched away a broken series
of mountains and valleys. This part of the trip was
made in the months of June and July — a season when
the weather here is balmy or hot ; yet there snow fre-
quently fell during the night. This enables us to imagine
the rigours of winter. There were many streams and
rivers to cross. In the absence of bridges or ferries, the
traveller could only remove his clothes and wade through
the icy waters. He had many mishaps. On one occa-
sion, he was borne away by the torrent and lodged in
banks of snow and ice. His benumbed body was restored
by being placed between two sheep and subjected to the
influence of their warmth.

Lake Manas Narako, as is well known, is the highest
in the world. In India, it is beheved to be the source
of four great rivers, among them being the Ganges and

Kawagiuhi : On Thibet, 6i

the Bramaputra. But, in circumventing this lake, Mr.
Kawaguchi discovered that it is not the source of any
river. Near by is a second lake around which Mr. Kawa-
guchi passed, in order to reach the pubHc road. This is
in fact no road, no labour having ever been spent either
to make or to repair it. It is merely a sort of trail from
which yaks and travellers have worn the grass. At in-
tervals of about fifty miles on this path, there are villages.
Here there are houses, although ordinarily the Tibetans
live in tents made of yak cloth. In this region, the air
is extremely rarefied. The traveller suffers, has difficulty
to breathe and even spits blood. While rounding the
mountains, a great misfortune overtook Mr. Kawaguchi.
Two robbers — little robbers, as big robbers would not
waste time on a poor priest — set upon him and robbed
him. They took his baggage, took everything, save his
books and some money which was concealed inside of
his clothes. Alone in the mountains, with only snow for
food, drink and bed, he wandered for three days. On
the third day, hungry, faint, almost blinded by the bright
glare of the snow, he was found by a large Tibetan and
taken to the Tibetan's tent. While resting and recuper-
ating there, he was bitten by a dog. This new misfortune
obliged him to remain there a long time to recover.
Leaving this place, he was taken into the caravan of a
large merchant and by an easy journey came to the
village of Haruzei, whence Lhassa was easily reached.
It was now July 21st, 1901. (Through error, the date is
stated as March, 1900, in an article written by the lecturer
for the Century Magazine^

The climate is comparatively mild in central Tibet. In
summer the thermometer rarely registers more than 80

62 Kawaguchi : On Thibit.

degrees. There are no cold winds, such as blow in T5-
ky5. On arrival in the City of Lhassa, Mr. Kawaguchi
took lodging in the Sera School. Although many things
might be said concerning his trip, it is most interesting
to speak of Lhassa.

The architecture of Lhassa is typical of that in all
Thibet. The temples are built of stone. Their roofs are
flat and covered with a cement-like substance. The gen-
eral form is castle-like. The houses are mostly con-
structed of a sort of adobe sun-dried bricks. They are
lighted from above, by means of a kind of sky-light
without glass. In the better homes, the ceiling is covered
with a white cloth. They liave no floors, natural earth
serving instead. But in the corner of the room there is
a carpet, where they sleep and sometimes also sit, and
whither they always show guests. In material and finish,
the houses are rough. Timbers and boards are not planed
or polished.

: The name of Lhassa signifies " Country of God.'*
Looked at from a distance, it also may give that impression.
But a single close view shows that it is a misnomer.
It is in fact a very dirty place. The streets are narrow
and filthy. The shops of the city are of two sorts. One
kind is similar to those of Japan — a room with the side
open and the wares exposed to view from the outside.
The other variety consists simply of stands or places in the
street, where the goods are spread out to view. The usual
size of a shop is about twelve feet— twenty or twenty-five
feet would be very large. In them, are sold cloth, butter,
tea, flour, Chinese breads, and native products generally,
also some foreign things (not specified). Some foreign
food-stuff's are imported from India ; but they are very

Kawaguchi : On Thibet 63

dear and only the rich can afford to buy them. Res-
taurants exist and in them noodles chiefly are sold. Nood-
les with a little meat added would be a Thibetan feast.

Most of the people in Lhassa are of course Thibetans.
But there are also Nepaulese to the number of four or
five hundred, about two hundred Cashmerians and man>
Chinese. Thibetans in many respects resemble Japanese,
but in some respects they differ from Japanese. In strong
contrast with Japanese are their great stature and their
filthy habits. Their indifference to dirt may be indicatec
by saying that a Thibetan's ideals of cleanliness arc the
Chinese! Thibetans represent themselves as being very
religious. Tliey pretend to be devout Buddhists. If asked
about their purposes or desires in life, they would reply
that their one ideal and their one desire is Buddha or to
realize Buddhism. For this, they work, live, steal. But
tliis is mostly pretence. Outwardly they appear calm,
niild and simple ; but inside they are harsh and cruel.

Thibetan customs are many and curious. Among the
most interesting of them is the marriage ceremony. Iii
Thibet, the rule is polyandry, but polygamy is occasion-
ally met with. For example, if there be a family of five
sons, all together take one wife. The eldest is called the
" father," and each of the others is called " uncle." Ort
the other hand, if there be a family of three daughters
and no .sons, all three sisters take one husbaild. In the
latter case, polygamy arises ; but this is not so frequent.
Marriages are arranged by an intermediary or " go-be-
tween " with the parents of the bride or brides and groom
or grooms. The girl is not consulted in the matter, al-
though she is to become the head of the new house.
When the arrangements have been completed, the parents

■^

64 Kawagtichi : On Thibet,

give the girl oil and hair ornaments and let her wash
her hair. At other times, the hair is not washed. In
fact, there is very little washing done in Thibet. Tliere
it is considered an honour never to have washed. The
parents tell the girl that she is to go to a certain place
as bride. Her wishes are not consulted and she has no
say in the matter. Finally, the friends of the bride and
of the groom come to the bride's home and stay all
night. The members of each group banter those of the
other and urge them to drink. Should one drink too
much and fall asleep, custom allows the other group to
take from him some article to be next day ransomed by
the owner. On the following day the bride bids farewell
to the family g')ds — '* the gods of happiness." She must
persuade them to stay there and not to follow her. In
order to convince them, she calls on them to witness the
feast prepared for them. She tells them that they are
surrounded with abundance and care, whereas the place
to which she goes is poor and miserable. Then the
bride, wiUi the two groups of attendants, sets out for her
new home — the home of the groom. If she pass through
a village on the way, it is permissible for the villagers
to steal the bride and require a ransom for her. This
is justified on the ground that she is without gods and
accom[)anied by demons. Her passage through the village
will thus bring it ill-luck. The ransom money is re-
quired to appease the gods. When the bride arrives at
her future home, the gate is closed against her. The
groomsmen are now before the gate. Thus accompanied
by demons, the bride cannot enter. The groomsmen arc
provided with a pyramid of flour encased in dough. This
is thrown by one of them at the bride, and the break-

Katvaguchi : On Thibet. 65

ing of it drives away the demons. If the bride's attend-
ants catch the one who throws the magic pyramid, he
is obliged to pay a penalty. The bride now asks for
tlie gate to be opened. The request is refused until she
pronounce a blessing on the gate. Then the gate is
opened, all enter, and the ceremony is ended.

Among the Thibetans, there are four different forms of
funeral ceremony. They arise from the Indian proverb
that man comes from four elements ; viz., earth, water,
fire, wind. According to the first cermony, the bones
are crushed, the flesh is cut in pieces the body cooked
and fed to dogs, birds and eagles. According to the
second ceremony, the body is burned, consumed by fire.
This is not common, but is sometimes practised. In the
third ceremony, the corpse is thrown into one of the great
rivers, after having been decapitated and dismembered.
According to the fourth form, the body is buried in the
earth. This method is rarely employed — only when the
other ceremonies are inconvenient.

Music and literature among Thibetans are at a very
low stage. They have but a single musical instrument.
It is similar to the samisen. Thibetans sing and dance.
Dancing is done with the feet, not with the whole body.
Some strike with the right, some with the left foot, and,
what is peculiar, all do it precisely alike. Their songs
are of two kinds. Common songs deal with love, braver>',
unusual exploits. Priestly or religious songs are prayers
to Buddha. Mr. Kawaguchi chanted a sample of each,
and they were respectively rendered into English thus :
(i) ** Yara, yara," (this is only a prelude) " As the azalea
blooms all over Thibet, but the red, beautiful and sweet-
scented ones bloom only up on the hills, so perhaps my

/66 Kawaguchi : On Thibet.

lover's feith is beautiful." (2) " In my heart is prepared
the lotus seat. O Buddha, the real source of Buddha-
hood, give nie thy protection ; and inake me that my
body, heart and mouth may perfectly perform their duties!"
Many persons as'k how Mr. Kawaguchi's identity was
discovered in Lhasa. It happened thus. Mr. Kawaguchi
went to a certain shop to buy soap — ^the only shop in
Lhasa where good soap could be obtained. The soap
.merchant looked him closely in the eye. Mr. Kawaguchi
had known this man at Darjeeling. He himself had been
closely shaven at Darjeeling, while at Lhassa he wore a
heavy beard. But he perceived that he was probably
-discovered and went quickly away. Being later obliged
to have more soap, he returned to the same shop. The
merchant would not sell him soap, but looked him in the
eye, and asked *' Do you know me ?'* Mr. Kawaguchi
could not lie, and so he replied " Yes." Thereupon, the
merchant took him into the merchant's house, placed him
on the highest seat, then asked his (the merchant's) wife,
"Do you know this man?" After closely regarding him,
the wife replied ** No." This shows how i>orfect was the
disguise penetrated by the merchant. The merchant said
'* This is tlie Japan Lama." Mr. Kawaguchi knew that
it was dangerous to remain in Lhassa, if his presence
was known. But the merchant promised before the Grods
that he would not tell that Mr. Kawaguchi was a "Japan
Lama." However, this merchant was sent to India to
buy iron, and there heard that the Japanese were good
and liad the same religion as the Thibetans. On his re-
turn to Lhassa, this merchant, without evil intentions, t<>ld
the head merchant that a *' Japan Lama " was in Lhassa.
I^ter, the head merchant, in an interview with Mr. Kawa-

Kawagucki: On ThUnL 6j

guchi, said : " You are not a Thibetan, Chinaman, Indian
or European ; what land do you come from ?" Mr. Kawa-
guchi had in mind to say that he was a Chinaman.
But the soap merchant, who was present, forestalled him
by saying that this was the '* Japan Lama." The head
merchant reported the fact to the brother of the Great
Lama. The head merchant also wished to protect Mr.
Kawaguchi. But the Dalai Lama learned that the "Japan
Lama " was the learned doctor at the Sera College of
Priests, who was about to receive favours and important
promotions. The facts bec.une generally known and
created an uproar in the city. Mr. Kawaguchi knew
that it was dangerous to remain, and so he fled the city,
May 19th, 1902. Fortunately there was then a great
religions festival at Lhassa, — a fact which facilitated his
escape. On leaving Lhassa Mr. Kawaguchi took the most
d.rect route to Darjeeling, and, having passed through
several perilous places arrived in July safely at Darjeeling.
While there he sent back to the Dalai I^ma a petition
in behalf of the friends who had been kind to him
at Lhassa. But news of the recent expedition to Thibet
cause him to fear that he may be suspected to have
been a spy and that therefore his benefactors may be
questi(med with exceptional severity. From the King of
Nepaul, Mr. Kawaguchi received as a present forty-one
bibles or sacred books. These he has lent to a school.
But the many other curious objects here on view to
illustrate the lecture he had brought with him from Thibet
to Japan, arriving here last May.

The President of the Society said it only remained to
thank Mr. Kawaguchi in behalf of all who were present
for his interesting lecture, and also Mr. Guy for his

68 KawasrticfU: On Thibet.

'i>

efficient interpretation. As it was very late, no time
remained for formal questions, but Mr. Kawaguchi
would be glad to answer privately after the meeting any
questions that might be asked .Thi meeting was declared
adjourned.

TRANSACTIONS

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY

OF JAPAN.

VOL. XXXII.

TOKYO :
RIKKYO GAKUIN PRESS.

1905.

A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF NOBORD WATANABE.

(KVVAZAN )

By Miss S. Ballard.

[^Read 12 October ipo^.]

Sixty years have passed since Noboru VVataiiabu
took his own \i(e, being under the impression that liis
mere existence brought discredit upon his feudal lord.
These sixty years have wrought great changes and Japan
is now ready to do credit to the work done by Watanabe
and his party.

In a recent political speech Marquis Ito, in referring
to the opening of Japan to foreign influence, made the
following remarks :

" That the Restoration should have been combined
with the opening of the country and the adoption of a
policy of enlightened progress was a surprise to all. This
great and decisive step is due of course to the keen
foresight of the enlightened Sovereign and of the states-
men who surrounded and advised him at the time.

No inconsiderable amount of credit, however, must
in this respect be given to patriots and servants like
Shihei Hayashi, Kwazan Watanabe, Choei Takano, Shozan
Sakuma and others."

In my account of Kwazan Watanabe I have closely
followed a Japanese biography, reserving any remarks of
my own for foot-notes.

Noboru Watanabe, commonly known by his Nom de
Plun^e of Kwazan, was born in 1794.

2 Ballard : — The Life of Watanabe Noboni.

His father was a samurai of the Tawara clan,* a
studious man, who at one time lived in Yedo studying
Confucianism and supporting himself by copying Chinese
classics. He had eight children, of whom Kwazan was
the eldest.

From the time that Kwazan was a mere child it was
predicted that he would grow famous. One day, before
he was two years old, his mother was standing with him
at the gate of the lord's house at Sugamo when a priest
passed who had a great reputation for being able to read
a person's future in his face. The mother asked him to
look at Kwazan and tell her whether he would have
small-pox severely or slightly.

The priest, looking at the child, said that he would
have small-pox very slightly, that he would grow up to
be a famous man, but would be in unfortunate circum-
stances ; all of which predictions came true.

When he was eight years old, Kwazan was made one
one of the attendants on his young lord, and from the
time he was ten he began to receive a regular salary.
He went to the castle morning and afternoon ; one of his
duties was to learn the ono of which his young lord was
vtxy fond.

It was when he was ten years old that there occurred
an event which made a great impression on his mind.
When walking along Nihonbashi, he chanced to knock
against one of the attendants in a procession escorting
the Lord of Bizen ; for this rudeness he was so chided
and humiliated that he felt he must devote his life to
wiping out this indignity, which could only be done by

* The Tawara clan was ruled hy the Tosa no Kami or Lord of Tosa, a
title which, however, implied no connection with the place of that name.

Ballard ; — The Life of Watanabe Noboni. 3

becoming fimous. la orcicr to make a name for himself
he decided to apply himself to learning and one of his
father's friends, hearing of his resolution, introduced him
to a teacher under whom he began regular study.

Kvvazan s home was of the humblest and poorest de-
scription. His father had been ill for many years and
in order to procure the necessary medicines for him every-
thing the family possessed liad gradually been sold. In
the coldest night of winter they had not a futon to lie
on nor to cover them. The mother would lie on the
bare mats and taking the youngest child in her arms
would try to impart to it the warmth of her own body.

In order to reduce the number of mouths to feed, one
son went as a servant ; another became a priest, while
Kwazan devoted all his leisure to study, hoping eventual-
ly by that means to do something to help his parents.
In the intervals of his attendance on his lord, Kwazan
had not only to nurse his sick father, but also to help
his mother in her house-hold work. Rising early in the
morning to kindle the fire, he would manage to study a
little by its light ; indeed the sages of olden times who
did their studies by the light of fire-flies or the snow,
underwent no greater hardships in their pursuit of learn-
ing than did Kwazan. Even in his childhood his writing
was astonishing, and he early showed his talent for paint-
ing. When he was about eight years old, a visitor came
one day, who did not leave his name; Kwazan however,
having seen him, was able to draw a picture which was
such a correct likeness that they could tell at once who
their visitor had been.

One of his father's friends told him that, considering
the extreme poverty of his home, it was of no use his

4 Ballard : — The Life of Watanabe Nyboni,

thinking of becoming a great scholar it was necessary
that he should apply himself to ; something that would
bring in money at once, and as his pictures showed great
talent he had better give himself to painting. So at the
age of sixteen Kwazan, receiving from his mother the
modest sum of sixteen mon with which to buy paper,
began work as an art student. He was not able however
to give his whole time to it, for he had been appointed,
in the same year, teacher to the Lord ot Bingo.

As he grew older Kwazan felt that mere skill in paint-
ing was not enough, he wished his paintings to show
culture, so he made great efforts to study Chinese
classics with a teacher, but there were many obstacles
in the way ; during the day he had to attend on his
lord and in the daimyds households the rules for-
bidding young men to go out after dark were strict,
so he was unable to go to the night school that he
wished to attend. He was however undaunted in his
pursuit of knowledge, and the little leisure that was left to
him, when his feud.il duties were over, was divided between
the painting by which he contributed some money to the
household support, and those Chinese classics which, to
the end of his life, were such a perpetual interest to him.

He formed for himself a rule of conduct; which he
pasted to the wall of his room in order that he might
not forget it. Among other resolutions were the follow-
ing ; " To strive to keep his parents from want. To
study deeply, while pursuing his painting for the
relief of the family poverty. To look at no books except
the Chinese classics and those on painting. To be very
careful in his intercourse and, while never repulsing those
who came to him, not to seek out acquaintances. (There

Ballard: — The Ufe of Watanabe Noboru. 5

is a list of those whose knowledge and talents made
them profitable friends).

To be simple and straight-forward in his manners ;
frugal in food ; careful as to his actions ; saving of time ;
sparing of words, even in the most trivial act of writing
to form the characters with care, and to be clear in
expression.

While his parents were alive to keep them from poverty
by hard work, however much that work went against his
own inclinations ; to be willing even to offer up prayer
to demons, if by that means he could obtain peace of
mind for his parents."

In 1 8 19 the Tawara clan was ordered by the Shogun
to repair the Wadakura gate in Tokyo, which work
Kwazan superintended for six years. Kwazan was very
much struck by the first foreign pictures he saw and he
afterwards introduced a certain amount ot foreign style
into his paintings. His portraits were famous. On one
occasion, when he had finished a life-like portrait,
the sitter wished to reward him handsomely, but he
refused to take any payment. Finally, however, he asked
for an ancient Chinese manuscript which he said would
be of more value to him than a thousand yen.^

Kwazan gradually rose to posts of trust in the daimyo's
household and was able to marry, but as he had to support
not only his parents but also his grand parents, his cir-
cumstances were always straitend. He was noted for his
filial devotion, and when his father died, he was for two
days too afflicted to eat ; but on the third day he rose and,

* Kwazan here showed the correct Japanese disregard for money, but one
cannot help wondering how the Chinese manuscript was received by the
poverty stricken family.

6 Ballard: — The Life of Watanabe Noboru.

after partaking of some kayu, set to work on a portrait
of his father which he hung in his room and before which
he offered food, morning and night. He had his father's
funeral conducted according to the Confucian rites pre-
scribed in the Sosairci.

It was when he was over thirtv that Kwazan turned
his attention to Dutch learning. The students of the
Dutch or Western learning were divided at that time
into two parties ; one, the Yama-no-te party, studied
Western learning in several different branches ; the Shita-
machi party* devoted themselves to the study of medicine
only.

Kwazan, along with Koseki, Takano Choei, and others,
also formed an association called the Shoshi Kwai, (Old
Men's Club) whose avowed object was the study of
foreign geography and history, but they had also the
secret purpose of studying with a view to improving the
maritime defences of Japan, which they felt to be
defective. In spite of its name, the members of the club
were all young men. Though regarded with suspicion^
on account of their advanced views, they yet gained con-
fidence by the reliability of their characters, and the daimyos
would not unfrequently submit difficult questions in politics
to their consideration, and would place young men under
their influence.

Kwazan, being a man of learning and position, was con-
sidered the head of the club, but having begun Western
learning rather late he was only able to read the Japan-
ese translations of the books studied. Though much taken
up with Western learning, Kwazan steadily continued his
study of Confucius and we find him at the age of thirty

* The names refer to dilTcrent districts of Tokyo.

Ballard: — The IJfe of Watauabc Noboru. 7

four still going daily to read the Confucian classics with
a master.

When his I^rd, the daimyo of Bingo, died childless,
Kwazan earnestly hoped that the younger brother, Tomo-
nobu, might be allowed to succeed him. But the house
of Miyake was very poor and the retainers determined
that it would be better to adopt an heir from some
wealthy house in the hopes that he might bring money
with him.

As an excuse for their conduct they argued that Tomo-
nobu was too delicate to be a satisfactory head of the clan.

Kwazan thought it dreadful that one of the lineal
descendants of the house should be set aside for a com-
plete stranger and protested against these proceedings ; he
argued that he had never heard of a daimyo s house really
becoming bankrupt, and that though they were poor yet,
if they proceeded to economize steadily, there was no
reason why they should not have Tomonobu, a son of
the house, for their lord. His protests, however, were in
vain, and the retainers chose a successor from the house
of Sakai, who took the title of the Lord of Tosa. Though
Kwazan had been opposed to his election he does not
seem to have borne any ill will, for he appointed Kwazan
superintendent of the household of the deposed Tomonobu.

This Lord of Tosa had a son and a daughter, and
it was his intention, when they were of age, to make his
son his successor and give away his daughter in mar-
riage. When Kwazan heard of this plan he resolved to
address his lord on the subject.

Sending away all the other retainers, he contrived to
see his lord quite alone and told him that the setting
aside of Tomonobu had been an injustice to an old

8 Ballard : — The Life of Watancibe Noboru,

family. He then begged that this injustice might be
repaired by the Lord of Tosa giving his son away and
taking Tomonobu's .son as successor and husband to his
daughter.

Kwazan pointed out that if the Lord of Tosa did this
he would please not only the retainers of the class, who
would be pleased to see the original line restored, but he
would also please the spirits of his ancestors. He owned
that he was making a very bold suggestion and that it
would be quite within reason if the Lord of Tosa ordered
him to be immediately beheaded.

The Lord however received the suggestion very favour-
ably and, thanks to Kwazan, the family of the deposed
Tomonobu was finally reinstated by the carrying out of
the proposed arrangement.

The history of the succession to the house of Miyake,
which ruled the Tawara clan, shows how entirely differ-
ent the Japanese idea of family succession is to the
English. When the lord died, the elder of the clan
retainers elected a successor. There does not appear to
have been such a thing as legal right.

Kwazan was commissioned to write a history of the
house of Miyake and in order to collect the necessary
information he travelled about a considerable part of
Japan. When he was absent on one of these journeys
he received an order to return at once. A ship belong-
ing to the Kishu clan had been shipwrecked on the
Tawara coast and, the cargo having become scattered
about, the farmers and fishermen had appropriated what-
ever they could lay hands on. The Kishu clan determined

Ballard: — The Life of Watanabc Noboru, 9

to complain to the Shogun's court. Kwazan saw at once
that such a complaint would result in great trouble for
the Tawara clan, so he hurried to Tokyo and for three
months he worked hard in his endeavovrs to prevent the
matter coming before the Shogun. In this he was
successful and the gratitude of the clan was unbounded.
When he returned to Tawara the fisher people assembled
at the castle to express their gratitude and to beg him
to accept a sum of money. Kwazan wished to refuse the
money, declaring that he had merely done his duty.
It was however pressed on him and he accepted it, after-
wards returning it to that district with directions that it
was to be kept as a fund for use when there had been
bad fishing seasons.

The years 1833 to 1839 were marked by a bad famine
in Japan. Kwazan exerted himself in every way to help
the distressed people ; when the distress was first felt m
the north he wrote to the people of Tawara urging them
to be frugal and industrious. The famine gradually
spread, and merchants bought up stores of rice so that the
prices became exorbitant. There was great disorder in
the country districts, where bands of robbers urged the
people to insurrection. Kwazan was much troubled at
this state of affairs and thought out a relief plan. He
proposed the building of a large godown at Tawara in
which the people could store rice in anticipation of the
famine becoming worse. The people had implicit faith in
Kwazan and they came forward eagerly to help in the
work of building. The Lord of Tosa with his own hand
wrote an inscription to be hung in the finished building,
and the first grain stored was millet which Kwazan bought
with money made by the sale of a picture.

lo Ballard : — The Life of Watanabe Noboni.

The famine became more and more widely spread and
the Lord of Tosa, wishing to commence further relief
work, sent for Kwazan who was then in Tokyo.

Kwazan was too ill to travel, too ill even to write a
letter, but he sent books which gave valuable information.

The retainers of the Tawara clan took up the business
of the famine relief with great vigour and the rich families
contributed liberally. The poor were helped with rice
and the sick given medical attendance so that in the
Tawara district not a single person died of starvation.
The Lord of Tosa received a letter of praise from the
Shogun but it was felt that the real credit was due to the
foresight and prompt measures of Kwazan.

Kwazan set a noble example of frugality in his own
household. During the famine he made a rule of having
only two meals a day and giving the rice he thereby
5aved to the poor. There are many tales of his generosity
to those in distress.

It was about this time that Kwazan sent a friend a
composition entitled " The Mean Man " from which the
following sentences are taken.

*' To gain fame he will disregard truth and to obtain
profit he will disregard justice. He is jealous of those
who are nobler and richer than himself, those who are
lowly he despises and ill treats ; he makes friends only
with his inferiors in intellect and tastes ; he disdains to
ask for information, so he remains ignorant to the end of
his life. He rejoices to hear himself praised, even though
he knows the praise to be exaggerated ; he is astonished
when he hears himself blamed, if for something he has
not done, he is wroth ; if for a fault, he hides it and
condones his mi.stake. So he does not improve."

Ballard: — The Life of Watanabe Noboru. ii

Kwazan had a collection of over five hundred books
and over twenty pictures all of which he determined to
present to his lord. His friends expostulated and advised
him to keep some for his descendants. He replied that
he *' had collected these books with infinite pains and
trouble, but still it was all owing to his lord's kindness
that he had them at all, so that he did not look upon
them as being really his own possessions and was only
too glad to be able to offer them as a token of his
gratitude. If any of his descendants had a taste for
learning they must collect books for themselves ; besides
which, it was impossible to know the future of his
descendants, and they might not be in a position to take
proper care of his collection, so that the results of long
years of labour might be lost."

The year 1818 was marked by the coming of an
English merchant ship to Uraga. The Japanese Govern-
ment were much annoyed that foreign ships should
venture so far, and the subject of maritime defence in
which Kwazan had alvvavs been interested became a
burning question. Kwazan thought that inhabitants of
sea-coast places should be instructed by the Government
as to the shape of foreign ships and the flags of different
countries so that they might be able to give the alarm
when dangerous vessels appeared, and suggested that
pictures should be posted up in Government offices. He
also urged the Government to have spring and autumn
manoeuvres for the better training of of the soldiers.

The arrival of what is known in Japanese history as
the "Morrison" ship caused great agitation in Japan.
This ship came straight up to Tokyo bay, without calling
at Nagasaki, wishing to land seven Japanese castaways

12 Ballard : — The Life of Watanabe Noboru,

wlioni it had picked up. The Japanese were convinced
that this was a mere pretext wliich covered some more
serious design. The Lord of Echizen advised that the
castaways should be allowed to land and that the captain
should be given an audience, but the other daimyos were
opposed to this. They argued that if the object of the
ship had merely been the returning of the castaways,
they would have gone to Nagasaki. " The English
robbers," they said, ** have for sometime been molesting
Japan and should be punished, especially as they hold
the Christian religion which is forbidden by our laws;
the castaways are unfortunate but we cannot receive them,
we must drive away the ship.*

This counsel prevailed.

At this time the superintendent at Uraga was a man
called Torii, and the Shogun's deputy there was Ogasawara.

This Torii was extremely jealous of the position and
influence of Kwazm and the other leaders of the advanced
party, and had long been looking for some accusation to
bring against them when the publication of Takano Choei's
*' Yumenomonogatari," gave him the opportunity he sought.
He told the Government that he believed that the talk
about the probable coming of foreign ships was merely
a fiction by which the Dutch scholars were trying to
a^j[itatc the people and to rouse them to sedition. He
advised that the Dutch scholars should be severely
reprimanded. The Government however did not then act
on his suggestion.

Torii, in connection with Ogasawara, prepared a survey
map for the (jovernment, which they showed to Egawa

^ .Sec Nolo un the Morrison.

Ballard: — Tlu IJfe of Watanabe Noboni. 13

one of Kwazan's followers. The map was very faulty
and Egawa felt that it would be of no practical use, so
he quietly sent a messenger to Kwazan saying that as
the map would be used in the construction of fortifica-
tions it was of great importance that it should be correct,
and begging that some one capable of such work should
be sent to Uraga.

Kwazan after consulting with Takano, recommended two
men, Uchida and Satomura, who went at once to Uraga
and began to work at a survey map.

Ogasawara, seeing that these men were his rivals, did
all he could to discredit them. Torii was persuaded to
order Satomura back to Tokyo on the plea that being a
Buddhist priest he could not possibly know about such
work. Uchida however made a map which he submitted
to the careful criticism of Kwazan and then sent in to
the Government. The map prepared by Torii and
Ogasawara was sent in about the same time, but there
was no comparison between them, and the evident super-
ority of Uchida's brought great credit to the Dutch scholars.

It was about this time that a party was formed to
advocate Japanese emigration to some of the uninhabited
islands of the Pacific. Those who interested themselves
in the matter were a couple of dozen men, all of whom
belonged to the party of the Dutch scholars, and who held
meetings and tried to arouse an interest in the matter.
Among those who occasionally attended the meetings of
the Dutch scholars was a man named Hanai, one of the
keepers of the Palace garden. Ogasawara, who was very
anxious to recover the reputation that he had lost in the
matter of the map, sent one day for Hanai and told him
that it was well-known to the Government that the Dutch

14 Ballard: — The Life of Watanabe Noboru.

scholars, under the pretext of furthering emigration, were
stirring up the people and urging them to sedition. He
also told Hanai that if he wished to escape the punish-
ment that was about to fall on all connected with the
Dutch scholars, he would himself go to Torii and not
only implore pardon but also, as a proof of his repentance,
give a full account of the proceedings of the Dutch
scholars and a list of their names.

Hanai was much alarmed and resolved at once to
follow this advice. He therefore drew up a document in
which he gave the names of all whom he knew to be in
sympathy with the Dutch scholars (the list included the
houses of Shimadzu, Miyake, Matsudaira, and many others),
he also stated that Kwazan aud Takano were really the
leaders of the party.

Torii and Ogasawara were not the only ones who were
working against the Dutch scholars. A certain official
named Shibukawa addressed a letter to the Government
on the subject. He strongly advised that all foreign
books brought into the country should be submitted to a
sort of censorship. Under the present system, he said,
scholars were allowed to order any books they pleased
and take them to their homes, in this way pernicious
reading on politics, forbidden religions, such as Christian-
ity, and other erroneous opinions were being widely
spread. The dainiyos had encouraged their retainers not
only to study Dutch but even in some cases to translate
these bad books ; of course it was necessary that doctors
should study Dutch, but others should be forbidden to do
so, as it was only curiosity and a love of novelty that
led them to it. He proposed that all foreign books
should be sent straight to Yedo and examined there

Ballard: — The Life of Watanabe Noboni. 15

before being road by any one. *' Neglect of this matter
even for one day might lead to years of trouble."

One day in May 1839 Kwazan invited Takano to his
house and told him that it was clear that trouble was
in store for the Dutch scholars. He said that his pupils
frequently warned him to be careful, but that he had no
fears as to what might happen to himself, his only anxiety
was the thought of what would become of his aged
mother if he were seized by the Government. Even while
he was speaking a messenger arrived bringing the expected
summons to appear before the Government. Seven other
members of the Dutch learning party were summoned
along with him.

Police were sent to search Kwazan's house with a view
to discovering writings that would compromise him. As
they were not able to read what they found they
bundled books, letters, compositions, all into a long box
and took them to the court.

Kwazan's position being a good one (karo) they expected
to find hand.some furniture and clothes in his house, but
it seemed to contain nothing but books and pictures.
When asked what had happened to the furniture the
weeping family showed pawn-shop tickets, to the great
surprise of the police who had not conceived it possible
that he should be so poor.

When the news of Kwazan's imprisonment spread
abroad the Lord of Tosa and the deposed Tomonobu
were much distressed and began to agitate for his release.

Kwazan had asked a friend of his, named Koseki, who
knew Dutch, to translate a book on Christianity for him.
He knew that it was forbidden in Japan, but he was of
opinion that as Christianity was the religion of enlightened

1 6 Ballard : — The Life cf Watanabe Noboru.

and civilized countries it ought not to be too hastily
condemned.

When Koseki heard of Kwazan's imprisonment he felt
sure that it was on account of this book, and it seemed to
him unfair that Kwazan only should suffer for what he
also had been engaged in. He therefore resolved to give
himself up to the authorities, but just as he was about to
do so he was told by friends that the punishment for
studying the forbidden religion was crucifixion. He felt
that such a fate would bring dishonour on his ancestors,
so that evening he committed suicide. The accusation
against Kwazan was a double one; first, he was accused
of being connected with the emigration party, which he
denied; secondly, he was accused of having spoken and
written disrespectfully of the Government. Passages were
quoted from his writings ; in one place he had said that
there were many kinds of governments, some might be
Hkcned to a man who, building a high fence round his
house and shutting his gate, refused to have any inter-
course wilh his neighbours, yet this isolation would not
not give him immunity from danger, if there was a fire,

his house would be burnt down also. In the opinion of
the examiners this was a reflection on the Shogun's
Government.

In another place Kwazan had said that Chinese learn-
ing did not come up to Western learning; and in speaking
of the incident of the Morrison ship he had given a de-
scription of the latter part of the Ming dynasty in China,
describing how when the provinces were full of disturb-
ances the Court was given up to poetry and music, the
government officials were taken from the sons of nobles,
bribery and corruption were prevalent, and Confucianism
not properly valued.

Ballard : — The Life of Watanabe Nolwrn, 17

All these remarks were considered to be veiled
criticisms, in language that it was not becoming to use
regarding the Government.

Kwazan's defence was that these passages did not
occur in published books but merely in rough notes which
had been written in times of excitement and then laid
aside ; he admitted that the language was hasty, but pleaded
that no disrespect was meant, and asked that such mere
jottings, which he forgot as soon as he had written them,
should not be taken as expressions of his fixed opinions-
In a long letter written from prison to a friend, he says
that his teaching and his studies had all been undertaken
with the desire of being useful to his country, but now
his bright hopes and plans for future usefulness were
wrecked, even if he should escape with his life he had
suffered the disgrace of being bound as a prisoner and
his reputation was gone ; though he had sinned, he had
done so unintentionally, and his mind was at rest: he left
his fate to heaven's decree, his only anxiety being for
his mother.

" I never forget my old mother and my fellow prisoners
laugh at me because in the night I often call out her
name. I not only suffer anxiety on her account but I
also cause her to be anxious for me, but please tell her
that though I am in prison there is no need to be anxious
about me. My fellow prisoners are of a lower social
position than myself so I have all my own way. From
the beginning they knew who I was and called me
teacher ; the prison officials, too, come and consult me on
matters of art ; and as you have sent me money and food
I suddenly find myself in luxury. Please assure my mother
of this."—

1 8 Ballard: — TJie Life of Watanabe Noboni.

Kwazan's trial was carried on by an examiner named
Nakajima by whom he was " much scolded *'.*

When Kwazan was released after a seven Months* im-
prisonment the joy of his friends was unbounded. His
house was besieged by messengers bearing congratulations
from various daimyos, and friends coming to express their
pleasure, but, though released from prison, he was by no
means a free man, and he was not able to see them.
His orders from the Government were to remain quietly
in his house, to see no one, and to go back to Tawara
as soon as possible.

He was however permitted to go by night to Sugamo
to pay a farewell visit to Tomonobu. Tears were shed
both by the master and his faithful retainer, for they both
felt sure that they would never meet again.

Kwazan went back to Tawara where he lived a quiet
life avoiding all contact with politics and devoting himself
to painting and study, and the care of his aged mother.f

A letter written to his brother-in-law in the January
of the following year, (the year of his death) shows the

* " In those days the examinations were carried on by an inquisitor
whose only duty it was to ascertain the whole facts of the case, either from
the prisoner or the witnesses, and having done so to embody them in a
clear concise statement of the case which he laid before the jadge. The
latter then pronounced the verdict and sentence on the strength of this
statement without himsolf ever having seen the prisoner."

Mr. Longford on the Criminal Code, Trans. As. Soc. Vol. V.

I As a young man he had made a rule to read nothing but Chinese
classics and books on paintings ; within a few years, however, his mind
had enlarged and he had eagerly grasped every opportunity of getting
an insight into Dutch learning; but after the trouble that his pursuit of
modern knowledge had brought upon him, one is not surprised that he
again confined himself to his Chinese classics.

Ballard: — The Life of Watanabe Noboru. 19

spirit in which Kwazan accepted his expulsion from active
life. After the new year's greetings, he says ** Here we
have a strong north-west wind which blows night and
day and makes a perpetual rustling in the bamboo groves ;
there is no appearance of spring. When I lived in Tokyo
the expenses there were great, so that at this time of the
year I would be anxiously wondering how to meet tliem ;
and there was a continual rush of business, a fire would
occur, or visitors come, or there was feudal duty to be
done. Then, rising before it was light on New Year's
Day, I would go all round Yedo in a kago paying my
New Year's calls with which half the month was taken
up ; and, before the remnants of last year's work were
disposed of, the holiday was over, and the feudal duties
began again. In my house there were New Year's visitors
coming and going, and time passed like a dream.

Now all is changed. The Shogun, the feudal lord, and
every one else, is represented in the person of my mother,
to whom my wife and I render homage. The children
serve as her companions and the household are happy
together. Men and women servants whom we have em-
ployed at different times come to enquire after our health,
which affords us some amusement.

The sage Mdshi says that man has three joys. With
the pleasures of public life I have no connection, but one
of those joys is that parents, wife, children, brothers,
should be in health and prosperity. Even the mighty and
rich have sickness, disagreements and quarrels among
parents and relations, and they long for joy in life. That
a sinner like myself who has no proper place in this wide
world should be allowed thus to live among a peaceful
people is thanks to the clemency of the Shogun. Living

20 Ballard : — Tlu Life of Watauabe Nodaru,

beside the mother who bore me, carrying out my filial
duties, helped in this by my wife and children, I want
for nothing. My family too pass their time in peace and
happiness. Previously, both my mother and children were
discontented, but since we came here, there is nothing of
the kind, and we have entered on the New Year with
harmony and joy, so please be at rest and happy about
us. This is indeed thanks to the Shogun and the feudal
lord. Either this year or at some other time, please go
to Nikko to return thanks for me. A Happy New Year.'**

The Lord of Tosa died and the son of Tomonobu (who
according to Kwazan's suggestion, had been made heir)
became head of the house. His succession however
was not confirmed by the Shogun, and Kwazan's enemies
were not slow to insinuate that this delay was owing
to the disloyalty of Kwazan. They argued that the clan
could hope for no favours at the hand of the Shogun
while it harboured such a traitor as Kwazan.

Among Kwazan's former pupils was a man named
Fukuda, the son of an iim-keeper in Kojimachi, a man
of taste and refinement, who had been faithful to Kwazan
in all his difficulties and frequently helped him with
money.

Fukuda started the idea of forming a kind of Art
Society in Tokyo, but when Kwazan's enemies heard of
it they said that this was instigated by Kwazan, and was
sure to bring fresh trouble on the Tawara clan.

Kwazan was much distressed when he heard this, and
declared tbnt it was terrible to him to think that he

* Kwazan asks liis brother in law to go and worship at the tombs
of the Shugun's ancestors at Nikko for him, as he himself was not free
to leave Tawara.

Ballard: — 77^5^ Life of Watanabe Noboru. 21

should be the means of bringing misfortune on his lord,
to whose kindness he owed everything in life. The
Shogun's approval of the succession did not come, Kwa-
zan felt that his mere existence was an obstacle to the
advancement of his lord, and he resolved to put an end
to a life which he thought was of no further use.

On October loth he wrote several letters of farewell
and prepared to commit suicide that night ; his aged
mother, however, for some reason, was unable to sleep
and he devoted himself to her comfort. The next after-
noon as he did not appear his mother and wife went to his
room in search of him. They found that he had com-
mitted suicide according to the prescribed samurai rules.

In his letters of farewell he said that he had not in-
tended to do wrong, but by his indiscretions he had
brought trouble on his lord and on his mother, so he
died leaving a dishonoured name to posterity. To his son
he wrote, ** while your grandmother is alive strive to
keep her happy, and be filial to her ; to your unfortunate
mother also be filial. Never serve a second lord, even
though you should die for not doing so " — {gashi sum
tonio jikun ni tsukau bekarazu,)

Beside the letters of farewell there was a silk roll on
which Kwazan had written : *' the disloyal and unfilial
Noboru Watanabe as a criminal can have no monument.
I write thus."

Kwazan was buried at Tawara, and, though the Tawara
clan frequently asked the Government to pardon him, it
was not till 1870 that a pardon was issued, after which
a stone was erected on his grave. In 1891 when his
admirers erected a memorial to him the Government sent
a contribution of one hundred yept.

22 Ballard : — The Ufe of Watanabe Noboru.

In reading the life of Kwazan we feel that we are a
studying the ideal satmirai of Japan. He is not the
ideal knight of Tennyson " who reverenced his conscience
as his King," for to Kwazan his King (represented by
the Shogun's Government) was far above his conscience.
If the Government condemned the Dutch learning, then
it was wrong, and he was ready to speak of himself as
having committed a crime in studying it, the approval or
disapproval of his own conscience had nothing to do with
the matter.

His whole line of thought was moulded by the Con-
fucian classics which he was perpetually studying. At
the time of his death we find something of the exagger-
ated sentiment to which the Japanese mind is rather
prone ; he describes himself as disloyal and unfilial, but we
we know that he had absolutely no reason for applying
these adjectives to himself; he tended his father through
a long illness, and from the time when as a child he got
up in the dark to light his mother's fire until the day
of his death she was his daily care. The house of
Miyake was poor, but it seems strange that Kwazan's
father, their retainer, a man of culture and learning, should
have been allowed to live in such abject poverty that his
wife had not a quilt to lie on ; and one cannot resist an
inclination to ask what were the unspeakable benefits
and favours which the Lord of Tosa bestowed on Kwa-
zan. Without a more detailed biography it is perhaps im-
possible really to answer the question, but it would appear
that his often expressed gratitude was the result of the
state of mind inculcated by Confucianism rather than the
result of personal kindness received.

This makes Kwazan's conduct all the more remarkable

Ballard : — The Life of Watanabe Noborii. 23

and one cannot sufficiently admire the self abnegation of
man who could thus lay down his life for his feudal lord.

NOTE ON THE MORRISON.

The Morrison which sailed from Singapore was an
American ship.

She anchored in the bay of Yedo but was driven off
the next morning by the guns of a battery that had been
thrown up during the night. The Morrison then sailed
to Kagoshima where she met with a similar reception, so
she returned to Singapore.

It is certain that one object of the expedition was the
return to their own conntry of some Japanese ; the Gov-
ernment believed the real purpose to be trade, but there
seems to have been also a missionary element in the
enterprise, of which the Japanese knew nothing. There
was an American missionary on the ship, named Parker,
who published a book entitled. " Journal of an expedition
from Singapore to Japan by P. Parker, medical missionary
from the American Missionary Board, London, 1838."

In the title page the expedition is described as " an
attempt with the aid of natives educated in England to
create an opening for missionary labour in Japan. Not
having seen the book one has no right to criticize its
statements, but one cannot help a feeling of wonder at
hearing of Japanese who had been educated in England
previous to 1837. These details are taken from a Hakluyt
Society's transaction.

DAZAI JUN ON BUBI OR PREPARATION

FOR WAR.

Translated by R, J. Kirby.
[^Read i^ December, /po^.]

I must make many apologies for this paper. It
seemed very interesting to me when read in the origi-
nal. But Dazai, the writer, does not lend himself to
translation. In the first place, he is full of repetitions,
and in the second, he makes references to Chinese his-
tory and customs, and to old Japanese customs, about
which I, at least, know very little. Then the names of
the different ranks of Chinese and Japanese officials of
bye-gone days, when translated, give very little insight
into what these offices really were. The word I have
translated throughout this essay as China really means
Foreign Country. But as Dazai means the different
parts of what we now call China I have thought it best
to translate it thus. The names of the different king-
doms of olden China are most difficult to interpret.
For Cliinese names I have adopted Chinese renderings
of the Chinese characters, and for Japanese the Japanese
renderings.

I have translated ^ Ko as Daimyo throughout the
essay when referring to Japanese Ko. This is the
modern reading, but you will notice Dazai explains
what a Daimyo really is. I have tried to use as many
of Dazai's words as I possibly could and yet make
myself understood. The result is far from happy when
looked at from the point of view of the English, but
if I have thrown some new light on what the state of

Kirby : — Dazai on Hubi, 25

Japan's military position was for 200 years before the
Restoration, I shall feel that my translation has accom-
plished something.

Dazai, who wrote over two hundred years ago, made
it the aim of his writings to show up the weakness of
the Tokugawa government, and he therefore upheld
everything Chinese and connected with the Mikado. He
denounced Buddhism and upheld what we call Shin-
toism. He was therefore one of those who, two hundred
years ago, worked towards making the Restoration
possible.

BUBI jjilt PREPARATION FOR WAR.

The meaning of the characters Bu and Bi is, to be
prepared for war. The character {jg Bi means to be
warned and in readiness before an event takes place.
The Japanese meaning of the character Bi is Sonoru^
which means to be prepared both in mind and body in
such a way thai when danger has to be faced defeat
shall not result from unreadiness. Take, for example, the
fact that water is commonly kept as a precaution against
fire and this will illustrate what is implied by this
character. It is said that the ancient kings placed
learning on their right hand and the art of war on
their left. Wisdom and the art of war are like two
wheels of a chariot, neither of which can be dispensed
with ; for to discard one would be to destroy thq use of
the other. In times of great peace wisdom is shown in
remembering thq arts of war. The character ^ Bu,
which stands for war, is said in the Saden to be com-
posed of two characters jt Shi, to stop, and ^ Kwa, a

26 Kirhy : — Dazai on Bubi.

spear, the joint meaning of which is to prevent the
movement of ^ Kan, shields, and Kwa, -^ spears, (or in
plain English, prevent war.) To employ troops for the
purpose of fighting, to defeat armies, to besiege castles,
to capture territory and so forth is not the art of
war. The true art of war is to govern one's country
carefully, to keep it from invasion by neighbouring foes,
to send troops to put down what revolts there may be
in adjoining countries, to show the adjacent nations the
light of one's fearfulness in war, so as to prevent hostile
incursions, and to awake fear in the hearts of men.

The people of a warlike country in times of hostilities
learn, and need not therefore be taught war. Though
they do not study it they acquire the knowledge. They
are prepared for any sudden emergency. During long and
lasting peace the people within the four seas feel secure
and rejoice, putting their swords into boxes and their
bows into bags. High and low, the people live in ease
and profligacy, falling into pleasure's rut, given to sport,
and forgetting all about war.

It is written in the ;^]^^ Shibaho, *' Though a coun-
try be great, if the people love war it is sure to be in
danger." These are very true sayings.

In China during the Three Dynasties, the govern-
ment was by wise Kings. In the Second Dynasty there
was rebellion against the King's orders and also trouble
on the frontiers, and the Emperor sent a General and
troops to quell these troubles. Subsequent generations
saw signs of misrule in these acts, but this was not so ;
it was rather the deep scheme of a wise man. All
people have their external or internal trouble, but with
the Sages it was not so : all on a lower plane than a

Kir by : — Dazai on Bubi. 2J

Sage must have either external or internal trouble. This
is because they do not fear. If a man has external
trouble he becomes afraid and takes great care of his
internals and saves them. This reasoning is found in
the Saden. For example, a man free from sickness takes
no care of his health and then he becomes seriously ill,
and dies while yet young. A man with a little illness
takes great care of his body, and therefore has no serious
illness and lives to an old age. The Sages understood this
and left a little external trouble in different places so as to
cause future lords and retainers not to forget rebellion, and
to understand and prepare for war. To govern the world
well it is necessary for it to be, as it were, like a great
sea which has no wind or waves and by which it is known
that a storm is near. For one governing a country ought
not for a day to forget the art of war.

The pivot of Military Preparation is the arrangement
of 2jl Sotsu and ^ Go. The rules of war in China say
that five men make a Go and ten men a f|* Jiu. Five
Go make a ^ Ryo, a Ryo is twenty five men ; four Ryo
make a Sotsu, a Sotsu is lOO men ; five Sotsu make a Jff
Rio, a Rio is 500 men ; five Rio make a ^ Shi, a Shi is
2500 men ; five Shi make a U Gun, a Gun is 12,500 men.
The Go, Jiu, Ryo, and Sotsu, each have a chief. The Go
are what we new cail ^AS Gonin gumi, Bands of Five.
The chiefs of the Go, Jiu, and Ryo are what we now
call Ugl Kumigashira, Captains. That is to say they
are the senior men chosen from their fellows. The
chiefs of the Sotsu and upward are similar to what are
now called 5/j§ Monogashira, Captains. In the Sosho
these are called ;^^^ Senpucho, Chiefs of Thousands,
and ^^IS" Hyakupucho, Chiefs of Hundreds. The

28 Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi.

heads of the Rio and upward are called ^jj$ Shosui,
Generals.

In ancient times it was said that the |^ Hei, soldiers,
lived with the §^ No, farmers. The farmer and the
soldier were not distinct. As the soldiers came from the
farmers the arrangement of the Sotsu and Go was the
same as the rule of the {E^ Ringo, neighbouring fives.
For explanation with regard to the neighbouring fives, see
the articles on Food and Riches. The military Sotsu
and Go are not formed during war and are not raised
suddenly during hostilities. The arrangement is perma-
nent and always ready.

In the law of ^ Sci, wells and fQ Den, fields, five houses
are one neighbourhood. This is an arrangement of houses
east, west, south, and north, with one house in the centre.
But they are not necessarily so arranged in reality. The
houses of the people are actually arranged lengthwise and
crosswise on no settled .system, only that it takes a col-
lection of five houses to make a neighbouring five.

The residents of the neighbouring fives are there from
their birth until they die, living usually in friendly
relationship. They go and come, day and night to each
others* houses, eating and drinking together, so that they
become known each to the other better than do relations
separated by a distance. In the military fives they are
never separated in the army. Seeing one of their group
from behind they recognize who it is, and on a dark night
can tell a jxirson by his voice. In the hour of battle
they mutually heli) each other in a way not seen else-
where. Should one of the five be seen in danger of death
in battle and not be saved, the other four are sentenced
to be beheaded. If one surrender to the enemy the other

Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi. 29

four are guilty of the same crime, therefore they always
work together so as not to suffer defeat. For this reason
when ^^ Kanchung governed the country of ^ Ts'i*
he arranged his men in Sotsu and Go, and kept them in
one place. In forming the ranks the men were always
given the same positions in the Go and Jiu, so that so
and so knew he was in front of so and so, and so and so
behind so and so, and so and so was to the left or right of
so and so. They thus knew their places when arranged in
single, double or treble lines, crosswise, \^}^ Ganko, goose
lines (cross line ?), D||^ Giorin, fishes' scales (open order,)
^^ Kaku yoku, stork wings (curved lines?), and they
were taught when thus arranged where to stand. And
thus when any event happened, and upon seeing the single
movement of a flag or hearing the note from the drum,
they could run into the position designed for them, and
without one word being uttered they could obey the com-
mand of the ^jMF Shosui, General. Such men are called
trained troops. Unless this were so there could be no war
based upon law. Even a small body of 300 or 500 men is
of no use without law : how much more then does this
apply to the handling of a large body of several ten thou-
sands ? In China, in military matters, law is of the very
first importance. Should one of the ranks of Go break this
law and confuse the ranks it is punished, so the ^J^it
Shisotsu, officers and men, all carefully guard the law,
But the base of the law are the Go and Jiu. Unless the
law of the Fives and Tens is strictly adhered to war is
not possible. With our Japanese -J; samurai there is no

* An important feudal Kingdom which existed 900 years, down to 224
B.C. and comprising a large portion of Northern Shangtung and Southern
Chili. Vide Williams.

30 Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi.

law of fives. In the ^'S^ Sotsuto we have fives, but
they are only single bands of fives, and usually there is
no law of rank of fives. Should rank be formed it would
only be in the face of some emergency and then the
oflBcer in charge, on the spur of the moment, would order
and point out to one by one, that so and so should be
next to so and so. This grouping means a rabble.
This arrangement might meet the requirements of a small
affair, but is not at all enough where large bodies of
men have to be moved. And when |$!^ Gunjin, actual
war, happens, what would result but disorder ? This
results from the lack of the law of fives.

For the preparation of war we know we have the ^^
Sotsuto. Sotsu is the same as the present IQJ^ Ashigaru,
(lowest but one rank of samurai), and To, is the same
as the f^pf* Chugen (lowest rank of samurai.)

The first need of war preparation is to train the samurai
and soldiers. After the Sotsu and Go have been formed,
then according to an ancient law, the samurai and soldiers
ought to receive daily training. The meaning of j|| f||
Kunren, training, is Kun, to explain, and Ren, to prepare.
In training samurai and soldiers they must first learn the
ranks, then learn to stand up, advance and retreat. To
learn the ranks is, as mentioned before, to form into fives,
and to know the right, left, front and back of the ranks.
Both samurai and soldiers must each know and remember
their own standing place, and in the daytime on seeing
the movements of the flag, and at night-time on hearing
the tones of the drum, they must obey the orders of the
general, and form straight, cross, round, square, wide,
narrov/, great, small, long, short, direct, and slanting for-
mation at once, as already pre-arranged, without a word

Kirby : — Dazai on BuM, 3 1

being said. They must move in a free and easy way as
the limbs of the body move. In learning to sit, stand up,
advance, and retreat, it is meant that in sitting they are
to kneel on the ground, in standing to stand upright, and
in advancing to go forward, and in retreating to go back.
The art of ^j(^ Shintai, advance and retreat, is what the
common people now call Kakehiki, bargaining. The law
of war is advancing and retreating, sitting and standing.
This, again, is that in accordance with the signs of the
flag and the tones of the drum, the men of a regiment
all move in unison, and sit, stand, advance or retreat as
if they were one man's body, thus learning to do just as
the commander wishes. This kind of training is acquired
by the general taking the soldiers under his command to
practice numerous times upon a flat moor or wild field.
It is only by repeated teachings that they become trained
so as to do these things naturally. In battle, no matter
how strong the individual warrior is, he alone cannot
conquer the enemy. By combining the strength of several
hundreds, ^thousands, or tens of thonsands, into one whole
who have been trained so that they will not disorder the
ranks of five, and act without losing the periods of advance
and- retreat, and who can all fight together, can be de-
feated an enemy even of superior numbers. Thus it is
that jjiij^ Hiang-yu of ^ Ch'u* said ** The teaching of
fencing is only of use against a single foe and it is use-
less to teach it. The path of the general is 10,000
enemies. For 10,000 enemies it is necessary to know
how to handle 10,000 men. Because Hiang-yu knew this
he conquered the world. Now there is a great peace,

* A large feudal state existing B.C. 740 to 330.

32 Kirby : — Dazai on Buhi.

and if training for war is to be undertaken, then we must
abolish one enemy and prepare for 10,000.

In the ^4" Middle Kingdom, (China), the reason given
by the former king for hunting during the four seasons,
was to prevent damage by bird and beast to the people's
fields. He chose the times when the farmers were at
leisure. It was not his chief aim to take beasts and birds,
but through this means to teach war. Without such
methods it would have been impossible to take large
armies into the country and teach them how to advance
and retreat in ranks, and try the courage of the samurai
and soldiers. By calling it hunting, a large number of
people was assembled and they were taught about war.

Since the time of ^ Kan, there were IK^ Bushoku,
officers of war who were called !|[jMF Shogun, Gene-
ralissimo, just as we now have in the Capital the IgU
Bangashira of the ^'}^ Oban, and H^H Shoinban of
the ^1% Inban, etc.

This Shogun carefully trained the samurai and soldiers
under his banner. The samurai and soldiers while being
trained donned armour and carried arms, planted their
banners, and sounded the drum, just the same as in actual
war. The soldiers and horses were imbued with the
spirit of the camp, and paid attention to soldiering. The
men wore their armour as though they thought it were
ordinary clothing. Horses seeing men in armour treated
them as if they were clothed in the usual way. Thus,
should any unforeseen circumstance happen, they could,
without any excitement, cope with it. This all belongs
to the law left in the old military teachings of the 3E^
Senno.

The common people of Japan think that Japan is war-

Kir by : — Da.zai on Uubi. 33

like, making war its first aim, and that China is a country
where learning is placed first, and that the laws of war
there are crude and the soldiers weak. This is foolish
ignorance. Japan does not separate militarism from learn-
ing, all samurai being military samurai, but the teachings
in war are very crude. In China, militarism and learning
are separated. The learned samurai aim first at the way
of learning, and the military samurai at that of war, and
thus the country is governed. The result is that in China
the military samurai are much more advanced in military
learning than the Japanese military .samurai, because
they make military studies their chief work. When Toyo-
tomi invaded Korea he sent several ten thousands of
troops under Konishi Yukinaga, Kato Kiyomasa and other
generals, and they advanced to Heijo (Ping Yang).
When Korea was already in danger the Koreans sent to
Ming (China) and begged for assistance. At this time
Ming was enjoying a long peace. It was the era of
Enlightenment, and there were no soldiers available, save
those used for guarding the boi-der strongholds. On hear-
ing of Korea's trouble they sent the reliefs returning from
the fortresses on the northern frontiers, to rescue them.
The Japanese Generals, samurai, and soldiers, were those
who had been brought up in a rebellious time and were
brave and crafty men similar to tigers and bears, but on
fighting with the soldiers of Ming, who had come to the
rescue of the Koreans, they were defeated. This is a
testimony in quite modern times. By this we can know
that the people of the Middle Kingdom are ready in
military preparations and their samurai and soldiers train-
ed. In our country there are laws issued for military
preparations, and though these preparations ought not to

34 Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi.

be neglected, the weapons are only such in name and
are of no practical- use. In acquiring military arts our
people are only instructed to learn how to fight a single
enemy, and as to men with a knowledge of the laws of
tactics there are none made use of. Tiiose having the
office of generals are simply the heirs of nobles who have
from one generation to another been in receipt of official
salaries, and who know nothing about handling the large
bodies of men under their command.

The officials only learn the art of handling bows,
horses and sporting guns, but as to the training of
troops it is all neglected. Amongst the ministers and
great men there are none who advise the Government.
This is a great mistake.

O"*" ^^% Chiefs of Castle Garrisons, and gfiSl^^
Chiefs of the Palace Drawing Room Guards, are about
the same as the 1^^{|$ Generals of China. Our Chiefs
of fifty guards are about the same as the Chinese 3|Si^>^
Urinro, Portion of Imperial Guard, and j3|55S» Mounted
Horsemen. Our ;/j^ patrols are the same as Chinese
:t^ Official Samurai, and our i&!^ Police the same as the
Chinese -^^ Infantry, and he who leads these is called
a ^tI^ General. His rank is the fifth and over. His
vice is called }|§|$ Hisho, Assistant General, or ^SS Koi,
Officer, with a rank of the fifth class or lower. Our present
gfl^ Head of Bands agrees with this.

As already stated the higher officers of China led
those under their banners outside of the cities for train-
ing in the ranks, and trained them unceasingly every day
in advancing and retreating. Should they fail to train
and become careless, they were punished. Every man
is therefore careful not to forget his duty. Here we see

Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi, 35

the difference in Military Preparation between this coun-
try and China.

Part of the Chinese military preparations is the choos-
ing of chariots and men, and examining them for war.
This is done under the name of hunting, or, in other
words, what we have already referred to under the term
of assembling. By choosing chariots is meant the choice
of war chariots, and by choosing men the choosing of
soldiers is meant. In ancient times there were chariot
battles, so chariots were of the utmost importance in
military matters. In assemblies, those who were entitled
to it, rode in chariots. When the infantry marched out of
a city the corrtmander examined all the chariots, horses,
and military weapons to see whether they were in good
condition or not, and the infantry, to see whether they
were strong on foot. In examining for actual war, the
horses, chariots, and military machines, and in fact every-
thing used in war, were all taken out and examined, to
find whether they were complete in equipment, as called
for by law. As Military Preparation is one of the most
important duties of the state, military men ought to be
fully prepared at all times. In times of continued peace,
when there is no war, military machines become defec-
tive, and repairs are neglected, and the proper number
of men and horses, for military purposes, falls short. It
is usual to think that when occasion occurs there will be
time to get ready, and in times of peace men pass their
days in eating and drinking. But the ancients planning
to obviate this state of affairs arranged to have these
assemblies without fail. This is most important for
Military Preparation.

In Japan, because there has been continued peace for

36 Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi,

one hundred years, military matters have been neglected
and officers have become extravagant, so those even
with salaries have become poor and pawned their armour,
and, thinking other weapons useless, many have sold and
parted with them, and this applies of course much more
to the small officers. Even Daimyo having in their care
one or half a |$ Gun, Province, do not provide for their
military officers and men, and all throughout the country
the number of horses has fallen off, and military affairs
are carelessly administered. Wise men do not forget that
during peaceful government trouble may occur, and that
military preparations must be made, and the defence of
the country not slackened.

Therefore even now, the old law of choosing chariots
and men and the examination of the necessities of war
should be put unexpectedly into effect and it should be
found out whether the number of horses, soldiers and
weapons in the possession of the Daimyo, Great Men, and
Officers, exist or not, and reward or punishment meted
out as the result. Then the L»fficers and those above
them would cease being given to extravagance and give
their whole hearts to military matters.

The officers uf these times never once in a lifetime
don their armour at all ; they would not therefore know
how to wear it, should necessity arise. They do not
know how to move when clad in armour. Even to be
clothed in ordinary clothing and court dress interferes
with the free movement of the body, and how much
more so is this with stiff and heavy armour, which, if
one is unaccustomed to it, will cause inconvenience when
suddenly worn. If horses see or hear anything out of
the ordinary they are easily startled, and they will not let

Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi, 37

a rider mount. Horses therefore should be accustomed
to the look of armour and to the sound of conch shells
and fowling pieces. The officers of China, when out for
military practice are accustomed to wear armour and
they think of it as if it were ordinary clothing. If Mili-
tary Preparations are now to be instituted (in Japan)
armour ought to be worn, and practice made in matters
pertaining to war. This is according to the military
advice left by the ancients.

In the ancient times of the Former Kin^s, troops were
lodged in farms, and the saying was that the troops were
procured from the farms. In tl.e Han dynasty [19^®
Chau ch'ung-kwo made the law for the militia that the
guards of the frontier should work in the fields, and as
they could be used as soldiers in case (jf need, they were
called ffllS Tonden, militia. This law was first instituted
by Ch'ung-kwo and it was found so beneficial that it has
been largely followed in later times. The ^A^'FIA
Hachioji Senninshu, Hachioji Multitude of a Thou.sand,
of the present day, is somewhat similar to .this practice.
The separating of the people from soldiers was first made
in the ^ T'ang* dynasty and it has been kept up in later
times. In the Ming dynasty the people of the earth were
divided into two bodies. Those who made J|| No, agricul-
ture, their occupation wore called ^ Tami, People, and those
who made ^ Hei, soldiering, their occupation were called
!^ Gun, Military. The people were not allowed to change
to the military, nor were the military allowed to change to
the people. This was in the Ming dynasty and it had not
been so before. The position of a country is determined

* A famous dynasty which ruled China from A.I). 618 to 918, vide
Williams.

38 Kir by : — Dazai on Bubi,

by its Ut:^ Heifii, soldier service. This was the law of the

Sages. Military Service means >J3;5p[ Gunyaku, Military

Army Work. The meaning of ^ Service, is the number of

men and horses supplied by a given number of rich fields.

In the laws of the ^ Chen* dynasty the domain of the

^^Tenshi, Emperor, was called ^3| Banjo, io,ocx) mounts,

and the different ^^ Shoko, Princes, looo mounts, and the

chariot was called houses of ^;;fc Taifu, the Great Men, lOO
mounts. One chariot was called a mount, therefore lOOO or

lOoo, mounts refers to the number of chariots supplied by
any place. In time of war expeditions the Emperor supplied
six armies, the princes each three. These were composed
so that to every chariot there were three officers in armour
and seventy two foot soldiers, and twenty five men for

transport, making in all one hundred men. Four horses
pulled the chariot and twelve head of cattle pulled the

transport. The S;|§ Shicho, transport, is the same as
the Japanese pack horse. In other words one army was
composed of 12,500 men. Of the 100 men with each
rider, 25 were for transport and were not for fighting.
Deducting these, there were three knights in armour and
seventy two foot soldiers, making in all seventy five men
to the mount. Thus with 100 mounts there were 7,500
men, and for 1,000 mounts 75,000 and for 10,000, 750,000
men 750,000 men composed sixty armies and 75,000
men six armies. The military service of the Emperor was
to supply from the one thousand l£ li in his vicinity sixty
armies. In time of war one tenth, that is to say six
armies, was supplied. The military service of the Princes
was to furnish from their countries of 100 //", six

* The famous feudal dynasty of Chen which lasted from B.C. 1022 to
255, under 34 sovereigns : it was so called because the Emperor's power
cached everywhere. Williams.

Kirby : — Da^ai on Buhi, 39

armies each, but of these, half were for iinmediate service,
half remaining in the country to guard it, therefore only
three armies were supplied for war expeditions.

We read in the ^3ft Rongo, that Duke Ching of Ts'i
had 1000 span of horses. Tills means horses for 1000
chariots. Four horses go to a 25«By Bahiisu span, 1000
span means the large number of 4000 horses. T'si was a
great country, so they may have had that number. But
^ Lu was a small country, yet in Duke Chao's time
we read in the fl|^ Saden that 1000 riders were assem-
bled for hunting at Hung. The Rongo is a trustworthy
book and the Saden is a diary of facts. Neither of
them would be guilty of falsehood.

In Japan, no matter how great a Daimyo is his
province could not be expected to supply as many as
4000 horses. By this means wc Icnow the immense
number of horses which exist in China. Men and horses
naturally increase. If there were so many 2000 years
ago, we know the present number must be very large.

Though Japan has from ancient time, after the manner
of T'ang, divided the people from the soldiers, the samurai
of those days differed from those of the present time.
They lived in the country and worked at agriculture,
something like the rich farmers of the present times.
People of those, days called men Daimyo when they
owned large fields in their own provinces. Those who,
owning large fields, were rich and reared many servants
and retainers, were called daimyo. The present fashion of
calling ^ Princes who govern the different provinces
daiviyo is a popular error. At the end of the Kamakura
era between the years Gcnkyo and Kenbu, Ashikaga,
Nitta, etc., known as ^^ Military Houses, were of the

40 Kirhy : — Dazai on Buhi.

same class as daimyo. Therefore as' at that time all men
known as farmers acted as soldiers, the number of men
who turned out was very large.

Since modern times (relatively) when Japan became a
warlike country, and up to the present times, the military
houses and farmers have been separated from each other.
Farmers do not serve in the army, only a few as coolies ;
therefore the number of soldiers now is very small. To
speak plainly with regard to the present military knights
there is practicall)' no difference between one who receives
an income of one hundred koku and one who receives
five to six hundred koku. They each go out with a
horse and a spear and possibly followed by one or two
young men. These young men cannot be included in
the ranks but only i)laced with the ^])!| Zohyo,* mixed
soldiers. When a knight in receipt of one thousand kokxi
income, is followed by even one mounted knight he is
considered a very good example of what a knight should
be. By using this basis for computation we can form an
estimate of the number of men available, from the amount
of income paid to the military houses. It will be seen
that by this means it is impossible to get such a number
of men now as was obtained in ancient times. If we
require the number the ancients had, we must get them
from amongst the farmers. For instance, if we took the
revenue obtained from the farm lands, as a means of
estimating the number of men available for service, though
the number of farmers and horses may differ in the east
and west provinces according to the richness or poorness
of the soil, it may be taken that even from poor soil, ten

* Evidently a kind of fighting transport.

Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi. 41

koku are obtained from one BJ Cho. Of this four koku
or ten bags are paid as taxes, and about six koku remain
as the income of the farmer. He is called a ten koku
farmer. A ten koku farmer keeps one horse or a cow.
In the eastern provinces it is a horse aii^ in the west a
cow. A thirty or forty koku farmer has four or five
servants, and it would not be difficult for a fifty koku
farmer to don armour, mount a horse and carry a spear;
for one of even one hundred koku ought to be able to
clothe one or two of his body servants in armour and
have them serve in the ranks. Thus a one hundred koku
knight should supply two mounted retainers, making with
himself three in all. A salary of one hundred koku
should find three mounted soldiers, one of five hundred,
fifteen, a thousand, thirty, and ten thousand, three hundred
men. This is taking into account only where the ground
is poor, but where the ground is good the number
should not stand at this, even twenty or thirty koku
farmers ought to be responsible for one horseman, and
rich people should furnish about ten horsemen from each
house. If troops are raised according to the ancient
law from the farmers, then the number of soldiers
immediately available would be, one cannot tell how
many times, more than the present state system. But
this idea is not adopted and troops are not raised from
the farmers. The present soldiers are only military
knights, and one hundred koku or five hundred koku
means but one mounted knight. These high salaried
knights are of no use for war. They keep a number of
retainers, but these retainers, especially now, are of no
use, as according to military law, Rfl^ Chugen and JJK^
Wakato retainers are not admitted into the ranks : they

42 Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi,

are called mixed soldiers and are only allowed to stand
behind, and are of no use in war. It is of no use having
a number of them.

Leaving the Laws of the Chinese Military Service, for
the present, and inquiring into ancient Japanese customs,
we find they were quite different form those of the present
times. According to Nature's law the number of horses
and men must be much greater than in former times, but
it is a sad state as the number of soldiers has much
decreased. There must be some reason. If Military
Preparations are to be revised this must be considered.

In China before the Three Dynasties (Hia, Shang, and
Chen) the fighting was chariot fighting. After ^ Tsin,
221 B.C. and ^ Han, 206, B.C. to 220 A.D., it became
cavalry fighting, and no change has been made down to
present times. From ancient times in Japan we have
had cavalry fighting, but of late years this has been
abolished and infantry fighting has been substituted.
Chariot fighting means having horses, and cavalry fighting
means having horses too. As in war-time horses are of the
utmost importance, the officer in charge of troops is called
J^"^ Shiba, Head of the Horses. The rules of chariot fight-
ing have not been transmitted down to these times, because
in late years it was vanquished by cavalry fighting. In
Japan in modern times cavalry fighting has been abolish-
ed and horses are only used on the road. In ancient
days it was ** Bows and Horses " because bows and horses
were of the utmost importance in battle. But as in modem
times horses are no longer used in battles, the true mean-
ing of these words as used in the war law has been lost.
P'rom now on anyone having Military Preparation at
heart ought to study the laws of cavalry, and train

Kirby : — Dazai on Butn, 43

soldiers and horses well. And in the day of battle if the
enemy has only infantry in his ranks, the side with fifty
or one hundred cavalry, grasping their spears and having
their horses galloping neck and neck can at once break
an enemy of even double its number. One can easily
understand that the force of the galloping horses makes
it impossible for an enemy's infantry, even when double
the number, to withstand its charge. Therefore there is
nothing more important in future Military Preparation
than that infantry fighting be reduced and cavalry fight-
ing learned. In the laws of cavalry there is a difference
in training for peace and war. There are two ways and
they differ. The rules of the present day for rearing
horses and riding are only of use in times of peace, and
are only for appearance* sake. They are useless for both
man and beast in time of war.

It is hard to say what were the customs of the early
Japanese knights. Dui-ing the middle ages the knights
were all farmers, just the same as the present mounted
knights, living ordinarily in their native villages and
towns, working on farms. The rich learning the art of
horse riding and bows, going hunting for birds and
animals in the mountains and fields and catching tor-
toises and fish in the rivers and marches, or galloping
horses, or swimming, and crossing steep mountains, be-
came inured to hardship, hardening their muscles and
becoming strong walkers. Poor people usually task their
bodies very hard in tilling the ground, enduring cold and
heat in their work : they are theretore able to withstand
any amount of discomfort. This is the custom of that
period. Originally the work of a knight was humble^
therefore his hands and feet were horny and tough, even

44 Kirby : — Dazai oti Bubi.

allowing the skin to be torn. They esteemed strong
bones and muscles for walking. The military knights of
the present era all assemble at the capital, aud have done
so for generations, because of the salaries they inherit.
They have gradually forgotten their origin, and their
minds, bodies, and customs are just the same as the ^^
Kuge and ^Ji Joro, female Court attendants, and but one
man in several thousands of their number is likely to
have any military value. This is not only the result of
a lengthy peace, but because of city life.

According to what some people say, there are in the
province of Satsuma forty-eight frontier castles. In the
smallest of them there are from two hundred to three
hundred military knights and the largest have seven to
eight hundred per castle, or, for the forty eight castles,
more than about twenty thousand military knights. They
are all "ilSJ village knights, and their time is usually
occupied in agriculture. Again in Tosa the remnants of
the Choso Kabe clan now exist as village knights to the
number of three hundred. These are commonly called
^— Jg,-^. the Single Suit of Armour. These observe the
old customs of the ancient military knights. The Hachi-
oji Sennin Shu of the present day live in the country and
till the land. When on military duty they carry long
spears and are similar to the knights of old who lodged
amongst the fields. Though the Hachioji Senninshu
receive but very little pay, as they live in the country,
and work as farmers, they are not badly off, and can
easily keep their parents, wives and children. The h^^
retainers, who live in the city, have no other source of
livelihood but their pay, and living in a gay place, they
arc extravagant in their mode of life. They become idle

Kirby : — Dazai on Bubi, 45

and devote themselves to pleasure, and many of them
cannot keep their parents, wives and children. The hands
and feet of fellows of this description become soft, and
they cannot stand work. They lose the true spirit of
the military knights and are of no account in war. If it
is intended to reform the state and guard it with soldiers,
the different knights i^l^ under the flag must all be
caused to live twenty ri in the country, and take turns,
at regular intervals, as guard knights and soldiers, to live
from thirty to fifty days in the Eastern Capital. For the
rest of the time they must work as farmers and learn the
bow, horse, and art of war; shooting and fishing as amuse-
ment. If they followed the customs of the village knights,
in three to five years their muscles and bones would
become hard and they would be strong walkers, losing
their Kuge and womanlike customs and becoming true
military knights. If they change thus, even if the military
art they learn is crude, they would be much better than
the military knights of to-day who have learnt the
military art. This is the way to return to the old J^^
Military Teaching. And there is no better way to help
the poor military men of to-day. Manufactures are a
country's riches. Since ancient times those governing the
matters of state have considered it a duty to encourage
manufactures. In military preparation out of all the
manufactures it has been considered necessary to foster a
large number of makers of military weapons. When war
breaks out, the roads to neighbouring conntries are closed
and we are not at liberty to obtain manufactures. We
must repair our weapons of war, build castles, inclosures,
carts and ships, repair armour and sharpen war swords.
These are things that ordinary men usually cannot do.

46 Kirby : — Dazai on Btdn,

Then must we have artizans of all kinds. Thfe country
that does not foster these cannot be anything in war.
This is one of the things relating to Military Preparation.

Now of the different dainty o there are some we hear
who foster manufactures. All ought to do this.

As has been mentioned in the former article on official
work, if the work of the different officials is not specialized
government is impossible. Especially if military matters
are not looked after, the laws cannot be preserved.
Leaving on one side the details of the numerous official
duties, the literary and military officials ought to be
distinctly separated. Of the different officers of to-day,
from the gfiS;^* Obangashira, to the bows, horses and
guns, those having charge of the different military weapons
are performing military duties. These different offices
ought all to be under one in the Government with some
one to assist him. Everything pertaining to military
matters ought to be in the hands of these two men.
These would be the equivalent of the i^^;^ Great Chief
of the Horse, and A^'^/h Small Chief of the Horse. If
arranged thus, then all of the laws would be one, and
military preparation would be complete. The man given
the position of Great Chief of the Horse must be one
well versed in military learning and suitable for a General
and one fond of mih'tary matters. Even in the different
daimyds provinces one of the officials ought to be chosen
to make militarism his chief duty. All military matters
ought to be in his charge and he should do nothing else.
If the country's military matters were attended to. Military
Preparation would be accomplished and military work
would be carried out. But at present we cannot say our
country is in a state of Military Preparedness.

Kirby : — Dazai on BuH. 47

'^ Tsz Kung asked about Government, and Confucius
in replying said, ** There must be ample food and soldiers."
A country is guarded by the military, therefore it is
imperative that the government see there is no lack of
soldiers. But without food troops cannot be maintained.
This places food as the source of soldiers. Therefore the
Government must be for Food and Riches, and the country
enriched : this is essential in Military Preparation. This
is a most important factor in Political Economy.

MINUTES OF MEETINGS.

Gejicral Meeting, March lytk, 190^,

A General Meeting of the Asiatic Society was held
at the Parish Building, 54 Tsukiji, on Thursday, March
17th at 4 pm.

The President, Professor A. Lloyd, announced that, as
the Minutes of the last meeting had been already published
in the Transactions of the Society, they would be allowed
to stand as printed. He therefore at once introduced the
lecturer, Professor Frederick Starr, Ph.D. of Chicago
University.

Professor Starr gave an exceptionally interesting lecture
on the Aztecs. He said that probably most of us had
learned about the Aztecs from Prescott's interesting account
of them. But that work gives rise to four great errors,
viz. I. That the Aztecs controlled the whole of Mexico,
whereas they were only 07te of about one hundred and
fifty tribes inhabiting Mexican territory. 2. That the Aztecs
were far advanced in culture and civilisation, whereas
they lacked three most important attributes of what we
call civilisation: viz., agricultural animals, knowledge of
writing, knowledge of smelting iron. 4. That the Aztecs
are extinct, whereas they are probably as numerous to-day
as ever they were in the past.

Professor Starr then gave a fascinating description of
the mode of life, the garb, the customs, the agricultural
and artisan processes — especially in stone-work, feather-
work and gold-work — among the Aztecs. He explained
their religious beliefs and practices, their mode of treating
and sacrificing captives of war. He concluded with an
explanation of the Aztec mode of dividing time and a

Minutes of Meetings, 49

graphic description of incidents couuected with the ending
of each fifty-two year cycle.

After the lecture ended, Professor Clement asked if a
reason were known for fixing on fifty-two years as a
cycle. Professor Starr explained that it was the result of
the Aztec conception of *' sacred numbers." Rev. Mr.
Sweet asked for references to the best bibliographic
sources of knowledge about the Aztecs. In response to
this inquiry, Professor Starr recommended especially the
works of W. H. Morgan and Adolf F. Bandalier.

The President, on behalf of the Society, most cordially
thanked Professor Starr for his interesting lecture, and
then declared the meeting adjourned.

Arthur Lloyd,

Chairman.

General Meeting, 12th October,

A General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was
held at the home of Professor Lloyd, 13 Rokuchome,
ligura, Azabu, on Wednesday, October 12th, at four
o'clock. After calling the meeting to order, the President,
Professor Lloyd, asked for the minutes of the last meeting.

After the minutes were accepted, the President said
that the business of the meetiug was a paper by Miss
Ballard. This paper had come to the Council with the
endorsement of the late Professor Griffin. He therefore
invited those present to stand while he read a few prefatory
remarks concerning the late, Professor Griffin. The Pre-
sident then said : —

I desire to preface my reading of Miss Ballard's paper
by stating that it came to the Council endorsed among
others by the late Professor Griffin, who took much interest

50 Minutes of Meetings,

in it while Miss Ballard had it under composition this
summer at Hakone. It seems but right that I should,
as President, in the name of the Council, and indeed of
the whole of our Asiatic Society, give expression to our
deep sense of the loss we have sustained by Professor
Griffin's sad death. Mr. Griffin was not one of our oldest
members, but he was one of our most active and most
promising, and none can speak better of his activity and
zeal than those who have worked with him at Council
and Committee meetings. Had his life been spared our
Transactions would certainly have been enriched by his
labours : — but it is not the Transactions we have lost
that we mourn for, it is the loss of a bright, genial,
self-sacrificing personality.

Miss Ballard's paper, entitled ** An Account of Watanabe
Noboru (Kwazan)," was then read by Professor Lloyd.
A summary of this interesting paper follows : —

Sixty years have passed since Noboru Watanabe took
his own life, being under the impression that his mere
existence brought discredit upon his feudal lord.

Thc-e sixty, years have brought great changes, and
Japan is now ready to do credit to the work done by
Watanabe and his party. In a recent political speech
Marquis Ito, in referring to the opening of Japan to
foreign influence, made the following remarks :

*' That the Restoration should have been combined
with the opening of the country and the adoption of a
policy of enlightened progress was a surprise to all. This
gieat and decisive step is due of course to the keen
foresight of the enlii^htcned Sovereign and of the state.s-
men who surrounded and advised him at the time. No
inconsiderable amount of credit, however, must in this

Minutes of Meetings, Ji

case be given to the patriots and savants like Shihei
Hayashi, Kwazan Watanabe, Choei Takano, Shozan
Sakuma and others."

Noboru Watanabe, commonly known by his 7iom de
plume of Kwazan, was born in 1794. His father was a
samurai of the Tavvara clan. Kwazan *s home was of the
humblest and poorest description. His father had been
ill for many years and in order to procure the necessar}'
medicines for him, everything the family possessed had
gradually been sold. In the coldest night of winter they
had not a futon to lie on nor to cover them. Kwazan
devoted all his leisure to study, hoping eventually by
that means to do something to help his parents. One of
his father's friends, however, told him that considering
the extreme poverty of his home it was of no use his
thinking of becoming a scholar, it was necessary that he
should apply himself to something that would bring in
money at once and as his pictures showed great talent
he had better give himself to painting. So at the age of
sixteen Kwazan began work as an art student. It was
when he was over thirty that Kwazan first turned his
attention to Dutch learning. The students of the Dutch,
or Western, learning were divided at that tin^e into two
parties, one studied western learning in several branches,
the other devoted itself to the study of medicine only.
Kwazan and his friends also formed an association called
" The Old Men's Qub," whose avowed object was tlie
study of foreign geography and history, but they had
ailso the secret purpose of studying with a view to im-
proving the maritime fortifications of Japan, which they
felt to be defective. The year 1818 was marked by the
coming of an English merchant ship to Uraga. The

52 Minutes of Meetings,

Japanese Government were much annoyed that a foreign
ship should venture so far, and the subject of maritime
defense, in which Kwazan had always been interested,
became a burning question. Kwazan thought that the
inhabitants of sea coast places should be instructed by
the Government as to the shape of foreign ships and the
flags of different countries, so that they might be able to
give the alarm when dangerous vessels appeared ; he
suggested that pictures should be posted up in Govern-
ment offices. He also urged the Government to have
Spring and Autumn manoeuvres for the better training
of the soldiers.

Torii, the Superintendent of Uraga, was extremely
jealous of the position and influence of Kwazan and the
other leaders of the advanced party, and had long been
looking for some accusation to bring against them, when
the p\iblication of Takano Choei's '* Yume Monogatari "
gave him tlie opportunity he sought. He told the Govern-
ment he believed that the talk about the probable coming
of foreign ships was merely a fiction by which the Dutch
scholars were trying to agitate the people and to rouse
them to sedition. He advised that the Dutch scholars
should be severely reprimanded.

Torii was not the only who was working against the
Dutch scholars. A certain official named Shibukawa address-
ed a letter to the Government on the subject. He strongly
advised that all foreign books brought into the country
should be submitted to a sort of censorship. Under the
present system, he said, scholars were allowed to order
any books they pleased and take them to their homes ;
in this way pernicious reading on politics, forbidden
religions, such as Christianity, and other erroneous opinions

Minutes of Meetings. 53

were being widely spread. He proj)osed that all books
should be taken straight to Yedo and examined there
before being read by any one.

In May, 1839, Kwazan invited Takano one day to his
house and told him that it was clear that trouble was in
store for the Dutch scholars. Even while he was speak-
ing a messenger arrived bringing the expected summons
to appear before the Govsrnment.

He was accused of having spoken and written dis-
respectfuliy of the Government, and passages were quoted
from his writings. Kwazan's defence was that these
passages did not occur in a published book but were
merely in rough notes which had been written in time
of excitement and then laid aside ; he admitted that
the language was hasty, but pleaded that no disrespect
was meant.

When Kwazan was released, after a seven months'
imprisonment, the joy of his friends was unbounded, but
though released he was by no means a free man. His
orders from the Government were to remain quietly in
his house, to see no one, and to go back to Tawara as
soon as possible. A letter written at the New Year
from Tawara shows the spirit in which Kwazan took his
expulsion from active life.

" When I lived in Yedo the expenses were great, so
that at this time of the year I would be anxiously
wondering how to meet thetn ; and there was a perpetual
rush of business. A fire would occur, or visitors would
come, or there was the feudal duty to be done. Rising
before it was light on New Year's day I would go all
round Yedo in a kago paying my New Year's calls, with
which half the month was taken up ; and before the

54 Mifiutes of Meetings.

remnants of last year's work were disponed of the holiday
was over and the feudal duties began. Now all is changed.
The Shogun, the feudal lord, and everyone else is represent-
ed in the person of my mother, to whom my wife and I
render homage. The children serve as her companions,
and the household are happy together.

The Lord of Tosa died but the succession of the heir
was not confirmed by the Shogun, and Kwazan's enemies
were not slow to insinuate that this delay was owing to
tlie disloyalty of Kwazan. They argued that the clan
could hope for no favours at the hand of the Shogun
while it harboured such a traitor as Kwazan.

Kwazan therefore felt that his mere existence was an
obstacle to the advancement of his lord and he resolved
to put an end to a life which he thought was of no
further use.

On October loth, 1840, he wrote several letters of
farewell and prepared to commit suicide that night. His
aged mother, however, for some reason, was unable to
sleep and he devoted himself to her comfort. The next
afternoon, as lie did not appear, his mother and wife went
to his room in search of him. They found that he had
committed suicide according to the prescribed samurai rules.

After the paper was read, the President said : — I may
perhaps be allowed to supplement Miss Ballard's paper
by one or two points which only came to my knowledge
a few days ago, too late for me to send Miss Ballard
the information.

(i.) Watanabe's zeal for the study of geography was
apparently first kindled by the sight of a wall-map of the
world which he one day saw hanging in the room of one
of his friends. J le was so much interested in it that he

Minutes of Meetings, 55

could not take his eyes off it for the rest of that day.
He is said to have then realized for the first time the
smaHness of Japan and rhe enormous encroachments of
Russia.

Hence his zeal for the study of geography.

(ii.) The Morrison was an American ship. A party of
three Japanese fisherman, blown out to sea in 1835, were
picked up on the coast of Queen Charlotte Island in
British Columbia, and well ti^eated. They were afterwards
sent to Macao, to bo under the care of Rev. John Gutzlaff",
a missionary of (I believe) the London Missionary Society.
Here they were joined by four other sailors who had
been cast away near Manila, and when all the seven had
had been with Mr. Gutzlaff" for some time, a gentleman
in Singapore furnished the means for sending them home on
the Morrison (1839). They undoubtedly had a missionary
object, but the Morrison was not allowed to land her
Japanese either at Yedo or at Kagoshima. Hildreth,
from whom I take this account, says that the Japanese
were so disgusted at not being allowed to land that they
shaved their heads in token of renouncing their nationality
and returned to China with the Morrison. What happen-
ed to them afterwards is not recorded.

It is evident therefore that the story of these men
having been educated for some years in English is not
true. This is borne out by another fact. The Gentleman s
Magazine for 1838 has a long article on a book by Dr.
Gutzlaff, " China Opened," which seems to have created
some stir in England at the time, as I have found references
to it in several parts of that volume of the Magazine,
Had there been several Japanese youths in England at
the time, connected with Dr. Gutzlaff", the fact would

56 MintUes of Meetings.

have been known and have been mentioned. I think the
silence of the Reviewers shows that they were not in
England. Possibly more on this subject might be found
in the archives of the London Missionary Society.

(iii.) The book which brought Watanabe into trouble
was entitled ShinkinroHy " A Word of Warning." It exists
in Japanese in a volume entitled Bunmei tosenshi and is
not very long. I am sorry to say I have not read it,
but 1 have had a tolerably full analysis given me by one
of my pupils. It contains (i.) a description of the various
countries of Europe ; which Powers would be most minute-
ly described it is not difficult to guess. (ii.) An account
of the encroachments made on Asiatic territory from time
to time by European Powers. Russia we know had been
encroaching ; it was the time when England was engaged
in the Opium War. (iii.) An attack on the Shogun*s
Government and the weak state of the coast defences of
the country. Arthur Lloyd.

Chairman.

Arinnal General Meeting, Dec. /^, i()0^.
By kind invitation of Flis Excellency Mr. Lloyd Gris-
com, the Annual General Meeting of the Society was held
at the United States Legation on Wednesday, December
14th, at four o'clock. The President of the Society,
Professor Lloyd, said that the minutes of the last meet-
ing had been published in the Japan Mail, that doubtless
they had been read by most of the members, and that,
if no one had any change to suggest, they would be
allowed to stand as printed. He then said that the paper
to be read was a translation by R. J. Kirby, Esq., from
the works of Dazai Jun, entitled " Bubi : Preparation for

Minutes of Meetings. 57

War." This paper, with a preface by Mr. Kirby, was
then read.

i^See paper printed at length in this volume!)

The President, on behalf of the Society, warmly thank-
ed Mr. Kirby for the paper, which was timely and
interesting and which must have cost much labour and
trouble. He said that it was interesting to see how in
this paper Dazai refers to the decrease of population
which, under the strict repressive laws of the Tokugawa,
was a striking fact of the Shogunate Era. Dazai
emphasized the importance of industry, food, riches, and
especially the careful preparation which the Japanese
now show.

The reports for the year, which were unanimously
accepted by the meeting, follow.

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL.

In the year ending to-day, eight Council meetings and
four General Meetings of the Society have been held.
At a General Meeting held January 27th, Reverend Ekai
Kawaguchi lectured on his '* Personal Experiences among
the Tibetans." On March 17th, Professor Frederick Starr,
Ph.D., of the University of Chicago, lectured before the
Society on **The Aztecs." On October 12th, a paper by
Miss Ballard, entitled ** Sketch of the Life of Watanabe
Noboru," was read before the Society. For to-day, the
paper is a translation from the works of Dazai, *' Bubi,
Preparation for War."

In the matter of publication, the Society has added
one number to its list of Transactions. A pamphlet con-
taining a List of Transactions, the revised Constitution

58 Minutes of Meetings,

and By-Lnws and other important information has also
been published. Two other short papers are now available
for publication. Together they will make an interesting
number of the Transactions.

Ten new names hav^e been added to the list of members.
By death, the Society has sustained very exceptional
losses, Siitv^n members in all. Of these, two were
Honorary Members — Major J. W. Powell and Sir Edwin
Arnold — one, a Life Member, and four, Ordinary Members.
One was an active and valuable member of the Council.

The Treasurer and the Librarian elected one year ago
by the Society were forced by other duties to resign
their respective offices. The vacancies were temporarily
filled by Council, J. McD. Gardiner, Esq. being made
Treasurer, and Professor A. Lloyd, Librarian.

On invitation. Council appointed the Rend Clay
MacCauley to act as Delegate of the Society at the
Eighth International Geographical Congress, which was
convened at Washini^^ton, D.C., in September. Dr. John
Milne with regret declined the invitation of Council to
act in a similar capacity.

Other actions of Council, which hav^e special interest

for Members, were the adoption of a resolution which

limits to a ptriod not exceeding two years the time

within which the Librarian may use his discretion m

sup[)lying gratuitous!)- to Members missing numbers of

the Transactions ; and the adoption of a resolution which

makes it the duty of the Librarian from time to time to

notify members concerning the acquisition of new works
by the Librarv.

Minutes of Meetings.

TREASURER'S ACCOUNTS.

The Hon. Treasurer in Account with the Asiatic

Society of Japan.

Januaiy ist, 1904.

Yen.
To Balance in Banks 2,749.07

To Amount credited Cash in error Dec. 30th,

1 ^7 ^x' S ■•• •■• ••• *•« t** ••• ••• ••• ••• 1 v^V^ • \J\J

To Membership Fees
To Sale of Transactions
To Interest

. • • • •

• • . •

• • a • •

• • • . •

By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid
By Paid

• • « • •

• •• ••• ••• ••

• • • •

for Printing

for Binding

for Postage

for Stationery ...

for Salary Assistant Librarian

for Purchase of Books

for Sundries

for Lecture in Yokohama

for Insurance

for Rent

for Delegate to Geographical Congress

for Balance in Banks 2,483.37

for Balance in Librarian's Hands 41.87

• • • • •

187.74

249.25

3961

108.38
68.10

7873
16.70

175.00

S9.o7

15.4s
2900

100.00

50.00

2,525.67

3,325.67
December 14th, 1904

J. McD Gardimer,

Hon. Treasurer.
Examined, conipai^d with vouchers and found correct.

J. T. Swift.
Richard J. Kirbv.

i^i<

6o . Minutes of Meetings,

LIBRARIAN'S REPORT.

The Librarian, who has been acting temporarily as
successor to Mr. Swift, who resigned in the summer,
begs to report that the sales of transactions during the
current year have amounted to yen 423,36. The money
for some of these sales may not yet have reached the
Treasurer's hands, whicli will account for any discrepancy
between the Librarian's record of sales, and the entries
in the Treasurer's books.

The annexed list of transaction in stock will show that
the supply of some volumes is running very low, and it
it will be for the Council next year to decide whether
these volumes should be reprinted or not As a rule
when a volume, for which there is some demand, runs
low, it is a sign that ic is a valuable number.

The volume of Transaclioii for 1904 will contain in
addition to the account of Prof Starr's lecture and the
records of the meetings, two valuable papers, one by
Miss B.illard on Watan.ibc Kwazan, and, no doubt, one
by Mr. Kirby on " Bubi or Preparation for War." It
will be sent to the printers immediately.

The Librarian has to thank the members of the Library
Committee for much valuable assistance in the rearrange-
ment of the Library. Books which seemed to be foreign
to the direct work of the Society have been removed
from the Library, and placed as a loan collection in the
Library of the Keiogijuku University. The books remain-
ing in the Society's Library have been re-arranged and
and re -catalogued, a work which .is now almost com-
pleted, and some money has been spent on binding and
on the purchase of new books.

Minutes of Meetings, 6i

The Librarian regrets to report that very little use

has been made of the Library. Very few books have

been taken out, and the visitors to the Library during

the year have not been ten persons — indeed the number

has been far below that. If we consider that a very

great portion of our expenses really concern the Library,

it is but natural to ask the question whether it would

not be advisable to take some step either to make the

Library more useful, or to relieve the Society of a rather

profitless burden. This will be a matter for the Council

to consider during the ensuing year.

Arthur Lloyd.
Tokyo, December 14th, 1904.

ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

Officers and Members ot Council for the ensuing year
were then elected : —

President ... .* Professor A. Lloyd.

Vice-President for Tokyo ... Dr. D. MacDonald.

„ for Yokohama ... J. C. Hall, Esq., H.B.M's

Consul- General.

Corresponding Secretary ... Professor E. H. Vickers.

Recording Secty, for Tokyo. „ „

„ for Yokohama ... Dr. J. L. Dearing.

Treasurer J. McD. Gardiner, Esq.

Librarian Professor A. Lloyd.

Members of Council : —

B. H. Chamberlain, Esq.

J. H. Gubbins, Esq.

Rev. D. C. Greene, D.D.

Rev. A. F. King.

R. J. Kirby, Esq.

Professor J. T. Swift.

62 Minutes of Meetings,

R. S. Miller, Esq.

Rev. Walter Weston.

Professor E. W. Clement.

Rev. H. H. Guy.

The President announced the resnlt of the election and

declared the Meeting adjourned.

Arthur Lloyd.

Chairman.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Honorary Members.

Aston, c. M. G., W. G., The Bluff, Beer, E. Devon, England.
Day, Prof. Geo.. Yale College, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A.
Edkins, d. d., Rev. Joseph, Shanghai, China.
Hepburn, m. d., l. l. d., J. C. 71 Glenwood Avenue, Eaat

Orange, New Jersy, U.S.A.
Rein, Prof. J. J., Bonn-am- Rhein, Germany.
Satow, G. c. M. G., Sir Ernest M., British Legation, Peking.

Life Members.

Alexander, Rev. R. P., Hirosaki.

Amerman, d. d.. Rev. James L., 25 East 22nd St, New

York, U.S.A.
Andrews, Rev. W., Hakodate.

Atkinson, r. s. c, R. W., 44 London Sq., Cardiff, Wales*
Bigelow, D. R. W. S , Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
Bisset, F. L. 6., J., 9 Greenhill Park, Edinburgh.
Blanchet, Rev. C. T., Philmont, N.Y., U.S.A.
Booth, Rev. E. S., 178 Bluff, Yokohama.
Brinkley. r. a., Capt. F., 3 Hiro-o cho, Azabu, Tokyo,
Brown, Capt. A. R., Dhuhill House, Helensburgh, Argyll,

Scotland.
Cary, Rev. Otis, Karasumaru, Kioto.
Carsen, T. G., Bannfield, Coleraine, Ireland.

ii List of MetPtbers.

Center, Alex., Pacific Mail office, San Francisco.

Chamberlain, B. H., Miyanoshita, Hakone.

Cheon, A., Hanoi, Tonkin.

Clarke-Thornhill, T. B., Rushton Hall, Kettering, North-
amptonshire, England.

Clement, E. W., 29 Sanai saka, Ichigaya, Ushigome, Tokid.

Cocking, S., Yokohama.

Conder, J., 20 Mikawa-daimachi, Azabu, Tokio.

Cooper, L. L. D., C. J., Mundford, Norfolk, England.

Dartmouth College, Hanover, H. H., U.S.A. until 1934.

Dautremer, J. Hankow, China.

Deas, F. W„ 12 Magdala Place, Edinburgh.

De Bunsen, M., Abbey Lodge, Regents Park, London.

Dickins, F. V., University of London, Burlington Gardens,
London, W.

Dillon, E., 13 Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensington,
London, S. W.

Divers, m. d., f.r.s., Edward, c/o Pere Evrard, 25 Tsukiji,
Tokio. (absent).

Dixon, F. R. s. E., J.M., 5886, Von Verein Ave., St. Louis,
Mo., U.S.A.

Dixon, M. A., Rev. William Gray, Warrnabool, Victoria,
Australia.

Droppers, Professor Garrett : Vermillion. S. Dak., U.S.A.

Duer, Y., Shiba Koenchi, Tokio.

Du Bois, M. D., Francis, 27 Rue de la Lepiniere, Paris.

Eaves, Rev. Geo., Poste Restante, Denver, Colorado.

Eby, D. D., Rev. C. S. Vancouver, B.C.

.Fearing, D., Newport, Rhode Island, U.S.A.

Flemmich, O. C, Alton House, Roehampton, England.

Foxwell, E., St. John's College, Cambridge, England.

Gardiner, J. McD., 15 Goban cho, Kojimachi, Tokid,

List of Members. iii

Giussani, C. 6 Via Vivajo, Milan, Italy.

Glover, T. B., 8 Fujimicho, Azabu, Tokio.

Goodrich, J. King, Kot5 Gakkd, Ki5to.

Gookin, F. W., 20 Walton Place, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.

Gowland, W., 13 Russell Road, London.

Greene, d. d., Rev. D. C, 22 Naka-no-cho, Ichigaya, Toki5.

Gribble, Henry, Shanghai. China.

Griffis, D.D., Rev. W. E., Ithaca, N.Y., U.S.A.

Groom, A. H., Kobe.

Gubbins, c. m. G , J. H., British I-egation, Tokio.

Hall, Frank, Elmira, Chemung Co., N.Y., U.S.A.

Hall, M .A., John Carey, H.B.M. Consul-Gencral 118-B,
Bluff, Yokodama.

Hattori, I., Morioka.

Hellyer, T. W., Kobe.

Holme, F. L. s., C, The Red House, Bexley Heath, Kent,
England.

Hope, R. C, Grangefield, Scarborough, England.

Hopkins, G. B., 120 Broadway, New York.

Hunt, H. J., Hunt and Co., Yokohama.

Irwin, R. W., 7 Tsuna-machi, Mita, Shiba, Tokio.

James, F. S., 119 Bluff, Yokohama.

Kano, J, Higher Normal School, Tokio.

Kenney, W. J., H.B.M. Consulate, Tainan, Formosa,
(absent)

Kinch, Edward, Agricultural College, Cirencester, England.

King, Rev. A. F., 11 Sakae cho, Shiba, T5ki6.

Kirby, R. J., 8 Tsukiji, Tokid.

Kirkwood, M., Junior Carlton Club, Pall Mall, London,
England.

Knott, D. s.c, F. R. s. E., Cargill G., Royal Society, Edin-
burgh.

IV List of Members.

T^y, Arthur II)de, H. B. M. Consulate, Chemulpo, Korea.
Liberty, Lazonby, J. P., The Manor House, The Lee, Gr.

Missenden, Bucks, England.
Longford, J H., King's College, London.
Low, C.W., Stowmarket, Suffolk, England.
Lowell, Percival, 53 State St., Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
Lyman, Benjamin Smith, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia,

Pa., U.S.A.
Lyall, Sir J., c/o Messrs H. S. King, Cornhill, I-X>ndon.
Maclagan, Robert, Cadogan Place, Belgrave Square,

London.
Marshall, d.d , Rev. T., 48 McCormick Block, Chicago

111., U.S A.
Marshall, m.a., f.k.s;e., Prof. D.H., Queen's University,

Kingston, Canada.
Masujima, R., 3 fchome, ITchisaiwai cho, Tokid.
Miller, Rev. E. Rothesay, Toriizaka, Azabu, Tokid.
Milne, f. o. s., f. r. s., John, 14 Shide Hill House, New-
port, Isle of Wight, England.
Morgan, Geo. I)., c/o Messrs Cornes & Co., Yokohama.
Morse, C.J , 1825 A.sbury Ave.. Evanston, 111.. U.S.A.
Napier, H. W , Milton House, Bowling, Scotland.
Newman, Henry R., i Piazza de Rossi, Florence, Italy.
Olcott, Colonel Henry S , Adgar, Madras, India.
Parker, E. H., 18 Gambier Terrace, Liverpool.
Pettee, Rev. J. H. Okayama.
Piggot, F. T., Attorney General, Hongkong.
Pole, Rev. G. H., 2^ Morland Rd., Crydon.
Putuam, Harrington, 45 William Street, New York.
Robertson, m.d., ArLO'H, Mon Plaisir, St. Aubins, Jersey,

Channel Islands, iMigland.
Satow, V . A., Cairo.

List of Members. v

Severance, Rev. C. M., 2nd Church, Hope St., N. Ave.,
Baltimore.

Shand, W. J. S , c/o A. A. Shand, Paris Bank, Lombard
St., London, E. C.

Shortall, J. G., io8 Dearborn St., Chicago, U.S A.

Soper, D D., Rev. Julius, Aoyama Gakuin, Toki5.

Spencer, ph. d., Prof. J. O., Morgan College, Baltimore,
Ind., U.S.A.

Spencer, Rev. D. S., Aoyama, Tokio.

Stephenson, m. d., u.s.n., a.as., etc., F.B., U.S. Nav)'
Yard, Boston, U.S.A.

Stokes, J., 49 Cedar St., New York.

Stone, W.H., 3 Aoi cho, Akasaka, Tokio.

Todd, Rev. C. J., Went worth House, The Green, Rich-
mond, Surrey.

Tomkinson, M. Franche Hall, near Kidderminster, En-
gland.

Trevithick, F. H.. Penzance, Cornwall, England.

Troup, J., Shedfield Grange, Botlcy, Hants, England.

Trower, H. Seymour, 9 Bryanston Square, London, W.

Tsuda, Sen, 217 Honmura-machi, Azabu, Tokio.

Tuke, S, New Univ. Club, St. James St., London S. W.

Vail, Rev. Milton C, Naga.saki.

Von Wenckstern, D. A., Friedrichstrasse, 49-A., London
Berlin, Germany.

Wesselhceft, Dr. Wm. P., 176, Commonwealth Avenue,
Boston, Mass., U.S.A.

Whitney, m. d., Willis Norton, 17 Hikawa cho, Akasaka,
Tokio.

Wickersham, Jas., Tacoma, Wash., U.S.A.

Wigmore, Prof. J. H., Evanston, 111., U.S.A.

Wileman, A. E., H.B.M. Consulate, Hakodate.

VI List of Members.

Wilkinson, Sir. H. S., H. B. M.'s Supreme Court, Shanghai.
WiUiams, F. Wells, 135 Whitney Ave., New Haven,

Conn., U.S.A.
Williams, Lieut, Rupert, '* The Goodwins," Gosham,

Hants, England.
Wilson, J. A., Hakodate.
Winstanley A. Thatched House Club, St. James St.,

London, S.W.

Wollant, G. de, Charge d'affaires de Russie, Mexico City.

Mexico.
Wood, Arnold, c/o Wood & Co., Publishers, N. Y. City.

Ordinary Members.

Andrews, Rev. R. W., (absent).

Arnold, Miss, 28 Hirakawa cho, Gochome, Tokio.

Awdry, D. D., Rt. Rev. Bishop William, St. Andrew's

Close, Sakae cho, Shiba, Tokio.
Baelz, M. D., E.

Ballard, Miss, 3 Yarai-machi, Ushigomc, Tokio.
Batchelor, Rev. J. Sapparo.

Bates, Rev. C. J. L., 16 Tatsuoka cho, Hongo, Tokio.
Blow, J. T., 13 Rakuto Reizan, Shimokyoku Kyoto.
Boothby, Sir Brooke, Bart., British Legation Brussels.
Borden, Rev. A. C, Azabu, Tokio.
Brindley, H. S. B., 35 Mita Itchome, Shiba, Tokid.
Calthorp, Capt. E. F., r. A., 6 Nakano cho, Ichigaya,

Tokio.
Cartwright, Rev. S. H., Aomori.
Clarke, E. B., 2 Yayoi cho, Hongo, Tokio.
Coatcs, Rev. H. H., Kamitomizaka cho, Koishikawa,

Tokio.

List of Members, vii

Cooke, Rev. A. W., 25 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Courant, Maurice, 3 Chemin du Chancelier EcuUy,

Lyon.
D'Anethan, H. E. Baron, Belgian Legation, Nagata cho,

Tokio.
Davidson, Jas. W., U. S. Consul, Tamsui, Formosa.
Da vies. Rev. G. H., K5be.

Dearing. d. d., Rev. J. L., 75 Biuff, Yokohama.
Deshler, D. W., Wunsan Mines of Korea, Chemulpo, Korea.
Dooman, Rev. I., Kobe.
Evans, Rev. C. H., Maebashi.
Evington, Rt. Rev. Bishop, Nagasaki.
Favre- Brandt, J., 145 Bluff, Yokohama.
Ferguson, J. M., Pittsburgh, Pa., U. S. A.
Fisher, Galen M , 6 Ura Sarugaku cho, Kanda, Tokio

' (absent).
Florenz, Dr. Karl, 102 Hara -machi, Koishikawa, T5kio.
Ford, Worthington C, Library of Congress, Washington,

D. C, U. S. A.
Eraser, C. L, c/o Howell & Co., Hakodate.
Fraser, Rev. Thurlow, Portage la Prairie, Manitoba,

Canada.
Gemmill, Rev. W. C, St. Andrews House, Shiba, Tokio.
Greig, Arnold A, East View, Ockbrook, near Derby.
Griscom, H. E. Lloyd C, U. S. Legation, Tokid.
Guy, Rev, H. H., 257 Nakasata, Taki-no-gawa-mura,

Toki5-Fu.
Haas, Hans, Herr Pfarrer, Kamitomizaka cho, Koishikawa,

T5ki5.
Hall. Mrs. F, Gardiner; 39 Imai cho, Azabu Tokyo.
Harrison, W. A. C, 19 10 Sanson St. Philadelphia, Pa.,

U. S. A.

viii List of Members.

Hagen Rev. Fred E., yi Myogadani-machi, Koishikawa,

Tokio.
Haworth, Rev. B. C, 6-b Tsukiji, Tokyo.
Helm. V. W., Y. M. C. A., Mitoshiro clio, Kanda, Tokio.
Hind, Rev. J., Kokura, Fukuoka-Ken.
Hockin, Dr. M. D., DLinediii, N. Z.
Hohler, T. B., British Legation, Tokio.
Howard, Rev. A. T., \^ Hikawa cho, Akasaka, Tokio.
Hyndman, J. Hongkong & Shanghai Bank, Yokohama.
Isawa, S., so Dairokuten cho, Koishikaws, Tokid.
layasurindr, Phra , Secretary of Siamese Legation, Azabu,

Tokio.
Jeffreys. Rev. Henry Scott. 34. B. Tsukiji, Tokyo.
Kate, Dr. Ten, Batavia, Java.
Knox, D. D., Rev. G. W., Union Theological Seminary,

New York City, U. S. A.
Koeber, Prof. Dr. Raphael von, Surugadai, Tokio.
Koudacheff, Prince, Russian Legation, Tokio (absent).
Latham, Rev. H. L., Tsu, Miye-Kcn.
Layard, R. de B., H. B M. Consul, Formosa.
Lehmann, Rudolph, 30 Ddshin-machi, Koishikawa, Tokid.
Lloyd, Rev. A., 13 Rokuchome, ligura, Azabu, Tokio.
Lonholm, Dr. L. S., Aoyama, Tokio.
MacDonald, H. E. Col. Sir Claude, G. C. M. G. K. C. B ,

British Legation, Tokio.
MacCauley, Cay. 620 ICxchango, Providence. R. I. U.S.A.
MacNair, Rev. T. M , 2 Nislii machi, Nihon-enoki, Tdkio.
Madeley, Rev. W. F , Akita.

McKim, D. D., Rt. Rev. Bishop John, 38 Tsukiji, Tokio.
Martyr, Graham; 9a. Hankow Road, Shanghai China.
Mason, W. B, 104-c, Bluff, Yokohama.
Meriwether, C, Box 65 Washington, D. C, U. S. A.

Ust of Members, ix

Miyabe, Dr. K., Agricultural College, Sapporo.

Miller, R. S , United States Legation, T5kio.

Morrison, James S., 200 Randolph St., Chicago, Illinois.

Morse, F. S , Kobe.

Munro, m. d., N. Gordon, 91 Bluff", Yokohama.

Moseley, Rev. C. B., 14 Kawaguchi, Osaka.

Moore, Geo. Whitney, 30 West Canfield Ave., Detroit,

Mich., U. S. A.
Murdoch, J., 21 Shimizu cho, Kagoshima.
Nachod, Oscar, Klein Zschachwitz bei Dresden, Germany,
Parlett, H. G., H. B. M. Legation, T6ki5.
Parrott, F., 14 Mayemachi Kobe.
Parshley, Rev. W. B., 66 BlulT, Yokohama.
Partridge, Rt. Rev. Bishop S. C, Kioto.
Patton, Rev. J. L., Kioto.
Patrick, Rev. V. H., 52 Tsukiji, Tokid.
Pieters, Rev. A., Kagoshima.
Pigott, H. C, 64 Bluff, Yokohama.
PoHanovsky. M., Russian Legation, Tokio. (absent)
Ponsonby, R. A. B., Government House. Hongkong.
Poole, Otis A, 178 Yokohama.
Pruett, Rev. R. L., 3 Kawaguchi-machi, Osaka.
Purvis, Prof. F. P. 8. Shinsaka-machi, Akasaka T5ky5.
Rajkitch, H. E. Phya Narisra, Siamese Legation, Azabu,

Toki5.
Rentiers, J. B., British Consul, Kobe.
Revon, Michel, 5 bis. Place du Pantheon, Paris.
Riess, Dr. Ludwig, DerfHinger Str., 25 Berlin, W.
Rigby, Rev. A. E., 6-b, Higashi Yamate, Nagasaki.
Robinson, Rev. J. Cooper, Nagoya. (absent)
Robinson, Prof. [as. H., Columbia University, New York

City, U. S. A.

X Ust of Alctnbcrs.

Ryerson, Rev. Egerton, Naoetsu.

Ryde, Rev. F. L., 89 St. Helen's Gardens, North Ken-
sington, London, W.

Schereschewsky, Miss, 56 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Schwartz. Rev. H. B., 41 Kasugacho, Kagoshima.

• Scherer, Rev. J. A. B. (absent).

Scidmore. G. Yokohama.

Sperry, L. E., 2 Hgura, Kata-machi, Azabu, Toki5. (absent).

Spooner, Prof. D. B., Sanskrit College, Benares, India.

Sweet, Rev. C. F., 25 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Swift, J. T., 5 Tsukiji, Tokio.

Takaki, Baron Dr. K., 10 Nishikonya cho, Kiobashi, T5kio.

Terry, H. T., 13 Reinanzaka, Akasaka, Tokio.

Thomson, Rev. R. A., 39 Nichome, Kitano-machi, K5be.

Tison, A. M. L. L. B , A,, 66 Broadway, New York, U. S. A.

Topping, Rev. Henry, 30- a Tsukiji, Tokid.

Trollope, Rev. W. N., English Church Mission, Seoul, Korea.

Tucker, Rev. H. St. G., St. Pauls College, Tsukiji T5kio.

Van de Polder L., Netherlands Legation, Tokio.

Very, Miss, loio Powell St., San Francisco. Cal. U. S. A.

Vickers, Enoch Howard, 2 Nich5me, Mita, Tokio.

Walne, Rev. E. N., Nagasaki.

Wallace, Rev. Geo., 7 Tsukiji T5ki5.

Warren, Rev. C. F., 4 Kawaguchi cho, Osaka.

Wawn. I. T., British Legation, Tokio.

Weipert, Dr. H., German Legation, Seoul, Corea.

Weldon, Ellwood, A., 4073 Powelton Avenue, Philadelphia,

Pa., U. S. A.
Weston, Rev. Walter,
Wood, Prof. F. E., (absent)
Woodward, A. M. Tracey, Kobe.

Wyckoff, Prof. M. N., Meiji Gakuin, Shirokane, Tokio.
Young, Robt, Japan Chronicle, Kobe.

APPKNiaX A.

LisT OF Papers and lkcturi-s during ihb Session ok 1904.

1. lecture on the Aztecs Prof. Ladd., University of Chicago.

2. The Lite of Watanabe Noboru(Kwazan)..By Miss S. Ballard.

3. Dazai on Bubi, or the Art of War.. .By R. J. Kirby, Esq.

APPENDLV B.

Lisr OF Exchanges of thk Asiatic Society of Japan.

Academy of Sciences, Lincoln Park, Chicago, 111., U. S. A.
American Geographical Society, New Vork City, U. S. A.

„ Oriental Society, New Haven, Conn., U. S. A.

„ Philological Society, New Haven, Conn., U. S. A.

„ Philosophical Society, Philadelphia Pa., U. S. A.
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.
Anthropologtsche Geselleschaft in Wien, Austria.
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta.

Australian Association for the Advancement of Science, Sydney.
Bataviasch Genootschap, Batavia, Java.
Buddhist Text Society, Calcutta.
Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, I^. C.
Bureau of Education, „ „

Canadian Institute, Tronto.
China Review, Hongkong.
Chinese Recorder, Shanghai.
Cosmos de Guido Cora, 2, Via Goito, Rome Italy.
Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Natur und V5lkerkunde Ostasiens, Tdkio.
Deutsche Morgenl&ndische Gesellscoaft, Leipzig.
Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada, Ottawa.
Harvard University, Museum of Comparative Zoology, Cambridge, Mass.

U. S. A.
Imperial Russian Geographical Society, St. Petersburg.
Imperial Library, Ueno Park, Tokid.
Imperial University of Japan, Tokio.
Imperial University of Kyoto.
Japan Society, London.
Japan Weekly Mail, Tokio.

»» »l »l

»» »» »»

Xll

Johns Hopkins Universily I'uhlications, naltimoris Md. V. S. A.

Journal Asiatic|ue, Paris.

Mus6e (iuimet, Paris.

Pekin Orisntal Society, Pekin.

Royal Asiatic Society of ( ireat Rritain, London.

,, ,, „ Ikimhay I (ranch.

„ „ „ Ceylon Hranch, Colombo.

China ]>ranch, Shanghai.
Strait ]$ranchf Singapore.
Royal Dublin Society, Kildare St., Dublin.
Royal Geographical Society, Ix)ndon.
Royal Society, lx)ndon.

„ „ of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, Scotland.

„ „ Sydney, New South Wales.

„ „ Adelaide, South Australia.

Seminar ftir Orientalische Sprachen, Berlin C. Am /cughaus I.
Smithsonian Institute, Washington, D. C.
Sociedad Geograpbica de Madrid, Madrid.
Sociedad de Geographia de Lisbon, Portugal.
Soci^t^ d'Anthropologie, Paris.

Soci^td Finno. Agrienne, Helsinfors, Finland, Russia.
State Historical Society, Madistm, Wis., U. S. A.
United States Geological Survey, Washington, D. C.

„ „ Dept. of Agriculture, „ „

University of Upsala, Sweden.
Verein fUr Erdkunde zu I^eipzig.
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences Arts and letters, Madison, Wis, U. S. A.

APPENDIX C.

THIRIV VkAR Sl'ItSCRlRKRS.

l.incei Museum, Rome, Italy.

Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, V. S. A.

New York State Library, Albany, N. V., U. S. A.

.' v-T .

.**itt. O:' **!''.

! • • ■

TRANSACTIONS

J '

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY

OF JAPAN.

Vi>i,. XXXII.

CONTENTS.

The Life uf WatanalKr Ntiboni, l»y Mia lUiHard .

I)a/.ai un Hnhi, by K.J. Kirhy Ks<]

Minutes uf Meetings

I.isi f)f Mcmhcrs

I'Ai.h,

VoKt)nAMA, SiiwiiAi, lltiNCKoNc, SiN<;Ar«)Ri; : Kkiiy \ Wmsii, l/l).

'I«»KYo: /. p. MaRI'YA C't»., I/l».
LiiNlMiN: KBiAN PaII., TlilKBNKK ^V 0»., I.*l'.

I.KMvn.: Olio Harrassmwitz.

May ii)o^.

PRICK S o.;o

Print c'l .11 Thk Kikkyo Gaki.'in Pk':<?s Tp-kpi, IV.kyo.

_3 9015 01291 1957

V33 ^

DO NOT REMOVE

OR
MUTILAn aRD

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